Tag: immortalised

  • Nasarawa Assembly wants Akwe-Doma immortalised

    The Nasarawa State House of Assembly has called on Governor Tanko Al-Makura to immortalise the late ex-governor, Aliyu Akwe-Doma.

    Speaker Ibrahim Balarabe-Abdullahi spoke after a motion by Mohammed Okpede (PDP-Doma North) on the need to immortalise the former governor.

    Balarabe-Abdullahi said the Assembly’s call was based on the deceased’s achievements and contributions to the state.

    The Speaker appreciated Al-Makura for giving the deceased a befitting burial.

    He said: “The late Akwe-Doma contributed positively to the development of the state. He was a former permanent secretary, deputy governor and the second democratically-elected governor, a technocrat, and administrator among others.

    “As one of the founding fathers of the state, he contributed immensely, especially in the promotion of peace, unity and development.

    “It is in view of this that we call on Governor Tanko Al-Makura to immortalise the late Akwe-Doma by naming one of the structures after him so that he will be remembered by all.”

     

  • When will Fajuyi be immortalised?

    When will Fajuyi be immortalised?

    The first military governor of the defunct Western Region, Lt. Col. Adekunle Fajuyi was assassinated 51 years ago, alongside the Head of State, Major-Gen. Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi in the counter coup of July 29, 1966. Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN examines the implications of the Federal Government’s failure to honour the gallant soldier who sacrificed his life for the unity of the country.

    THE late Lt. Col. Adekunle Fajuyi emerged as the first military governor of the old Western Region, following the abortive coup of January 15, 1966 that threw up Major-General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi as the first military Head of State. The regime did not last more than six months. Fajuyi was assassinated by the revenge-seeking coup plotters led by Major T.Y. Danjuma on July 29, 1966 at Ibadan, along with Aguiyi-Ironsi who had arrived in Ibadan on July 28, 1966 to address a conference of traditional rulers.

    The bloody overthrow of the civilian regime of Prime Minister Sir Tafawa Balewa’s government had taken place six months earlier in which the Prime Minister and other top government functionaries, especially of northern extraction were killed. Although Ironsi did not participate in the coup, the mantle of leadership fell on him as the most senior military officer at the time. This, however, was insignificant to the coup plotters.

    On July 28, 1966, Ironsi had come to Ibadan, as part of a national tour to canvass for peace. He was through with the programme by evening and wanted to return to Lagos, the seat of the Federal Government then. But Fajuyi would not let his august visitor; he requested that he spend the night with him in Ibadan. Unknown to both of them, Major Danjuma and his men were lurking in the dark, ready to swoop on them.

    Fajuyi paved the way for Ironsi to gain some headstart and pleaded with Danjuma to spare his guest. Danjuma would have left Fajuyi alone but he (Fajuyi insisted that if Danjuma must kill Ironsi, then he had to kill him (Fajuyi) first as he would never allow the killing of Ironsi in his domain. Danjuma would not be persuaded or swayed by Fajuyi’s plea; he killed Fajuyi and mowed down Ironsi with bullets.

    That was how July 29, 1966 counter coup was executed. Reflecting on the circumstances of their assassination, one analyst said Ironsi had no choice but for Fajuyi, it was out of choice, loyalty and heroism. Such was the heroism and loyalty demonstrated by Fajuyi to the point of death. He exemplified loyalty at the expense of his life. The analyst could not understand why the Federal Government has continued to treat him like a villain and urged that he be accorded the pride of place he deserves as a national icon.

    Regrettably, the tale of supreme sacrifice paid by Fajuyi in the interest of the nation has been consigned to the dustbin of history, due to intransigence of the past and present leaders to immortalise him. Even more disquieting was the deliberate act of the Federal Government not to recognise the heroic role played by Fajuyi in uniting this country. In September 2010, when the Federal Government conferred special Golden Jubilee Independence Anniversary Awards on 50 distinguished Nigerians and friends of Nigerians for their various roles and contributions to the  development of the country. Among those honoured were Olusegun Obasanjo, Aguiyi-Ironsi and Yakubu Gowon. It was annoying that Fajuyi was not on the list. Does it mean loyalty and commitment to national interest no longer count for anything in Nigeria?

    The Federal Government has done nothing to compensate the family. It is on record that the former Presidents Shehu Shagari, Olusegun Obasanjo and military Heads of State like Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha and others helped by appointing Ironsi’s, Balewa’s and Ladoke Akintola’s children into diplomatic service and ministerial position, such gesture was never extended to Fajuyi’s family. Why the discrimination?

    The silence of the Southwest governors and leaders of thought over the omission of Fajuyi’s name on the list of honoraries is upsetting. If it was an oversight on the part of the Goodluck Jonathan administration, what stops the leaders of the Southwest from calling its attention to the omission? After all, Fajuyi governed the Southwest states except Lagos.

