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  • The INEC chairman as kingmaker

    The INEC chairman as kingmaker

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is like a lady who’s had too many botched body-enhancement procedures – the result being a terrible beauty for all to behold.

    A look at its history shows how past leaders thought they could resolve the organisation’s problems by cosmetic name change. From something called Electoral Commission of Nigeria (ECN) in the late 50s, it became the Federal Electoral Commission (FEC) which oversaw the federal and regional polls of 1964 and 1965.

    A succession of military regimes ensured there was no need for such a body until 1978 when the General Olusegun Obasanjo regime birthed a new Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) – the primary difference with its predecessor being the capital letter ‘O’ and a more musical sounding acronym.

    Along the line it would become the National Electoral Commission (NEC) which the late General Sani Abacha, as he dreamt of transmuting into a civilian president, renamed National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON).

    Once day at the Aso Rock Presidential Villa, the stern, unsmiling dictator keeled over. His successor, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, who was charged with arranging a hurried exit for the junta, created what is now known as INEC. The innovation this time was to append the word ‘Independent’, hopefully warding off any future accusations of bias. We all know how that has played out.

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    For as long as elections have been held in Nigeria, the electoral body has always found itself inserted into the heart of the drama. This isn’t because its officials are on the ballot but simply because politicians and the general public have come to believe that irrespective of what votes have been cast, winners are ultimately those favoured by the commission.

    Nothing in the constitution and other laws guiding the conduct of elections suggests that the INEC chairman has any extraordinary powers to decide election outcomes. Yet, a long, unbroken chain of losers are often quick to blame him for their woes. It’s the reason why there’s always heightened interest in whoever is going to be appointed to the chair.

    The commission is back in the news because the incumbent chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu who was appointed by former President Muhammadu Buhari in October 2015 is coming to the end of his tenure. There’s already feverish speculation as to who his successor would be.

    Buba Galadima, a leading member of the opposition New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), alleges that President Bola Tinubu is one the verge of appointing a recently retired Appeal Courts judge he called ‘notorious’ the next INEC chair.  He didn’t elaborate as to the reason for his notoriety only warning of civil unrest, were such an appointment to be made.

    More people have their ideas as to what can make the electoral body work. They are hardly structural, largely revolving around how to appoint the chairman. Some have suggested that the National Assembly takes over the responsibility as though the legislature isn’t populated by partisan politicians who aren’t more patriotic than those in the executive branch.

    A former Rivers State Governor, Celestine Omehia, has come up with the novel proposal that the chairman and National Commissioners be elected. The trouble with this suggestion is that it’s the same distrusted INEC that would handle the election, preparing the ground for further cries of rigging.

    An even more interesting intervention has come from Bashir Ahmad, a former aide of President Buhari, who bemoaned the fact that of 12 chairmen who run the electoral body, only two have been Northerners. He would probably love to see this ‘marginalisation’ redressed with the appointment of another individual from his region to follow Yakubu’s 10-year incumbency.

    What he failed to point out is that of the 10 chairmen from the South, all have been from the Southeast and South-South, none from the Southwest. It’s interesting that in a country where the zoning of political positions has become a fact of life, not much noise has been made about balancing things in this area.

    Imagine if Tinubu now decides to address this ‘injustice’ by appointing the next INEC chairman from this zone! The uproar would be heard at the ends of the earth. Cries of ‘Yorubanisation’ would drown out everything else. It would be said his plan to rig the 2027 polls had been inelegantly unveiled.

    It would appear that in appointing previous chairmen, governments have tried to balance unspoken political considerations with concerns about picking persons perceived as neutral and having integrity. So, they focused on academia, retired justices and civil servants. Sometimes they encountered individuals who had too much of a good thing like the late Prof Eme Awa. The Ibrahim Babangida junta ousted him for being too ‘rigid’, replacing him with someone who was more ‘flexible’. Read into that what you may!

    In some countries in the West, those who manage elections are not mild-mannered academics or grey-haired jurists – but people with track records of managing massive logistics operations. In the end that’s what’s involved in trying to deliver ballot paper and officials to the nether parts of Nigeria. These individuals are either former military officers or have worked in multinational organisations.

    I’m sure that in picking Yakubu’s successor this old pattern of looking to the academia and the judiciary may be repeated. Unfortunately, a cynical population has never been too impressed by INEC’s saintly figureheads. In a time of deep polarisation, not even an angel would suffice.

    The truth, however, is that INEC and its chairmen are only part of the problem. To be sure, on many occasions they messed up previous elections through late delivery of materials, or by sheer bungling of other areas of the polling arrangement.

