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2015: Court to accelerate hearing of suit on Jonathan’s eligibility

Justice Ahmed Mohammed of the Federal High Court, Abuja has agreed to an accelerated hearing of a suit seeking to bar President Goodluck Jonathan from participating in next year’s presidential election.

Ruling yesterday on the ex parte application argued by the plaintiffs’ lawyer, Abiodun Owonikoko (SAN), the judge held that the case will be heard weekly.

Owonikoko had urged the court to fix the hearing for “the earliest possible date” – in line with the Supreme Court’s practice direction, which directs a quick determination of election-related cases.

Although Justice Mohammed adjourned the matter till November 12, said the order of accelerated hearing will take effect after the mandatory 30 days within which the respondents are to respond to the suit.

In the alternative, said the order of accelerated hearing could take effect earlier if the respondents were able to respond earlier.

The respondents are the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF), Mohammed Adoke (SAN). They were not represented at yesterday’s proceedings.

The suit was filed by Adejumo Mansouru Ajagbe (who claimed to be a member of the PDP in Lagos State with membership card No: 9424103 and voter card: 90f5b23963295789969) and Olatoye Wahab (who claimed to be a member of the APC in Osun State with membership card no: 13951303, voter card: 18767722.)

The plaintiffs primarily seek to restrain INEC and the AGF from allowing Jonathan participate in the 2015 election on the grounds that by the Constitution, the President, having contested the presidential election twice, won and taken the oath of office and allegiance twice in respect of the same office, he could no longer present himself for election to that office the third time.

They relied on the provisions of sections 132(1), 135(2)(a) and (b), 137(1)(b), 142(1) and (2) and the Supreme Court’s decision in the case of Marwa and Nyako (2012) 6 NWLR (Part 1296) 199 at 306.

The plaintiffs argued that by the provision of the Constitution, the President and Vice President, who were elected in the same election and sworn into office on the same date and at the same ceremony are, in law, taken to have been elected for one single term of four years notwithstanding the death or even impeachment of the President.

“That being so, the reference to ‘two previous elections’ in Section 137(1)(b) of the Constitution includes two previous oath of allegiance and oath of office as President. It is, therefore, safe to conclude that a Vice President, who had taken the oath of allegiance and oath of office for two previous terms as President is, in law, deemed to have been elected into the office of President at two previous elections, thereby standing disqualified to contest another election into that office.”

•A declaration that by the provisions of Section 135(1)(2) and (2a) of the Constitution, any person holding the office of the President cannot continue to act in that capacity for a period exceeding eight years from the date he/she first took or is deemed to have first taken the oath of allegiance and oath of office, with the exception of the provision of Section 135(3) of the Constitution.

•A declaration that a general election cannot be due to be held when the incumbent President will only have spent a cumulative period of six years in office so that his re-election will be for no more than two additional years having regard to the time expressly specified for holding of general election to the office of President under Section 132 (2) of the Constitution and the maximum term allowed any person under Section 135 of the Constitution.

•A declaration that for the purpose of counting the maximum eight year term limit for a person elected into the office of the President under sections 1(2), 135,136 and 137(1)(b) of the Constitution, the election and period served by a deceased elected President (who did not exhaust his term on account of death) and the remainder served to complete the unexhausted term by the Vice President (successor) is attributable to the successor for determining the two previous election limit and the maximum term of eight years to which the successor is entitled as President under the Constitution.

•A declaration that the 1st defendant (AGF) cannot lawfully advise the 2nd defendant (INEC) to accept as candidate for election to the office of the President, an aspirant who is caught by two previous elections limit and the eight-year term limit in the 2015 elections or any subsequent presidential election.

•A declaration that in view of the provision of Section 137(1)(b) of the Constitution, no person can present himself for the purpose of being elected as President, having participated as candidate and emerged winner at two previous presidential elections on account of which the person would have spent a period of eight years in office by the time the winner of the 2015 presidential election will be sworn into office.