    A political scientist, Dr Akin Adaramaja, described the failure of Federal Government to recognise Fajuyi and honour him as an injustice not only to his family, but the Yoruba race. He said we have seen military officers who were killed in coup and had monumental objects named after them. He cited the late General Murtala Muhammed who was assassinated in an aborted coup in 1976. Today, the Lagos International Airport was named after him; his picture also adorns the N20 note. The political scientist stressed that Fajuyi was killed in a coup he knew nothing about and that he laid down his life for the preservation of the unity of the country.

    Adaramaja said: “Let me say here that if Ironsi had been killed with Fajuyi still alive, that coup could have led to a war between the North and the South. The civil war of 1967 could have started from there and it could have led to total disintegration of Nigeria. I say so, because the Yoruba would have supported the Igbo in fighting the North against the killing of their illustrious son. The irony of it was that when the Igbo declared secession in 1967, the Yoruba pitched their tent with the North. If not for the Yoruba support, it would have been difficult to stop the people of Biafra from leaving.”

    He said the reason why the North has refused to recognise the role played by Fajuyi was because the coup was a revenge against the killing of the northern leaders during January 15, 1966 coup. He added: “The argument is that since the northerners refused to recognise Fajuyi as a national hero, what did Obasanjo, a Yoruba man, do to honour him? Obasanjo was military Head of State and later served as civilian president. What does it cost him to right the wrong by recognising Fajuyi as a national hero? Of course, Obasanjo did not do it because he rode on the crest of northern oligarchy to power and he dared not do anything that would go against their interest.

    “But, now that we are talking of one united nation, we should put behind us all the primordial issues and live together as people with common destiny. I believe it is not too late for the Federal Government to recognise Fajuyi as a hero and name a federal institution in the Southwest after him.”

    Fajuyi was barely six months as military governor when he was assassinated. He had no personal house in his hometown of Ado-Ekiti, the capital of the present-day Ekiti State, and Ibadan, the capital of the then Western Region. His family had to relocate to their family house in Ado-Ekiti, more or less a dilapidated building. That was the first shock his family had to contend with. It took the intervention of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, who is not an Ekiti indigene, for a house to be built for his immediate family, almost 45 years after Fajuyi’s death.

    Chief Joseph Bamisaiye, a Lagos-based industrialist from Ekiti, believes former and present Ekiti indigenes in government should be blamed for doing nothing to honour the memory of the brave soldier. He said after the assassination of Fajuyi, an Ekiti man, the late General Adeyinka Adebayo, took over as governor of the former Western Region. “What did he do to honour his predecessor, a fellow Ekiti,” he asked.

    Bamisaiye added: “Rather than do the needful, trivialities became the order of the day. Adebayo had argued that he (Adebayo) should have been appointed first military governor, because Fajuyi was his junior. Adebayo should have provided a soft-landing, by rehabilitating the Fajuyi family. His wife, Eunice, became a widow at the age of 29. The children were young at the time their father was killed. Their mother was responsible for their upkeep and education.”

    Bamisaiye said even though the people of Ekiti continue to mourn him as an illustrious son, they have done little or nothing to rehabilitate and support his family. He said: “If the former Lagos State governor, Tinubu, could deem it fit to build a befitting house for Fajuyi’s family, why can’t the state government do more by naming the state university after him?

    “Apart from naming a recreation centre, Fajuyi Park, after him, with his monuments and statue as a fallen hero, the Ekiti State Government has not appointed his children into prominent positions to compensate them.

    “Fajuyi deserves the Ekiti State University (EKSU) to be renamed after him. The name is a national brand that is synonymous with loyalty, commitment, boldness and courage; the attributes that Ekiti were known for. Let the traditional ruler of Ado-Ekiti, Fajuyi’s hometown and members of House of Assembly representing Ado-Ekiti, lead the way in seeking the long elusive honour for Adekunle Fajuyi. This is not about politics; it is about doing what is right and consigning unnecessary envy and needless propaganda to the dustbin of history. Ekiti has always been one and collectively we must rally support to honour this heroic son of ours.”

    Already, the Oyo State government has embarked on construction of a memorial park and garden at the spot in Lalupon village, near Ibadan, where Fajuyi and Ironsi were killed. The government stated that the gesture became imperative considering the gallantry and selfless service the former military administrator displayed at the face of death, which projected the virtues of honour, bravery and loyalty.

    Governor Abiola Ajimobi noted that although a previous administration in the state had immortalised the military governor by naming a road after him, the opportunity presented by the availability of the spot where he and his Supreme Commander were killed 51 years ago, is not just a divine, but golden one that the administration will not allow to slip by. ‘’The Oyo State has taken the onus upon itself to honour the worthy patriot to commemorate the anniversary of his death, ‘’ he said.

    The children of the deceased have instituted an education trust to immortalise their father. Fajuyi’s daughter, Mrs Desola Olajuyigbe, said: “The education trust offers support to the children of soldiers who die in battle field. It regularly organises entrepreneurship and scholarship programme from donations received. The trust will also establish an agriculture venture for the army orphans.