    The trouble is, no matter how well-laid electoral plans are, there are politicians who would do anything to subvert the people’s will. Those who fund vote-buying, print fake ballots, organise mass thumb-printing, snatch ballot boxes, or instigate violence at polling stations are all politicians and their agents – not electoral commission officials.

    They have been at it since the First Republic when they would distribute salt and other items from house to house on the night before elections; they would still be pulling their old tricks come 2027. The perpetrators are to be found across the parties; never mind the shrill cries from certain wings of the political elite. Until there’s a national consensus to let the people’s will as expressed at the ballot prevail, elections would continue to be problematic in Nigeria irrespective of who’s running them.

    As damaging as violence and other forms of electoral malpractice may be, what’s worse is the deliberate efforts of certain politicians to demonise INEC and its officials when things don’t go their way. After a shellacking, their loss is because of electoral agency compromise, but whenever they win democracy is thriving in the land. It’s time to place the blame where it really belongs. 

  • CVR: INEC pre-registered 4.445m in four weeks

    CVR: INEC pre-registered 4.445m in four weeks

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has said 4.445 million Nigerians have registered online in the past four weeks of the ongoing continuous voter registration (CVR).

    The commission said out of the figure, about 509,929 have concluded the in-person registration.

    The INEC National Commissioner and Chairman of the Information and Voter Education Committee, Sam Olumekun, gave the figures in a statement.

    The national commissioner said the CVR has been suspended in Anambra State until after the November 11 governorship election.

    The statement reads: “As of Sunday, September 14, a total of 4,445,505 Nigerians have now pre-registered online in four weeks since the commencement of the exercise on August 18, 2025.

    Read Also: New parties, old fears: What INEC’s registrations portend for 2027 elections

    “The figure at the end of Week Four shows that 2,141,294 (48.17 per cent) are male and 2,304,211 (51.83 per cent) are female. In terms of age and occupation, the majority, 2,924,643 (65.79 per cent), are between the ages of 18 and 34, while 1,112,344 (25.02 per cent) are students.”

    Commenting on the number of those who have completed their registration process, Olumekun said: “As of Friday, September 12, 2025, the combined figures of the completed online pre-registration and the physical (in-person) registration are 509,929, out of which 229,758 (45.06 per cent) are male and 280,171 (54.94 per cent) are female. In terms of age and occupation, 378,132 (74.15 per cent) are young people between the ages of 18 and 34, while 196,529 (38.54 per cent) are students.

    “The detailed distribution of both online and completed registrations by state, gender, age, occupation, and disability has been uploaded to our website and other official platforms for public information.”

    The national commissioner said INEC had also suspended online pre-registration in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) to allow for ward registration in the territory ahead of the Area Council elections scheduled for February.

    The statement said: “As earlier announced by the commission, the online voter pre-registration in the FCT ends Monday, September 15, 2025. For the next two weeks, the physical (in-person) option will be at the designated venues.

    “Thereafter, the commission will devolve the registration to all the 62 wards in the FCT from September 29 to October 8, 2025. Detailed addresses of the centres have already been uploaded to our official platforms.”

  • INEC: Over 4.4m Nigerians registered online in ongoing voter registration exercise

    INEC: Over 4.4m Nigerians registered online in ongoing voter registration exercise

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) announced on Monday that 4,445,505 Nigerians have registered online in the ongoing continuous voter registration (CVR) exercise.

    According to a statement by National Commissioner and Chairman of the Information and Voter Education Committee, Sam Olumekun, 509,929 people have completed both online pre-registration and in-person registration.

    He noted that as of September 14, 2025, women accounted for 51.83% of online registrations, while men made up 48.17%. Young people aged 18–34 formed the majority at 65.79%, with students representing 25.02%.

    For completed registrations, youths again dominated with 74.15%, while students made up 38.54%.

    Read Also: New parties, old fears: What INEC’s registrations portend for 2027 elections

    Olumekun added that registration in Anambra State has been suspended until after the November 11 governorship election, while online pre-registration in the FCT has been paused to allow ward registration ahead of the February 2026 Area Council elections.

    He said the detailed breakdown of registrations by state, gender, age, occupation, and disability has been uploaded to INEC’s official platforms for public access.

    The statement said, “As earlier announced by the Commission, the online voter pre-registration in the FCT ends today, Monday, 15th September 2025. For the next two weeks, the physical (in-person) option will be at the designated venues.

    “Thereafter, the Commission will devolve the registration to all the 62 Wards in the FCT from 29th September to 8th October 2025. Detailed addresses of the centres have already been uploaded to our official platforms”.

  • New parties, old fears: What INEC’s registrations portend for 2027 elections

    New parties, old fears: What INEC’s registrations portend for 2027 elections

    As Nigeria heads toward another high-stakes general election, the move by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to register fresh political parties has sparked debate over whether the development expands democratic choice or dilutes it. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI reports.