•A declaration the by the provision of Section 135 of the Constitution, any person holding the office of the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria cannot continue to act in that capacity for a period exceeding eight years from the date he/she first took or deemed to have first taken the oath of allegiance and oath of office.

October 14, 2014
As our country’s denialist culture festers

It is not uncommon for an average Nigerian parent to avoid confronting the stark realities of the health conditions of his or her child by saying “I reject that kind of illness in Jesus name.”

Going by the writings of several pundits, a major aspect of what is known as the Nigeria Factor is compulsive denialism. This disposition is present in both leaders and followers in the country. It is not uncommon for an average Nigerian parent to avoid confronting the stark realities of the health conditions of his or her child by saying “I reject that kind of illness in Jesus name.” Instead of following doctor’s suggestion about seeking medical help, such parents would opt to take their dependents to a vigil. Some Nigerians even tried to internationalize this disposition by convincing Sawyer of Liberia that the best place to cure Ebola is in Nigeria, not in the hospital but in meeting houses for prayer warriors.In the last two weeks, denialism took a front seat in the corridor of power.

After City Press in South Africa broke the news of a failed $5.7 million arms supply or purchase contract between Cerberus Risk Solutions in Cape Town and SocieteD’EquipmentsInternationaux in Abuja (do not be surprised that French has become one of the languages in Abuja), power-wielding Nigerians threw diplomatic finesse overboard. In response to the delay by South Africa to refund the money for undelivered arms to Nigeria, arising principally from what NathiMncube of South Africa called normal investigation of the deal between Cerberus and SocieteD’Equipments, the National Security Adviser attempted to stare South Africa down by reminding the country of its investments in Nigeria: “Nigeria has provided a beneficial environment for South African companies like MTN, DSTV, and a host of others to do business unhindered….It is our hope that South Africa would reciprocate this noble gesture.”

What is the National Security Adviser trying to achieve by this statement? Is this to urge Nigeria to punish South Africa for following its own procedures? Is the reference to Nigeria’s generosity to South Africa’s businesses in Nigeria a call on Nigeria to create stumbling blocks for businesses like MTN, DSTV, Shoprite, and many others in different parts of Nigeria? By announcing that Nigeria provides an environment for South Africa to do business in Nigeria unhindered,is the NSA implying that what Mncube calls investigation constitutes a hindering of Nigeria’s arms deal with Cerberus? Or, is the NSA suggesting that Nigeria throw out the baby of investment from South Africa with the bathwater of a failed arms purchase?

Given the enthusiasm of President Jonathan on attracting foreign investment to Nigeria to support his Transformation Agenda, it is unlikely that the country’s foreign minister will be prepared to apply the stick on South African business in Nigeria. As we speak, the country is in the process of reviewing its Policy Framework for Investment (PFI) in collaboration with and in compliance with requirements by Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development, all with the hope of increasing flow of foreign capital into Nigeria (OECD). In addition, President Jonathan’s speech in September 2012 at a dinner organized for him by the Corporate Council on Africa acknowledged the centrality of foreign investment to Nigeria’s foreign policy thrust: “Let me re-state here that Nigeria’s foreign policy is now anchored on the realization of this Transformation Agenda through the attraction of Foreign Direct Investment….Under the new policy thrust, our diplomatic missions abroad have been directed to focus more on attracting investment to support the domestic programme of government with a view to achieving not only our Vision 20:2020, but to bequeathing an enduring legacy of economic prosperity.”

The new school of thought championed by the NSA that views foreign investment (such as South Africa has made in Nigeria in quantum) as the result of a favour from Nigeria counters the President’s belief that such investments are needed to move Nigeria’s economy into a higher gear. What is required at this time in our relations with South Africa is not to harass the country for bringing MTN, DSTV, and Shoprite to Nigeria, it is to face squarely the realities thrown up by the failed arms deal between Cerberus and SocieteD’Equipments.