    “The fund is not only for military orphans, but also for young people who aspire to succeed, but are hampered by lack of fund, probably because they have lost a bread winner. This will enable them contribute their quota to the society, not be at the mercy of the people.”

    Fajuyi joined the army in 1943 as a non-commissioned officer. He trained at the defunct Eaton Hall OCS in the United Kingdom, from July 1954 to November 1954. As a young officer, he became the toast of his superiors and colleagues alike, because of his brilliance, bravery and commitment to duty.

    In 1951, he was awarded the British Empire Medal for helping to contain a mutiny in his unit over food rations. He was the first indigenous Battalion Commander in Enugu until January 1966 when he was re-assigned to Abeokuta as a Garrison Commander. From there he became governor.

     

  • How Fajuyi should be immortalised, by daughter

    How Fajuyi should be immortalised, by daughter

    Desola Olajuyigbe, daughter of the first military governor of the defunct Western State, reflects on the life and times of his father. She also speaks about her interest in the families of gallant soldiers who are left to suffer after the death of their breadwinners, the motivation behind the Adekunle Fajuyi Education Trust and the scholarship scheme for indigent army officers’ kids. JANE KOLADE met her in Lagos.

    Fifty years after your father’s demise, how has it been?

    My situation is peculiar because my mother remarried. So, I didn’t really feel much of the impact of his death. Fortunately, my stepdad filled the gap very well, and I am very grateful to him for that. My mum had two children by my dad. However, even though our father died when we were young, our stepfather saw to our education, and for that, I will ever be grateful to him. He has passed on, but sometimes, I wonder what it would have been like having one’s natural father to raise one, and what would have happened.

    What year was that?

    That was in 1968, about 48 years ago.

    You did not miss a breadwinner, as you were fortunate to have had a father -figure to raise you. What about you other siblings?

    Growing up, my first conscious contact with them was in secondary school. My elder brothers were working in Ibadan at the time. So, I would go and look for them. From the stories I was told, it was kind of rough, and they had to look out for themselves. There were challenges, but we are all past that now. God has been good to us.

    What is your take on the state of affairs in Nigeria? Do you think much has changed, especially with regards to the issue of corruption?

    The society as a whole, not just individuals have a part to play. Back then, individuals were more conscious of toeing the line. Today, many have gone out of line. The fear of God is lacking in so many, but back then, we saw many of the investments, facilities, and policies put in place by past governments; even the military government. There was accountability, and the consciousness that Nigeria had to be developed. Sadly, that development is stunted. We have not gone beyond what it was back then, or at least not much. I think it is simply because people are not accountable for their actions and nobody is bringing them to book. So they get away with a lot of things.

    In your opinion, do you think that there are still officers of your father’s ilk who share your late father’s philosophy in the Nigerian army today?

    It is rare to find, and I am not sure if we can find somebody who would say, “You are not going with my guest alone, take me along.” But, I must say that, it was what he signed up for. He must have believed that as a soldier, gallantry was part of what he signed up for. Fortunately, such a situation that required people to do that has not come up. Having said that, we do have quite a number of gallant soldiers sacrificing their lives to see that Nigeria can remain one. They are fighting insurgency; the likes of Boko Haram. If they were not gallant, and if they did not believe in Nigeria, they would not be taking the risk. So, I believe that we still have such traits in our soldiers.

    Some soldiers were recently court-martialled, although the men in question complained that they were not well kitted, or trained for operations….

    I do not know the structure of the army. So, I would not want to go into all that, but I do know that the army takes care of its own. I don’t really know what happened, but they are very protective of their own.

    Your dad passed when you were three years old, does that mean that you have no memories of him?

    Not at all.  He died along with Aguiyi Ironsi, and it took a while for their bodies to be released. So, the funeral didn’t take place for quite a while. What I do remember is that the funeral scene, with a lot of music, and loud sounds. It made an impression on me. My younger sister was a year old at the time, and somebody held her, but I was standing by, and I kept picking up her bottle, and giving it back to her each time it fell. But, I didn’t understand what was going on, but I knew that something was going on, and that there were military men there, and they were well dressed. But, I did not know what was going on as nobody told me anything. Most of the things I got to know, I read about, until I reached out to my brothers, and got answers to many questions. They probably thought that they were protecting me, but I wasn’t told much, until I became an adult.

    Did any of your siblings join the army, or show any interest in the army?

    No, not at all, but I had a fascination with the navy at some point. My mother was not favourably disposed to that. So, I never go to do anything about it.

    In the past, the army would take over governance claiming that politicians were not doing a good job. Do you think that Nigeria could ever witness another coup?

    No. The world has gone beyond all that.

    So, you believe that the army has returned to the barracks for good?