    On a humid morning in Abuja last week, a cluster of reporters gathered at the headquarters of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) as its Chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, announced a new wave of political parties seeking recognition. Fourteen associations, from the African Transformation Party (ATP) to the Abundance Social Party (ASP), had cleared the first hurdle toward registration.

    The All Democratic Alliance (ADA) and the Advance Nigeria Congress (ANC) are among the other associations that were shortlisted for registration.

    The announcement by Prof. Yakubu drew swift reactions. “This is the beauty of democracy — more voices, more choices,” said Dr. Ifeanyi Ogu, a political science lecturer. But civil society activist Aisha Abdullahi countered: “We’ve been here before. More parties don’t always mean more democracy — sometimes they just mean more confusion.”

    For ordinary Nigerians, the news feels both distant and immediate. At a shopping mall in Lagos, a shop attendant, Emeka Okafor, shrugged: “We already have too many parties. Only two or three matter in the end. Why waste time with new names?” But across town, student activist Grace Olorunfemi was more optimistic: “We need fresh voices. The PDP and the APC have failed us. Maybe new parties can push different ideas.”

    As Nigeria moves toward 2027, the central question is clear: does the proliferation of political parties expand democratic choice — or dilute it?

     The legal maze

    INEC disclosed on September 5 that 171 groups had submitted letters of intent. By last Thursday (September 11), 14 had been cleared to proceed. Interim chairmen and secretaries of these pre-qualified associations have been invited to a briefing on Wednesday (September 17), after which physical verification of their claims will be conducted before final registration approval.

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    The criteria are listed in Section 222 of the Constitution and the Electoral Act 2022: submission of executive members’ names and addresses; evidence of inclusive membership; proof of internal democracy; adherence to federal character; and an approved constitution, manifesto, and symbol.

    Still, critics doubt enforcement. Yusuf Dantata of the PDP alleged: “We know how these rules are applied. Some groups with connections fly through. Others are frustrated with endless queries. If INEC wants credibility, it must be even-handed.”

    For INEC, however, discretion is limited. “We do not manufacture requirements,” Yakubu said at a press briefing. “If groups fulfil them, we cannot lawfully stop their registration. That is democracy — messy, but lawful.”

     Ballot overload

    Party proliferation carries practical risks. Analysts warn of ballot congestion, voter confusion, and invalid votes.

    “Choice is fundamental, but excess choice creates paralysis,” explained Dr. Ayo Okunlola, an electoral scholar. “In 2019, voters struggled with ballot papers that resembled posters. Some mistook party logos, others spoiled ballots outright.”

    Examples abound. In Kogi State’s 2019 governorship election, polling agents reported voters asking for clarification on party logos, often confusing minor parties with similar symbols.

    The key risks include: Decision paralysis: too many options discourage careful choices.

    Superficial voting: voters rely on symbols, not manifestos.

    Spoiled ballots: mistakes rise, especially among less literate voters.

    The numbers tell the story: Three parties in 1999; 91 in 2019; then 18 after deregistration. Projections for 2027 suggest around 32.

    At a motor park in Lagos, driver Sunday Akinola was blunt: “If I see 30 logos, I just look for a broom or an umbrella. The rest are decorations.”

     INEC’s heavy burden

    For INEC, more parties mean heavier logistics. Longer ballots require more paper and secure printing. Transporting these ballots across the 36 states would stretch the incurred costs. Training thousands of ad-hoc staff becomes harder.

    Yakubu insists the commission is ready. He said, “INEC has managed 91 parties before. We will manage whatever number emerges in 2027. Our duty is to deliver credible elections, not to block citizens’ rights.”

    However, insiders admit strain. A senior staff member of the commission who pleaded for anonymity confided in our reporter: “Verification of new associations alone consumes weeks of manpower. Monitoring compliance, campaign finance, and internal elections multiplies our workload. It diverts resources from other core preparations.”

    Many civil society activists share this concern. “Logistics is the heart of credibility,” argued Ezenwa Nwagwu of Partners for Electoral Reform. “When INEC is overstretched, errors creep in. Errors in Nigeria are not neutral — they fuel suspicion and conflict.”

     Opposition in pieces

    Politically, proliferation could fragment the anti-APC vote. In legislative elections, which are decided by simple pluralities, APC candidates may win with slim margins while opposition votes scatter.

    “This is déjà vu,” said Dr. Oby Nwosu, a civil society activist. “When you have 10 opposition candidates against one ruling party candidate, you don’t need to be a mathematician to know who benefits.”