South Africa’s investments in Nigeria should not be seen as the result of a generosity on the part of Nigeria. Such investments are of mutual benefits to both countries; otherwise, we would not have needed to rebase our economy by factoring into our GDP the contributions of MTN to the economy. Nigeria may have lost the argument with respect to the exportation of $9.3 million cash to shop for arms three weeks ago in South Africa, but the NSA and other powerful figures in government should not act or talk as if we have also lost the argument with respect to a money transfer of $5.7 million to Cerberus to supply us with arms of various categories. If South Africa needs to be convinced that the entire process was transparent and that Cerberus has nothing to hide, we are big financially buoyant enough to be patient in waiting for the end of investigation and the release of our money that should follow such investigation. It is important to know that the ball with regards to $5.7 million is no longer in our court, but in South Africa’s court for now.

The domestic wing of our governance is not saved from denialism. The INEC has been warning politicians that the lid on political campaign has not been lifted. Where has the INEC been since all these years of deflections from one party to another and high-wattage political statements of condemnation of one party’s policies by another? In a truly democratic space, the day after one election is the beginning of the preparation for the next election. For an organization of INEC’s independence to pretend that political campaign has not started months after several organizations have been drafting or endorsing President Jonathan for another tenure is to hide one’s head in the sand.

It is about time to do away with relics of military dictatorship. Setting a timetable for elections is different from setting a timetable for political campaigns. We did not have that culture until the advent of military dictatorships in the country. Without doubt, restricting the time political parties can sell their ideologies and programmes to the electorate smacks of curtailing citizens’ freedoms of speech and association. Let us hope that the next National Assembly in 2015 will see the wisdom in de-militarizing the country’s political culture. No citizen should be given the power to open and close political campaigns. This is tantamount to turning a normal democratic process into a periodic ritual.

It has also just been reported that the President had directed that the courtsin Ekiti should not resume sitting. If this report is true, this shows a predilection for avoiding to face reality frontally.If the report is accurate, then some major disaster must have happened to the principle of separation of powers in our country. Is the independence of the judiciary no longer part of the culture of democracy here, despite claims about independent judiciary in the current constitution? Except in a situation of war, it is not proper for the president to shut down any of the other two branches of government: the legislature and the judiciary. I hope the last is yet to be heard about the opening or re-opening of the court in Ekiti, to allow the judges in that state do their job and, in the process, add value to the country’s democracy.

October 12, 2014
Saraki disagrees with Uba on new polling units

The Chairman Senate Committee on Ecology and Environment, Senator Bukola Saraki, on Thursday faulted pressure being put on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to suspend its proposed creation of additional 30,000 polling units across the country.

Saraki in a statement issued by his Special Assistant on Media, Bamikole Omishore, in Abuja, noted that the view of the Chairman, Senate Committee on INEC, Senator Andy Uba, was at best his personal opinion.

He said the call for the suspension or cancellation of the exercise by Uba should not be construed as a resolution of the Senate on the matter.

Uba had written a letter to the INEC, advising it to suspend the exercise or risk being barred by the Senate.

Saraki said INEC should be allowed to decide whether to go ahead with the exercise or not as an independent organization irrespective of the opinion of the Senate committee on electoral matters.

However, Saraki warned politicians to stop interfering in the activities of INEC in order not to compromise its independence.

He, however, urged INEC to maintain its credibility by holding strong the founding tenets of the organization which is independent of any political party or group.

October 9, 2014
INEC puts off Adamawa governorship poll

In deference to the order of the Federal High Court, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) yesterday suspended the October 11 governorship by-election in Adamawa State.

The Acting Secretary of INEC, Mr. H. Adamu, made the position of the electoral body known in a statement in Abuja.

The statement said: “The Federal High Court, Abuja on October 8 delivered judgment in a suit between Bala James Nggilari vs. Speaker Adamawa State House of Assembly and five others.