    Well, they are fulfilling their purpose by serving the nation, and defending the territorial integrity of the nation. That is why they signed, and with the Boko Haram scourge, they have a lot on their hands. I don’t think they would have the time to consider coming back to government.

    Has there been any form of assistance given to your family, since your father’s death?

    What I know is that the gratuity was made available, but I can’t say much about our situation. But, as I earlier mentioned, my stepdad saw to our education up till university level. I don’t know what would have happened if my mum had not remarried. And as I said, my elder siblings went as far as they could by themselves. The army did not interfere.

    But, is there something on ground for the widows and orphans left behind by soldiers who make the ultimate sacrifice for their country?

    It depends on how they die as I have had the opportunity to speak to military widows up North. There is some amount given to them to sustain the family, get another accommodation, and see to the education of their children. Some of them said that they were promised that their children would be educated to university level, and they are still waiting on that promise. They need a voice; somebody to help/ speak to the government on their behalf. They lost a breadwinner, and not everyone will be as fortunate as I was.

    I also heard stories of children dropping out of school, going into prostitution, drugs, with many going into the streets. And if we don’t do that now, no one knows what will happen, especially as we are talking about change. The change should also affect the people that fight, and put themselves at risk for the nation. Something should be done to lessen the suffering of the family, especially as it’s a sudden thing. The soldiers die on the field. What happens to their children? How are we sure that they are well taken care of. Are there people that can speak on their behalf?

    From your experience, it means that there is a system for welfare of military orphans and widows as at now?

    There probably is a system, but it is not effective. Remember I said that the army looks after its own.  There probably is, and as many of the widows claim, there are many forms, to fill, and processes and procedures to follow. Sometimes they are told that forms are not available, so some might just get discouraged and give up, if they are unwilling or unable to through all the stress. Some go through it to get money to start a business to get by, some also claim that it involves a lot of travel, and money; which they might not have. A woman might have to travel from Lagos to Bornu State for her claim. Why does she need to go that far? There should be somewhere around their location to source their requirements. With the trauma of losing a loved one, and then still have to travel that distance. The system has to be made much more user friendly than it presently is.

    A man puts his life on the line for his country, and he discovers that should he die there is nothing on ground for his children and loved ones, do you think it could be a reason people get involved in corruption, to provide for the unexpected?

    There really is no justification for that. And it is not only about soldiers here. You are in service, and at the end of the day you will be paid your pension, or your gratuity. You have also had the opportunity to raise a family while in service, I don’t think there is any justification for dipping your hand into the till to take what does not belong to you. What is there is for the common good.

    How old was your mother when your father died?

    She was twenty nine years old at the time.

    In recognition of the 50th anniversary of your father’s demise, are there plans to celebrate him?

    Yes. We are planning a memorial for his anniversary. It happened on the 29th of July. So, we are marking it that day. We will be launching the Adekunle Fajuyi Trust that day. The main thrust of the trust is to create an enabling environment to help the loved ones of our fallen heroes. Things like giving scholarships to help with their children’s education. Also, my father had a passion for agriculture, and also education. One of the things he did while in office was the establishment of the University of Ife in its present location.

    From the stories I heard, any time he was on leave, he would return to his farm in Ado Ekiti. He served in Kaduna, Enugu, and the Congo during the Congo uprising. But he had a farm he returned during his leave. It had crops like Oil Palm, Cocoa, Yams and so on. So he had a passion for agriculture. And that is one of the key areas the trust will be looking at; establishing an agricultural venture for these army orphans. We have all been asked to go back to the farm, and with the crash in Crude Oil prices, we might have no choice. Nigeria cannot live on Oil. If you look at the old Western region, many of the investments and facilities provided by the government were not done with Crude Oil money, it was Cocoa money. We have to go back to our roots, as the things are all still there. We just need to up our game, and do things right. And God helping us, we will be able to achieve our purpose.

    The Trust will be launched at Abuja on the anniversary of his death. It will be a national event, celebrated in Ibadan, Ado Ekiti, Abuja, not just the Southwest. In the past it was celebrated in Ibadan, and Ado Ekiti, although an event will hold in his home town

    Over the years, some people have consistently marked the 29th of July. There are also people who have been very supportive of the family. A couple of years ago, he was posthumously awarded the Omoluabi award. The trust is not only for military orphans, but for young people who aspire to succeed, but are hampered by lack of funds, probably because they have lost a breadwinner. This will enable them contribute their own quota to the society, not just be at the mercy of uncles and aunties.

    Any other qualities?

    Yes, he was very fluent in Hausa, Ibo, yet a Yoruba man. He was also very pan Nigerian. And I know that he was admired not just by Yorubas, but by Nigerians from different parts of the country.

    Another thing is that many of our children don’t know much about our history. I believe that Nigerian history should be revived in our schools. It is sad. If you don’t know about the past, how do you  work towards the future? What do these young ones build on? Not on social media, parties, and all that. They need a more solid foundation, and it is our schools that can offer it to them. We talk about the labour of our heroes past, do our children know about this?