    Opposition leaders agree but often act otherwise. Within the PDP, some younger politicians are privately eyeing new political platforms to realise their ambition in 2027, while others have already jumped ship. “The PDP is too compromised,” one said. “We need fresh energy, even if it starts small.”

    APC stalwarts see an opportunity for their party with the division within the ranks of the opposition. Senator Musa Ibrahim declared, “Register 200 parties if you want. Opposition will divide itself. We will organise and win.”

     Proxy politics

    Beyond fragmentation, civil society activists warn of manipulation. Some new parties may be covert projects of the ruling party, designed to split opposition votes in key states.

    “Some of these so-called new parties are proxy outfits,” said Ene Obi of CLEEN Foundation. “They are spoilers, not competitors.”

    A former opposition governor who does not want his name in print alleged: “In the last election cycle, people were quietly offered ministerial slots if they would float new parties instead of strengthening coalitions. It’s a divide-and-rule strategy dressed as democracy.”

    Such allegations are hard to prove, but the suspicion is widespread.

     Lessons abroad

    Here are relevant comparisons to help clarify the picture: In Kenya, while small parties abound, coalitions are the norm. In order to pool resources, prevent vote splitting, and present united fronts prior to elections, disparate parties form alliances (such as Kenya Kwanza). That model forces opposition to negotiate early. This tends to reduce fragmentation.

    Ghana demonstrates how strong parties with clear internal structures and fairly enforced rules (for registration, primary elections, and electoral thresholds) support a mostly two-party system in practice (despite more parties legally existing). Voters in Ghana know that the contest is between the National Democratic Congress (NDC) vs the New Patriotic Party (NPP); fringe parties exist, but they don’t dominate ballot space or media conversation.

    Smaller parties can win legislative seats in South Africa according to their votes, thanks to the country’s proportional representation system. This gives credible incentives for parties to institutionalise and maintain coherence, rather than simply contesting for symbolic recognition.

    In Ethiopia, proliferation along ethnic lines has fueled polarisation and conflict, a cautionary tale. In Germany, a five per cent threshold filters serious parties from symbolic ones.

    Dr. Grace Adeyemi summarised the lessons thus: “The problem is not legal proliferation, but weak institutions. Nigeria has many logos, but few real parties. Without internal democracy and grassroots structure, parties remain shells.”

     History repeats

    Party proliferation is not new. Dozens of small parties, many ethnic or regional in character, mushroomed during the First Republic of the 1960s. Military rule swept them away.

    The Second Republic (1979 to 1983) permitted only five parties. The Third Republic experiments of the 1990s had the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) duopoly. The Fourth Republic began in 1999 with three parties: the PDP, the Alliance for Democracy (AD), and the All People’s Party (APP).

    Justice Dahiru Musdapher’s 2002 court ruling against restrictive registration rules triggered a surge, peaking at 91 parties in 2019. After poor electoral showings, INEC deregistered 74, leaving 18.

    History shows a cycle: proliferation, confusion, deregistration, and consolidation.

    Ultimately, Nigeria’s democracy requires a balance between choice and order: a multiparty system that offers genuine alternatives without producing debilitating fragmentation. Achieving this balance will require legal reforms, institutional strengthening, and political responsibility from all stakeholders.

     Shielding INEC from interference

    Strengthening INEC’s independence is essential. Experts recommend:

    Technology: invest in robust platforms for registration, finance tracking, and results transmission.

    Autonomy: constitutional safeguards to shield INEC’s funding and leadership from executive interference.

    Transparency: publish clear criteria, reasons for approvals and rejections, and timelines for registration.

    Former INEC chair Attahiru Jega has long advocated for an Election Offences Commission. Civil society agrees. “Until politicians fear consequences, impunity will continue,” said Samson Itodo of Yiaga Africa.

     Beyond numbers

    Party registration reform should go further:

    Performance thresholds: tie continued registration to minimum vote shares or number of seats won.

    Clear rules: publish criteria and decisions openly.

    Coalition incentives: encourage opposition groups to merge platforms.

    Civic education: expand awareness so voters distinguish parties by programs, not logos.

    Civil society oversight: watchdogs must audit INEC decisions and expose irregularities.

    “Numbers alone don’t make a democracy stronger,” said activist Hauwa Ibrahim. “Credible parties, fair rules, and knowledgeable citizens all contribute to its strength.”

     Expansion or dilution?

    Nigeria now stands at a crossroads. Party proliferation may expand choice, but without safeguards, it risks confusion, manipulation, and fragmentation.

    If INEC remains opaque and opposition remains divided, 2027 could reproduce old flaws: crowded ballots, disoriented voters, and entrenched incumbents.

    Yet, reform is still possible. With transparency, stronger institutions, and coalition-building, Nigeria could turn proliferation into renewal.