“The court declared that Ngilari did not resign from office as Deputy Governor as required by the Constitution and granted, among others, an order restraining INEC from conducting a by-election to fill the office of Governor.

“In compliance with the court order, INEC hereby suspends preparations for the conduct of governorship by-election scheduled to hold on Saturday.

It also attached the judgment order of the court upon which it based its decision to suspend the election.

October 9, 2014
INEC awaits court order on Adamawa

The Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof Attahiru Jega, said the commission would in the course of the day announce its position on the conduct of Saturday’s Adamawa Governorship by-election.

Jega said this on Wednesday in Yola while addressing political stakeholders in the by-election slated for Saturday.

“As we prepare for this meeting just 30 minutes ago, I received the information from Abuja that a Federal High Court has, among others, granted an injunction restraining INEC from conducting the Adamawa by-election.

“This information came to me from our Director Legal Services.

“INEC is a law abiding organization, I am yet to see the court order but I still believed that the right thing to do under the circumstances is not to proceed with this meeting until we get a sufficient clarification.

“Once we get a proper process served on us in the course of the day, we will make an appropriate announcement as what the position of INEC is on this particular matter,” Jega said.

The News Agency of Nigeria reports that a Federal High Court in Abuja, on Wednesday ordered that the former Deputy Governor of the state, Mr. Bala Ngilari, should be sworn in immediately as the governor.

The court said in its judgment that the Acting Governor, Alhaji Ahmadu Fintiri, was occupying the office illegally as the former Deputy Governor Ngilari, had not resigned from office.

Meanwhile, Fintiri said he had directed his lawyers to appeal against the judgment.

“Our lawyers are preparing their papers and will file an appeal in the next 20 minutes.

“We are awaiting the result of the appeal and we still belief the election will take place,” Fintiri said.

October 8, 2014
CNPP to INEC: emulate Brazilian election process

The Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP) urged yesterday the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to emulate the Brazilian Election Management for conducting seamless general elections on October 4.

CNPP National Publicity Secretary Osita Okechukwu said in a statement in Abuja: “It is worthy of emulation how seamlessly the Brazilian Election Management conducted the October 4 general elections for the election of president, governors, national congress and state legislators all in one day.

“In the poll, more than 80 per cent of Brazilian 142, 822, 046 registered voters voted, registering the highest voter turnout in any liberal democracy in recent times. The figures go thus-: Null Votes – 6,678,580, Blank Votes – 4,420,488 and Total Valid Votes – 104,023,543.

“Our interest was elicited because the results were out in less than 48 hours and up to date no election tribunal was set up, the presidential candidates concurred with the October 26 runoff between Dilma Rousseff of the Workers Party (PT), who polled 43,267,668 votes, making 41.59 per cent and Aecio Neves of Party of Brazilian Social Democracy (PSDB), who polled 34,897,211 votes, making 33.5 per cent.

“We also understand that Electronic Voting and E-Card reader mechanism were adopted in the conduct of the general elections. In our country, the narrative is some pundits repeating Senator David Mark’s goof, before the liberalisation of telephone in Nigeria that it is not for the poor. Nigeria, like Brazil, is a multi-cultural, heterogeneous, literate and illiterate, rural and urban and among the 10 most populated countries on earth.

“CNPP therefore challenges the Prof. Attahiru Jega-led Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to study the procedure, processes, mechanisms and technology adopted by the Brazilian Election Management for a successful election.

“It is our considered view that the transparency, fairness and credibility of the conduct of elections reinforces the trust and confidence of the electorate; hence maximising their electoral worth and value. This is what led to a large turnout of voters in Brazil.”

October 8, 2014
Fayose: Question mark on eligibility?

A group of professionals, the E-Eleven, led by Mr. Femi Ajiniran, is asking the court to determine the eligibility of the Ekiti State Governor-elect, Mr. Ayodele Fayose, to contest the June 21 election. EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the implications of the litigation for power transfer in the Fountain of Knowledge.