  • When ‘ll Adelabu be immortalised?

    When ‘ll Adelabu be immortalised?

    Fifty-seven years after his demise, successive governments have not immortalised the populist politician and Ibadan leader, Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu. As the people of the ancient city prepare for his centenary, Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the life and times of the foremost nationalist, who died at 43. 

    Ibadan, the modern political headquarter of the Southwest, has produced men and women of valour, great warriors, administrators and statesmen in the last 200 years. Many of them, including the legendary Lagelu, Balogun Oluyole, Basorun Ogunmola, Aare Latoosa, Baale Fijabi, Apampa, Awanibaku Elempe, Oba Sanusi Alesinloye, Oba Babalola Akinyele, Iyalode Efunsetan Aniwura and Iyalode Wuraola Esan, left indelible marks on the sand of time.

    In post-colonial era,t he ancient city has also produced great politicians. They include Chief Adisa Akinloye, Chief S.O Lanlehin, Chief Durosaro, Canon Emmanuel Alayande, Chief Moyosore Aboderin, Chief Busari Adelakun, Chief Busari Obisesan, Chief Richard Akinjide, and Chief Lamidi Adedibu. But, none of them has been able to match the exploits of the irrepressible grassroots politician and mobiliser, the late Chief Adegoke Gbadamosi Sanusi Adelabu, fondly called Peculiar Mess (Penkelemeesi) by admirers.

    The Ibadan megastar died 57 years ago. He was 43. The indomitable politician, according to historians, passed on without realising his full potentials. But, his name continues to ring bell. Indeed, death was cruel to his generation by plucking other colleagues in their prime. His contemporaries who were snatched by the cold hand of death included the famous politician, Chief Bode Thomas, who died in 1953 at the age of 34, Mazi Mbonu Ojike, who died in 1957 and Hon. Olokesusi from Ondo Province, who passed on in 1958. Thomas, an Action Grouper, was a federal parliamentarian and minister like Adelabu. Like Adelabu, Ojike and Olokesusi were disciples of Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe, the leader of the defunct National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC).

    Next month, Ibadan will celebrate the centenary anniversary of Adelabu. A Planning Committee headed by the Are Alasa Olubadan, Chief Lekan Alabi, has already unfolded a programme of events. Only few of his contemporaries are still alive. These elder statesmen and the children of their departed colleagues will converge on the city for a memorial. Also, old students of the Government College, Ibadan, Adelabu’s alma mater, will honour to his memory.

    The name towers. The records of the eminent politicians are impeccable. But, according to observers, the legacies are not sustained. To keep his memory alive, Ibadan Foundation, a socio-economic group led by Dr. Lekan Are, has been hosting eminent Nigerians for memorial lectures in the memory of the undisputed Ibadan political leader. Many have described him as an astute, charismatic and controversial politician, who left behind a big vacuum.

    He was the indefatigable NCNC National Vice President, a member of the old Western Regional House of Assembly, councilor and Chairman of Ibadan Distric Council, member of the House of Representatives and Federal Minister of Social Services in the fifties. Adelabu was one of the pathfinders of modern Nigeria and a political crusader for freedom. Ironically, he died in an auto crash two years before the country achieved independence. To the consternation of his admirers, the great politician has not been immortalised by successive administrations.

    He was Ibadan’s folk hero. He was a crowd puller. In the ancient city, people are full of nostalgia for the glorious past when the iconoclast and egoist bestrode Ibadan district politics like a colossus. During the maiden yearly lecture in his memory, Are, who ran errands for Adelabu in the fifties, said Adelabu was a man of the people. “He contributed immensely to the social, economic and political development of Nigeria. He struggled for independence, the attainment of which he did not witness,” he noted.

    A vocal legislator, Adelabu was a combatant debater whose mouth was sharper that razor. His colleagues and orators like him, Ayo Rosiji, Remi Fani-Kayode and Samuel Akintola, who were parliamentarians in pre-independence days, envied his verbal facility. In the parliament and council of ministers, he was acknowledged as a man of ideas. His ideas gave birth to productive agricultural policies, especially the River Basin Development, Mass Literacy Scheme, and indigenization, which he enunciated in 1957.

    But, the grassroots was his base. Adelabu bestrode Ibadan political firmament as a bright, irrespressible star. He was exceptionally charismatic. His oratorical power enhanced his magnetism. But, as Are noted, he identified with the poor and the down trodden by adapting to “the uncomfortable circumstance of their low estate.”