    As one Abuja-based analyst concluded, “The 2027 general election will not just test politicians. They will test the resilience of Nigeria’s democracy itself.”

  • Report urges stronger INEC preparedness ahead of Anambra governorship election

    Report urges stronger INEC preparedness ahead of Anambra governorship election

    The Kimpact Development Initiative (KDI) has urged the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), security agencies, political actors, and civil society to take urgent steps to prevent violence and build public trust as Anambra prepares for its November 8, 2025, governorship election.

    Presenting the organisation’s Pre-Election Security Risk Assessment (ESRA) findings in Abuja, KDI’s Team Lead, Bukola Idowu, outlined five key recommendations: strengthening INEC’s preparedness and public confidence in the process, mitigating unhealthy political dynamics and campaigns, addressing security architecture and operational gaps, improving media literacy to counter misinformation, and enhancing community-level peace-building and early warning systems.

    Idowu warned that without proactive measures, the election could be marred by insecurity, disinformation, and voter apathy. “Our goal is to highlight the risks and provide stakeholders with evidence-based guidance before the election day,” he said.

    The state’s political history, Idowu noted, has been marked by instability and electoral violence. From 2011 to 2014, hundreds were killed in election-related unrest. Though the intensity fluctuated in subsequent years, violence resurfaced between 2019 and 2022.

    He said, equally worrisome is the steep decline in voter participation. Turnout dropped from about 60 per cent in 2010 to just 10.3 per cent in the 2021 governorship election. “Unless confidence is rebuilt, the November polls risk suffering the same fate,” Idowu cautioned.

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    KDI’s report identified three main triggers that could inflame tensions in the coming weeks.

    These include the politicisation of community and town union structures following recent government restructuring, identity-driven agitations and unemployment-fuelled youth restiveness, and religious divisions being exploited for political gain.

    “These trends are not isolated,” Idowu explained. “They interact with each other and with broader insecurity, raising the stakes for November’s election.”

    The report also flagged disinformation, particularly through artificial intelligence, as a new frontier of risk.

    Idowu said AI-generated deepfakes, cloned voices, and manipulated videos could be deployed to confuse voters, spread false endorsements, or simulate concession speeches, especially on platforms like WhatsApp, Facebook, and X.

    “This is a major vulnerability in Anambra’s information ecosystem,” he said. “Unchecked, it could depress voter turnout or even trigger violence.”

    Idowu stressed that the ESRA was released early to enable targeted interventions. While a more detailed, classified briefing is scheduled for security agencies, he said the public dissemination was necessary to engage civil society, the media, and citizens.

    “We are not just presenting problems; we are providing a roadmap for action,” he said. “If INEC, security actors, political leaders, and communities act on these recommendations, Anambra can have a peaceful, credible election.”

  • INEC clears ADA, 13 others to apply for registration as parties

    INEC clears ADA, 13 others to apply for registration as parties

    • Meeting kick-starts process next week

    • 157 applicants fail to scale hurdle

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has given the nod to the All Democratic Alliance (ADA) and 13 other associations to apply for registration as political parties.

    Having crossed the first stage of the scrutiny, the associations, according to the electoral agency, will move to the next stage of assessment, based on the guidelines for registration.

    The leaders of the 14 associations have been invited for a meeting with INEC officials on Wednesday, thereby kick-starting the second stage of the process.

    INEC National Commissioner and Chairman of Information and Voter Education, Sam Olumekun, said in a statement that the associations were cleared after meeting the requirements of the law.

    He said at the second stage, their claims would be further verified before registration.

    Olumekun said of 171 associations that approached INEC for registration with their letters of intent, 157 failed to meet the requirements.

    The All Democratic Alliance (ADA) is believed to be the first platform floated by the camp of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar for the coalition against ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

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    Other associations that have pre-qualified to move to the next stage are African Transformation Party (ATP), Advance Nigeria Congress (ANC), Abundance Social Party (ASP), African Alliance Party (AAP), Citizens Democratic Alliance (CDA), Democratic Leadership Alliance (DLA) and Grassroots Initiative Alliance (GRIP).

    The Green Future Party (GFP), Liberation Party’s Party (LPP), National Democratic Party (NDP), National Reform Party (NRP), Patriotic People’s Alliance (PPA) and People’s Freedom Party (PFP) also crossed the hurdle.

    Olumekun said the commission will communicate its decision to all the parties in the next 24 hours.

    The statement reads: “the commission held its regular meeting today, Thursday, September, 11. In addition to reviewing our preparations for forthcoming off-cycle governorship elections and the end-of-tenure Area Council election in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), the meeting also considered the report of its Committee on the Review of Letters of Intent from associations seeking registration as political parties.