Ekiti State Governor-elect Ayodele Fayose has one more hurdle to cross before assuming the reins on October 16. The court must make a pronouncement on his eligibility for the election held on June 21. If the case is decided in his favour, he will be sworn in by the Chief Judge, Justice Ayodeji Daramola. If the court rules that he was not eligible, there may be fresh constitutional crises in the state.

When the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) flag bearer was filling ‘Form INEC CF.001,’ little did he know that he would be asked to explain what he deposed to in the court of law after winning the poll. In the form, Fayose allegedly denied being indicted for fraud by a judicial commission or an administrative panel of inquiry.

However, a group, the ‘e-Eleven’, thinks otherwise. Based on the document, the group believes that he was unfit to contest for the election. Therefore, it is praying an Ado Ekiti High Court to make a pronouncement on his eligibility for the contest. Other defendants in the suit are the PDP and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

According to e-Eleven, Fayose contested the poll in error. On may 23, the group had approached the court, alleging that Fayose had contravened the 1999 Constitution and the 2011 Electoral Act. The suit was brought pursuant to Order 3 Rule 5 and 6 of the High Court of Ekiti State (Civil Procedure Rules, 2011), precisely 29 days to the governorship election. Put succinctly, the group said Fayose violated Sections 177 and 182 (1) (d-e) of the constitution (as amended) and Sections 31 and 87 of the Electoral Act.

Section 182 (1) (d-e) provides that no person “shall be qualified for election to the office of governor of a state, if he is under a sentence of death imposed by any competent court of law or tribunal in Nigeria or a sentence of imprisonment for any offence involving dishonesty or fraud; or within a period of less than ten years before the date of election to the office of governor of a state he has been convicted and sentenced for an offence involving dishonesty or he has been found guilty of the Code of Conduct.”

=Also, Section 31 (4-6) of the Electoral Act provided further conditions for disqualification of a governorship candidate. The section stated that a person might apply “to the commission for a copy of nomination form, affidavit and any other document submitted by a candidate at an election and the Commission shall, upon the payment of a prescribed fee, shall issue such person with a certified copy of the document within 14 days.

“A person, who has reasonable grounds to believe that any information given by a candidate in the affidavit or any document submitted by the candidate is false may file a suit at the High Court of a State or Federal High Court against such person seeking a declaration that the information contained in the affidavit is false. If the Court determines that any of the information contained in the affidavit or any document submitted by the candidate is false, the Court shall issue an order disqualifying the candidate from contesting the election…”

The group alleged that the governor-elect was indicted in a suit he filed against The News Magazine in 2004.

In 2004, Fayose sued The News Magazine for alleged defamation of character at the High Court, Ekiti. The trial judge, Justice Ayodele Daramola, dismissed Fayose’s suit on the premise of the comprehensive report the State Security Service (SSS) filed on Fayose’s activities.

Besides, the E-Eleven insisted that the Ekiti State House of Assembly impeached Fayose on October 16, 2006, following the report of a validly constituted administrative panel as provided for in Section 188 (5) of the 1999 Constitution. According to the group, the panel found the governor-elect guilty of gross misconduct in 2006, which means he cannot contest governorship election until 2016, in line with the constitutional provision.

However, the PDP has objected to the claims, saying that the group and the All Progressives Congress (APC) are orchestrating a succession crisis in Ekiti, following the defeat of Governor Kayode Fayemi at the poll.

Since the case started, there has been anxiety in Ekiti. A judge, Olusegun Ogunyemi, has been attacked by suspected thugs. Although Fayose denied involvement in the attack, the Chief Judge of Ekiti State, Justice Ayodeji Daramola, has written on how thugs manhandled the judge and prevented him from discharging his constitutional responsibilities to the National Judicial Council (NJC). He said the judge was prevented from ruling on the case before him. Fayose has denied that he sponsored the attacks, saying that the attribution to him was embarrassing.