    In life, he was a towering figure. But in death, he has become more famous among his die hard admirers who make glowing reference to the Penkelemesi years as the baseline for Ibadan patriotism. Under his guidance, Ibadan rose to its political zenith. Adelabu’s organizational prowess, his pursuit of power and uncanny capacity for acrimony and antagonism were legendary. Adelabu’s power and influence were awesome. While alive, he was the main political issue in Ibadan.

    he was not born with a sliver spoon in his mouth. But, from a poor background, he rose to prominence as an Ibadan irredentist. AAs Professor Emeritus R.L. Skalar noted: “Probably no politician in Nigerian has ever had organisational power in local sphere comparable to that of Adelabu in Ibadan in 1954,” observed Prof. R.L Skalar, who added: “No Nigerian leader was closer to his people or more familiar with their thinking … when they rejoiced, he danced with them, when they sorrowed, he wept and when they mocked their enemies, he was the rudest of tongue.”

    Adelabu rode to stardom in Ibadan on the back of the historic “Agbaje crisis,” which threw him up as a populist leader. Chief Salami Agbaje, an educated chief at that time, was the like the prime minister of the city, next in rank to the Olubadan. The junior chiefs had signed a petition in 1949 to the Native Authority, accusing the high chief of appropriating official largesses. The crisis engulfed the town, thereby living to its billing as a garrison.A mock coffin was carried from the Olubadan palace to Ayeye residence of Agbaje by the crowd, who demanded for his exit from the exalted position.

    The colonial masters set up the Butcher Commission of Inquiry to look into the allegation of misconduct against Agbaje. The chief was exonerated. But, Adelabu had stolen the show. As Taslim Layonu, author of “Politics of Adegoke Adelabu” noted in his book, “Adelabu emerged out of the chaos a hero, a young man to be reckoned with in politics.” The late politician subsequently built on that profile of anti-oppression campaigner. His party, Ibadan Peoples Party (IPP), won the 1951 elections at Ibadan with a clear majority.

    As a pioneer member of Western Region House of Assembly, his colleagues included the late Chief Adisa Akinloye, S. O. Lanlehin, S. A. Akinyemi and Daniel Akinbiyi, who later became the Olubadan. On the day he took his seat in the House, Adelabu whispered to a reporter: “I will shake this House.”

    Unlike another Ibadan kingpin, Adelabu was a highly educated man in the context of his days. He was also a brilliant writer. He was proud of his status. “I had a brilliant scholastic career, earning accelerated promotion on three occasions in the elementary, primary and secondary schools. Despite this, I never took a second position throughout my school days. Instead, I was always in several laps ahead of my runner-up and not infrequently, saved tutors from tight holes,” Adelabu wrote.

    A historian, Dr. Nina Mba, Rosiji’s biographer, described the Ibadan politican as a brilliant pupil, who achieved double promotion twice at Government College, Ibadan (GCI). His school mates were Rosiji, Saburi Biobaku, histoty scholar and former Vice Chancellor of University of Lagos, and Akintola Williams, foremost chartered accountant.

    “He was also reputed in school for being first in all subjects. He was always taking the first position in the class he was promoted to. His essays were passed around the school for everyone to read. He also came first the entrance examination to Yaba Higher College,” Mba added.

    In his reminiscences, Adelabu had tested to the power of schooling and education. He paid tribute in his writings to his teachers, employers and super ordinates at work.

    According to him, “Powell (GCI teacher) inculcated into me at a very impressionable age, the value of team work in all human undertakings, Richardson (of UAC) taught me how to apply a vigorous intellect to the task of economic organization and administrative co-ordination. Haig (of Colonial Cooperative Department), with his great implicit contempt for wordly possessions, set me the example of idealistic who had crossed the corrupting bridge of materialism.”

    In Mba’s contention, Adelabu shone with the same brilliance as a politician. It is an understatement. His deft moves as a politician often sent his opponents jittery. Once he pronounced Ibadan as his political base, he guarded his territory jealously against external political aggression. While his colleagues in IPP cross carpet to the Action Group (AG), led by late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, he stayed back in the NCNC alliance. As the Leader of the Opposition in the region, he was a thorn in the flesh of the AG government.

    Adelabu could be described as a politician with a national outlook. Thus, while all Yoruba rooted for Awo during the parliamentary race for premiership, he collaborated with Adeniran Ogunsanya, Theophilus Benson, Odeleye Fadahunsi and Denis Osadebey to rally support for Azikiwe, an Igbo.

    Paradoxically, despite being the seat of the AG government, Ibadan remained an NCNC fotress. Awo’s party could not gain control of Ibadan city, despite the fact that Awo and Rosiji, the influencial AG secretary, had resided in the town for years. Neither did the efforts of starwalts of Ibadan origin, including Emmanuel Alayande, Akinloye, Adedibu, Aboderin and Yinuola Ogundeji, make a difference. To prevent the acceptance of the ruling party, Adelabu mobilised his people to rally support for his Mabolaje Group, which from 1954 was in an uneasy alliance with the NCNC

    His intense campaign against AG, which had an ethnic toga, was effective. A great political manipulator and propagandist, Adelabu was fond of inciting Ibadan against Ijebu by branding Awo as a chief promoter of Ijebu interest. As the Chairman of Ibadan District Council, Adelabu once locked up Mapo Hall to prevent Awo from holding a rally. On that day, Lamidi Adedibu, a member of the AG, forced the door open.