    “A total of 171 requests for registration were received. Each request was assessed on the basis of its prima facie compliance with Section 222 of the Constitution of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), Section 79 (1, 2 and 4) of the Electoral Act 2022 and Clause 2 (i and ii) of the commission’s Regulations and Guidelines for Political Parties, 2022.

     “Of the total number of applications received, 14 associations have met the requirements to proceed to the next stage while 157 have not. The commission shall officially communicate the decision arising from today’s meeting to all the associations in the next 24 hours.

     “The list of the 14 pre-qualified associations has been published on our website and other official platforms for public information.

     “The interim chairmen and secretaries of the pre-qualified associations are invited to a briefing on Wednesday, September 17 at 11am at the commission’s headquarters in Abuja.

     “In addition to uploading the required information to the portal, the commission will verify all claims by each association in line with our Regulations and Guidelines.

    “The final determination of their registration status as political parties will be made after verification of all their claims to determine compliance with the legal framework.

     “We wish to reiterate that party registration is a continuous process under the law. The commission remains open to the consideration of applications that meet the criteria as provided by law.”

     Currently, 18 political parties exist on the INEC list, underscoring the status of Nigeria as a multi-party state.

    The battle for the registration of more parties was led by the legal luminary, the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi, who got the court to make a pronouncement affirming the rights of Nigerians to form more parties.

    Although ineffective or dormant parties were removed from the list in the past, following their inability to win the required number of electoral seats, agitation for the registration of more parties, in the exercise of their freedom of association and assembly, have not abated.

    From three main parties in 1999, the number increased to 50 parties at a time, before it reduced to 18.

  • INEC recognises David Mark-led ADC’s NEC

    INEC recognises David Mark-led ADC’s NEC

    • Kachikwu urges patience for court’s verdict

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has formally recognised the Senator David Mark-led National Executive Council (NEC) of the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

    This settles the leadership tussle within the party.

    But the party’s former presidential candidate, Dumebi Kachikwu, has refused to recognise the new leadership until the conclusion of the ongoing legal processes.

    The details of the party’s new leadership published on the INEC website showed that the commission also recognised former Osun State governor and ex-Interior Minister Rauf Aregbesola as ADC’s National Secretary.

    Other officials listed in the party’s leadership positions include Ibrahim Ahmad Mani (a former member of the Ralph Nwosu-led NEC, as the National Treasurer); Akibu Dalhatu (as the National Financial Secretary); and former Edo State governor, Prof. Oserheimen Aigberaodion Osunbor (as the National Legal Adviser) .

    The INEC recognition appears to settle, at least for now, the dispute over the authenticity of ADC’s new NEC. Kachikwu had contested the matter alongside a former Deputy National Chairman, Nafiu Bala, and several state chairmen loyal to the old leadership.

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    Party insiders said the INEC’s decision was based on its review of documents submitted following the party’s recent convention, which produced Mark and his team as the new leadership.

    The commission’s endorsement gives Mark’s group the authority to function as the party’s authentic executives. It thus has the powers to convene meetings, submit candidates for elections, and represent the party in official matters.

    But Kachikwu, who contested the party’s presidential ticket in the 2023 general election, told The Nation on the phone yesterday: “I will rather wait for the court pronouncement over this. We are in court. The INEC position has not changed until the legal process is completed.”

    It was learnt that while INEC’s recognition may have strengthened the position of the Mark-led executives, the final word may come from the courts, where rival factions continue to challenge the process that produced the new leadership.

    Efforts to reach the National Publicity Secretary of the party, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, and former Deputy National Chairman, Nafiu Bala, were unsuccessful last night.

    Bala has maintained that he is the authentic interim National Chairman, as provided for by the party’s constitution, for their reaction.

  • ADC: INEC recognises Mark-led NEC

    ADC: INEC recognises Mark-led NEC

    …no recognition until the court outcome – Kachikwu declares

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has formally recognised the Senator David Mark-led National Executive Council (NEC), bringing some clarity to the leadership tussle within the party.

    However, the party’s former presidential candidate, Dumebi Kachikwu, has insisted he will not recognise the new development until the ongoing legal processes are concluded.

    According to details published on the INEC website, the commission also recognised former governor and minister, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, as the National Secretary.

    Other officials listed include Ibrahim Ahmad Mani, a former member of the Ralph Nwosu-led NEC, as the National Treasurer; Akibu Dalhatu as the National Financial Secretary; and former Edo State governor, Prof. Oserheimen Aigberaodion Osunbor, as the National Legal Adviser.

    The recognition by INEC appears to settle, at least for now, the dispute over the authenticity of the new NEC, which had been strongly contested by former presidential candidate Dumebi Kachikwu, former deputy national chairman Nafiu Bala, and several state chairmen loyal to the old leadership.