At the Election Petition Tribunal, thugs also harassed another judge, Justice John Adeyeye. According to reports, there was pandemonium at the court premises. When thugs invaded the premises, judges, counsel and court workers were manhandled. Court document were allegedly mutilated. Many people were injured. The governor-elect said he did not mobilise the thugs to disrupt proceedings in court.

Cases of arson have also been reported in Ekiti. A former leader of the road transport union, Mr. Omolafe Aderiye, has been murdered. The APC office has been razed. The campaign office of the governor has also been burnt by suspected thugs. Fayemi called off his ‘thank you’ tour. He also imposed a curfew on Ado-Ekiti, the state capital. Many indigenes are worried that Ekiti is in the news again for the wrong reason. Some traditional rulers have sued for peace, stressing that the state is greater than the major actors at the centre of the new controversy.

Irked by the desecration of the temple of justice, the NJC invited all the parties and victims to Abuja. After its meeting, the council condemned the attack on judicial officers and urged the Inspector-General of Police to investigate the incidents. It also directed that the suit should be given accelerated hearing so that it the verdict can be given before Fayose’s inauguration.

However, to the PDP has petitioned the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Aloma Mukthar, accusing the chief judge of planning to abort the inauguration slated for October 16. It warned that the unfolding scenario may precipitate a constitutional crisis. The petition titled: “Another Judicial Coup Plotted to Avert the Swearing-in of the Governor-elect of Ekiti State,” was signed by the Secretary, Dr. Tope Aluko, and the Publicity Secretary, Pastor Kola Oluwawole. The party alleged that Justice Daramola and Governor Kayode Fayemi had planned “to give accelerated hearing to some suits challenging the eligibility of Fayose for the June 21 governorship election, despite the notice of appeal and the stay of proceedings filed in respect of the suits.”

The party said that Fayose had challenged the assumption of jurisdiction by an Ado-Ekiti High Court on the matter and also filed a stay of proceedings on the hearing of the substantive suit. It also recalled that the governor-elect has written a letter the CJN, raising fears about attempts “to frustrate the swearing-in of the governor-elect.”

“This was done in view of Section 185 (2) of the 1999 Constitution, which empowers only the Chief Judge of Ekiti State to swear in the governor-elect as the new governor, as Ekiti State presently has no Grand Khadi of the Sharia Court of Appeal or President of the Customary Court of Appeal that can perform similar functions, in the event the chief judge declines to do so,” it added.

The PDP frowned at the delay in responding to Fayose’s letter of September 28 to the Chief Justice, six days after Justice Ogunyemi was attacked and four days after Justice Adeyeye was beaten up. It alleged a desperate move by the APC “to obtain a ‘black market injunction’ from an Ekiti State High Court restraining the chief judge from swearing Fayose in.

The NJC has said that petitions forwarded by parties to the matter “are being looked into.” It has also directed that the matter should be determined before the swearing-in of the governor-elect. Thus, the APC, the E-Eleven, Fayose and the PDP have to abide by the decision and wait for the court’s verdict.

October 8, 2014
CNPP to INEC: emulate Brazil’s election process

The Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP) urged yesterday the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to emulate the Brazilian Election Management, which conducted seamless general elections on October 4.

CNPP’s National Publicity Secretary Osita Okechukwu said in a statement in Abuja: “It is worthy of emulation how seamlessly the Brazilian Election Management conducted the October 4 general elections for the election of president, governors, national congress and state legislators all in one day.

“In the poll, more than 80 per cent of Brazilian 142, 822, 046 registered voters voted, registering the highest voter turnout in any liberal democracy in recent times. The figures go thus-: Null Votes – 6,678,580, Blank Votes – 4,420,488 and Total Valid Votes – 104,023,543.