    The late politician re-enacted the primodal sentiments, urging the people of Ibadan not to support AG because it was controlled by Ijebu. When Awolowo appointed Akinloye as Minister of Agriculture, Adelabu went to town with the propaganda that the Ijebu premier, who appointed Oba C. D. Akran as Minister of Finance and Chief E.A. Babalola from Ekiti as Minister of Works, made Ibadan son Minister of Ege (cassava).

    When Western Regional Attorney-General and Justice Minister Chief Rotimi Williams set up a panel to probe his administration as Ibadan District Council chairman, he turned the heat on the eminent lawyer. To Adelabu, Wiliams was a chief without a kingdom, a reference to his emergence as cabinet minister from the House of Chiefs. The Ibadan Council was dissolved. But, in the next election, Adelabu won back his seat.

    His political career was turbulent. As a member of House of Representatives, he was a federal minister for one year. Adelabu had to resign to face a murder case in his natiuve Ibadan. Layonu noted that Adelabu was arraigned 17 times for murder in the court and he triumphed on each count.

    The politician was also humorous. When he survived a mob attack sponsored by his opponents at Ibadan, he said that, if he had died, that would have been the end of Adelabuism. The concept encapsulated his ideas as a radical, an intelleectual, political evangelist, socialist, and community man with a passion for the poor and downtrodden.

    No doubt, Penkelemeesi was a controversial actor. But,when he was accused of corruption by the Western Regional Government, his subsquent indictment did not diminish his political stature. The people of Ibadan said they were contented, if Adelabu, and not outsiders, carted away the resources meant for their welfare because he was the greatest defender of their cause.

    His career as an NCNCer, was also turbulent. Despite his commitment and services to the NCNC, Adelabu confided in his friend, Rosiji, that the party discriminated against him because he was not an Igbo. The historian, Mba, noted that his anti-NCNC propaganda campaign was so successful that the party leaders arranged to ‘placate’ him.

    Adelabu had foresight. As a nationalist, he anticipated independence for Nigeria. But, he could not witness the glorious dawn. Hdid not have a premonition of his death. The auto-crash that claimed his life on the Lagos – Ibadan Expressway occured at Ode-Remo. He had left Ibadan for Lagos in company of Albar Yuanan, a Lebanese. His death unleashed a communal violence in Ibadan. Mba said his death robbed the country of a brilliant leader who never realized his full potential.”

    As the House received the news of his death, proceedings were adjourned to enable lawmakers pay him tribute. Some of his colleagues wept. Tributes poured in torrents. Journalists also eulogised him because of his mettle of speech and brilliant ideas. Veteran journalist the late Alhaji Babatunde Jose said that the politician was a factor in the old Western Region. “Adelabu was a powerful speaker, a crowd puller. At a time when parliamentary carpet crossing was being practiced for reasons other than that of conviction, Adelabu stood his ground, a strong character,” he added.

    His colleague in the parliament, the late Anthony Enahoro, said that he left enviable records as a legislator. “He is the first leader of opposition in any part of Nigeria to die in office. The House will not easily forget him,” he said.

    To Fadahunsi, who later became the governor of Western Region, Adelabu was a courageous man, whose death was an unforgettable loss. Osadebey said: “while we are living, we are next door to death. None of us knows who will be next.” Hailing his resilience, Awolowo said: “As he was uncompromising in his opposition to his political opponents, so he was in every cause that he believed in and espoused, and in particular, in the cause of Nigerian freedom.”

    The Prime Minister, the late Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, said: “If anybody died fighting for a cause, it was Adelabu.

  • ‘Adelabu has not been immortalised’

    ‘Adelabu has not been immortalised’

    The late Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu, fondly called Penkelemsi by his numerous admirers, died 57 years ago. The Chairman of the Adelabu Posthumous Birthday Committee, Oloye Lekan Alabi, speaks on the plans to honour the late politician. 

    What plan does your committee have to celebrate the late Adelabu posthumously?

    Let me say that had Adelabu Adegoke not died on March 25, 1958, he would be 100 years old on September 3, 1915.  He died at the age of 43. The family of Adegoke Adelabu deemed it fit and proper to organise a posthumous centenary birthday for the nationalist. So, we set up a committee known as the Adegoke Adelabu Post-humous Centenary Birthday Committee. The committee is made up of the members of the Adegoke family, his loyalists and followers. But, we cannot all be here to address the press because we will overcrowd the premises. They have delegated some of us to brief The Nation on our plan for the posthumous centenary birthday. I am the chairman of the planning committee; Mr. Yinka Adelabu is the secretary of the planning committee. The programme is fixed for September, but we deemed it fit to plan early. When you plan early there will be good results to show for it. We have decided start by visiting The Nation, to intimate it with our programmes. We believe that with the nationalist posture of the newspaper, our plans and programmes will be well circulated. The name of your paper has said it all. The paper is all about the people, government and country. Its philosophy stands in agreement with the philosophy of Adelabu. The paper is a better platform for us to reach out to the world.