    Party insiders said the INEC’s decision was based on its review of documents submitted following the party’s recent convention, which produced Mark and his team as the new leadership.

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    The commission’s endorsement gives the group authority to function as the party’s authentic executives, including powers to convene meetings, submit candidates for elections, and represent the party in official matters.

    However, the move has not ended the controversy. Dumebi Kachikwu, who contested the party’s presidential ticket in the 2023 elections, insisted that the legal battle over the legitimacy of the new NEC remains unresolved.

    “I will rather wait for the court’s pronouncement on this. We are in court. The INEC position has not changed until the legal process is completed,” Kachikwu told The Nation in a phone conversation.

    Analysts note that while INEC’s recognition strengthens the position of the Mark-led executives, the final word may come from the courts, where rival factions continue to challenge the process that produced the new leadership.

    Attempts to reach the National Publicity Secretary of the party, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, and former Deputy National Chairman Nafiu Bala, who has maintained that he is the authentic interim National Chairman as provided by the party’s constitution, for their reaction, were unsuccessful as their lines remained continuously engaged.

  • 2027: Why we can’t sanction those engaged in premature campaigns, by INEC

    2027: Why we can’t sanction those engaged in premature campaigns, by INEC

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) on Wednesday voiced concern over its inability to sanction political parties, candidates, and their supporters who engage in premature campaigns ahead of elections.

    INEC Chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, and Chairman of the Electoral Institute, Prof. Abdullahi Abdu Zuru, expressed this frustration during a one-day roundtable themed “Challenges of Premature Political Campaign.”

    Prof. Yakubu explained that while the Electoral Act prescribes a fine of ₦500,000 for campaigns conducted less than 24 hours to an election, there are no sanctions for campaigns carried out before the 150-day window stipulated by the 2022 Electoral Act.

    He noted that Section 94(1) of the Act prohibits campaigns earlier than 150 days before polling and requires them to end 24 hours before election day, stressing that the intent is to prioritise governance over constant electioneering.

    Despite these provisions, he observed that parties and candidates remain in perpetual campaign mode, often before INEC even releases an official timetable for elections.

    He said, “Around the country, we have seen outdoor advertising, media campaigns and even rallies promoting various political parties and candidates. These actions and activities undermine the Commission’s ability to track campaign finance limits as politicians, prospective candidates and third-party agents expend large amount of money that cannot be effectively monitored before the official commencement of campaigns.  

    “Quite correctly, Nigerians expect INEC, as registrar and regulator of political parties to act in the face of the brazen breach of the law on early campaign. However, the major challenge for the Commission is the law itself.  

    “Sections 94(2) of the Electoral Act 2022 imposes sanctions, albeit mild (a maximum amount of N500,000 on conviction), on any political party or a person acting on its behalf who engaged in campaigns 24 hours before polling day. 

    “However, there is no sanction whatsoever concerning breaches for campaigns earlier than 150 days to an election. Here lies the challenge for the Commission in dealing with early campaign by political parties, prospective candidates and their supporters.

    “In a sense, the problem of early campaign in Nigeria is not new. The seeming inability of the Commission and other regulatory agencies to deal with the menace within the ambit of the existing electoral legal framework calls for deep reflection. 

    “It is in this context that the Commission considered it appropriate to convene this meeting in which legislators, leaders of political parties, civil society organisations, experts, practitioners and regulators will brainstorm on the way forward. 

    “Similarly, as the National Assembly is currently reviewing our electoral laws, the Commission has also invited the leadership of both the Senate and House of Representatives Committees on Electoral Matters.

    “I am confident that they will give due consideration to actionable recommendations by experts, leaders of political parties, the President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), the Broadcasting Organisation of Nigeria (BON), the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) which regulates the broadcast media and the Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria (ARCON) which regulates advertisement, including outdoor advertising”.

    He stressed the Commission’s strong belief that protecting the nation’s electoral process and consolidating it’s democracy is a multi-stakeholder task. 

    Chairman of the Board of The Electoral Institute and National Commissioner, Prof Abdullahi Abdu-Zuru expressed concern about the resort to early campaign by the political class in breach of the laws of the land. 

    He said even though Nigeria’s democracy is still in transition, it faces serious challenges like every evolving system, adding that One of the most worrying challenge faced by the commission is the increasing resort to early campaigns by political actors and their surrogates in many forms. 

    He said, “We have seen aspirants use cultural festivals and religious gatherings to drop hints about their ambitions, often disguised as appreciation or philanthropy. Billboards and branded vehicles sometimes appear with cleverly crafted slogans that stop just short of open solicitation but leave little doubt about the intent. 