    What legacy do you think the man left behind, which is propelling his followers?

    The man Adelabu, the prodigy, genius, nationalist is man of the people. He is also qualified to be a sage. When you go through his philosophy, you will see that he was thinking about a larger community. He thought about the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in 1956, even before it was formed. He wanted something good for the African communities, starting from River Senegal. These are graphically stated in his book. He talked about environmental degradation, urban and regional planning. Of course, these are reflected in some of his quotes.

    His thought and ideas were short-lived when he died in road accident at Odo Remo area of the former Western Region, the present day Ogun State. He attended St. David’s CMS, Kudeti, Ibadan (1925-1929) for his primary education. He proceeded to Government College, Ibadan (1931-1935) and Higher College, Yaba 1936.

    Please take note that he had double promotions in primary school. He equally had double promotions at the college. His academic record are still verifiable and yet to be beaten. You need to read the testimonial of his principal the white man, Mr. V.C. Powel.

    With the double promotions he had, it meant he would be competing with his former seniors at the next examination. He beat them to a distant second. The college he attended, Higher College, Yaba was the highest institution in Nigeria then. The University College, Ibadan, which today is the University of Ibadan, has not been founded.

    Then, people used to travel abroad in search of the golden fleece and used the opportunity to get higher education. It was the method used by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe to go to America, Chief Obafemi Awolowo to go to the United Kingdom. In his own case, the United African Company (UAC) gave him scholarship for coming first in the entrance examination to Higher College. But, UAC did not allow him to finish the course because they were afraid that he would be snatched by some other companies. So, he was appointed the first African manager of the company at the age 21.

    Which other areas did he excel?

    He was a merchant, journalist and a prolific writer. He wrote the African in Ebullition in 1952. The foreword of the book was written by his political leader Azikiwe. The book contains his timeless thoughts for the growth of Nigeria and the progress of human happiness. He delivered many constructive parliamentary speeches. His political landmarks included being the first Chairman of the Ibadan District Council in 1954. The former Ibadan District Council comprised 11 local governments. He was the first National Vice Chairman of the National Council of Nigerian and the Cameroon (NCNC). He was the first Minister of Social Service and Mineral Resources. He was a leader of the NCNC Western delegation to the 1957 London Constitutional Conference. He was the Leader of the Opposition in the Western House of Assembly. That was the man Adelabu. It is not how long you live, but the impact you made in the lives of the people.

    Does the family have plans to immortalise him?

    The family has mandated the committee to set up Adegoke Adelabu Foundation. In establishing the foundation, it will be anchored on Adelabu thoughts, ideas and particularly his passion for a united Nigeria. He was committed to a country where things would be secured on merit, not on the basis of who you know. He was committed to a country where the son of the coal miner in Enugu, the son of the herdsman in Katsina, son of the cocoa farmer in Ile-Ife would be able to compete for the same office on merit. Now, we have a change based on popular demand, hoping to see Nigeria return to that order of merit. We hope that President Muhammadu Buhari’s presidency will fulfill his manifesto and promises. He will meet the aspiration of the people who are yearning for change. The Adelabu Foundation will continue to propagate the ideas of the nationalist, so as to engender scholarship for brilliant and particularly indigent students. He was a Muslim and went on pilgrimage. There will be both Muslim and Christian prayers for him. There will be a novelty match, so we will approach his Alma Mata, Government College, to give us 11 student footballers who will engage old politicians. We will field people like Maitama Sule and others to make the team. It is also to reach out to the youth and let them see and know something about the man Adelabu. This is because Nigeria does not recognize its past heroes.

    Our father was one of the founding father of the Nigerian nation. He spoke about justice, freedom and oneness. He emphasized that in his book. Many people talk about unity with lip service, they are not ready to make the necessary sacrifices for the attainment of that unity. He talked about parties and ideology. He said Nigeria was too small for his vision, he wanted a union stretching from the Gambia to Congo in panoramic beauty and unparallel grandeur. The book he wrote is a vehicle of our foundation. If he had not written the book, maybe we, will not be talking of any foundation today. The book contains his living thoughts, thoughts that can be used in organising seminars, conferences and the rest. Whatever we get from there would be used for social welfarism and for human progress.

    How do you want government to immortalise him?

    We will not like to give an insight to that, so as not to preempt what will happen in September. What we are asking for is ideas that will symbolise the commitment of Adelabu.

    Why have the children shunned politics?

    The children have not distanced themselves from politics. In 1964-65, the late Azikiwe invited one of the children to contest, but because of the Western regional crisis, not much could be achieved. But, in recent times not that the children are have never shown interest in politics, but we want to establish the foundation first, so as to have a platform. Our main concern is to defend his ideas first.