    “More recently, social media influencers and content creators have become key players and fronts, flooding platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, Tik-Tok, YouTube, and X with songs, skits, and hashtags that project particular aspirants many months before the permission of the law.

    “The Electoral Act 2022 is clear on this matter. Section 94.—(1)”for the purpose of this act, the period of campaigning in public by every political party shall commence 150 days before polling day and end 24 hours prior to that day.

    “This safeguard was introduced to ensure fairness, reduce political tension, and guarantee a level playing field for aspirants. Unfortunately, what we see today is an increasing determination to circumvent, stretch, and even undermine this law. 

    “Often, third-party actors such as associations, professional groups, religious groups or political support groups are used as convenient fronts for disguised early campaigning.”

    He stressed that the implications of this trend are far-reaching, saying “when aspirants or parties compete to dominate visibility long before the official campaign period, it distorts fairness and raises the cost of political competition. 

    “Moreover, It distracts from governance, as elected officials become more concerned with sustaining political relevance than delivering public service. Over time, it erodes public confidence in our electoral system and fuels cynicism about whether the law can truly be enforced. 

    “We must be frank in acknowledging the scale of the challenge and bold in designing solutions. We must refine the regulatory framework so that what constitutes premature or early campaigning is more clearly defined in today’s digital age. 

    “We must strengthen enforcement, ensuring that violations are detected early and sanctioned firmly, be it by political parties, individuals, or their proxies. We must engage media organizations and social media platforms, encouraging them to cooperate in moderating content that undermines the electoral timetable. 

    “We must intensify civic education to enlighten citizens, especially the youth, on the dangers of endorsing and promoting early campaigns.

    “Democracy thrives on fairness, order, and respect for the rules, regulations and guidelines governing the electoral process. Campaigns conducted within the timeframe stipulated by law ensure a more level playing field, reduce political tension, and enhance the credibility of elections. 

    ‘Respecting the law is not a limitation on political participation but an affirmation that our democracy is rooted in integrity, not expediency”.

    Chairman of the House Committee on Electoral Matters queried why the nation should be seeking to limit campaign period while wondering what would likely constitute early campaign by politicians. 

    He said while there are no elections free from campaign, the question to ask is what constitute early campaign for elections, especially ahead of the 2027 elections. 

    “Is it when the government is commissioning a project and his supporters gather to sing his praises and show appreciation or when a lawmaker go to empower his constituents or when the opposition hold rallies to oppose government policies. 

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    “We should search our minds whether wr should be having laws in 2025 restricting campaigns. We should put behind us, these practices we inherited from the military and forge democratic ideals going forward. 

    “The social media today cannot be controlled and sometimes, you don’t even know who is putting out posters on your behalf. So, who do you hold responsible when things like this happen? Is it the individual or the political parties”.

    The Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, also raised the question of whether political campaigns should be regulated, adding that the existing explanation is the need to bridge the gap between leaders and the people in terms of governance. 

    Represented by the Commissioner of Police in charge of election monitoring, Adebayo Sogunle, the IGP said every law enforcement agency is saddled with the responsibility to ensure implementation of all laws passed by the National Assembly. 

    He said in doing that, the question has always been the relevance of such laws to the security and welbeing of the people and the nation. 

    He said the Nigeria Police Force will continue to enforce all laws and will continue to do what need to be done to ensure peaceful campaign for all elections, while also ensuring adequate security through election periods.

  • INEC urges Mushin residents to transfer voter registration

    INEC urges Mushin residents to transfer voter registration

    By Sumayyah Omotunde

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has urged eligible citizens, particularly residents of Mushin Local Government Area of Lagos State, to take full advantage of the ongoing voter registration and transfer exercise.

    Speaking at a sensitisation forum, INEC official, Oje Abiodun, said that the initiative is designed to ease the process for citizens who wish to register, transfer, or update their voter information without unnecessary stress.

    “This exercise concerns every eligible citizen, particularly in Mushin Local Government. You don’t need to travel long distances. You can transfer your registration to where you reside, whether interstate, inter-local government, or even within the same community,” he said.

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    He noted that the transfer process covers interstate, inter-LGA, and intra-LGA movements, ensuring that voters are not disenfranchised when they relocate.

    Abiodun also emphasised the pivotal role of community leaders, artisans, traders, and socio-political groups in sensitising residents on the importance of participating in the exercise.

    “As leaders and influencers in your various communities, be it in the markets, among artisans, or within socio-political groups, you occupy a strategic position in mobilising our people,” he said.

    “INEC is fully committed to conducting this exercise with transparency, credibility, and efficiency. But we cannot achieve this alone. We rely on your collaboration to spread the message widely, to encourage participation and to discourage apathy,” he said.