“Our interest was elicited because the results were out in less than 48 hours and up to date no election tribunal was set up, the presidential candidates concurred with the October 26 runoff between Dilma Rousseff of the Workers Party (PT), who polled 43,267,668 votes, making 41.59 per cent and Aecio Neves of Party of Brazilian Social Democracy (PSDB), who polled 34,897,211 votes, making 33.5 per cent.

“We also understand that Electronic Voting and E-Card reader mechanism were adopted in the conduct of the general elections. In our country, the narrative is some pundits repeating Senator David Mark’s goof, before the liberalisation of telephone in Nigeria that it is not for the poor. Nigeria, like Brazil, is a multi-cultural, heterogeneous, literate and illiterate, rural and urban and among the 10 most populated countries on earth.

“CNPP therefore challenges the Prof. Attahiru Jega-led Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to study the procedure, processes, mechanisms and technology adopted by the Brazilian Election Management for a successful election.

“It is our considered view that the transparency, fairness and credibility of the conduct of elections reinforces the trust and confidence of the electorate; hence maximising their electoral worth and value. This is what led to a large turnout of voters in Brazil.”

October 8, 2014
Edo North: Gladiators battle for Senate

The battle for the Edo North senatorial ticket has started within the two major parties; the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Ten aspirants are in the race. Who wins the ticket? EMMANUEL OLADESU examines their strengths and weaknesses.

Edo North Senatorial District is a politically conscious zone. It has produced prominent politicians who are making waves in the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Although the ban on campaigns has not been lifted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the aspirants are mobilising stakeholders, ahead of next general elections.

Instead of campaigns, contenders and their supporters have resorted to rallies, which are campaigns in disguise. Town hall and village square meetings, visit to palaces of prominent monarchs and homes of party elders and influential community leaders, and meetings with interest groups have increased. There is also a gale of endorsements for aspirants by stakeholders.

The contenders are bold, courageous and determined. In the politics of Edo North, they have not taken the back seat. They have served in government before and they are in reckoning with the people. However, the senatorial poll appears to be a different ball game. Therefore, the wheat will still be separated from the chaff at the primaries.

The aspirants include Senator Domingo Obende (APC), Hon. Abubakar Momoh (PDP), Prof. Julius Ihonvbere (APC), Francis Alimikhere (APC), Hon. Pascal Ugboma (PDP), and Chief Richard Lamai (PDP).

Obende

Obende became a senator in 2011 on the platform of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). The politician from the Akoko Edo area is now one of the leaders of the APC in the district. Edo North is made up of Akoko Edo, Etsako and Owan. It is a tripod arrangement. Indeed, the senatorial election has always created tension among these three areas.

Obende has a second term ambition. His campaign train has rolled into towns and villages. Armed with his score card, he has been calling attention to his achievements as a federal legislator and a community man. His ambition has divided the district. But, his supporters believe that his achievements will continue to endear him to constituents. These include the hand pump boreholes, which he attracted to the area, the sponsoring of Christians and Muslims on pilgrimage to Jerusalem and Mecca and skill acquisition training for constituents.

But, his major feat as a senator is that he sponsored the bill, which criminalised same sex marriage. The bill has become and act.

Those objecting to his re-election bid have said that they were not impressed by his performance. Critics have alleged that Obende os inaccessible, although they acknowledged that he has attracted some projects to the constituency. Others have an axe to grind with him on the projects. They said he sited many of the projects in his area, thereby leaving other five local governments in the cold. Some constituents even questioned the quality of the work done by the contractors.

Stakeholders from Owan (East and West) and Etsako (Central, East and West) are agitating for power shift. But, those supporting Obende in Akoko Edo have urged them to wait for their turns. Their argument is that the two areas have enjoyed the slot in the past. Etsako produced Senator Kassim Oyofo, who was in the Upper Chamber between 1999 and 2007. Also, Owan produced Senator Yisa Braimoh, who served from 2007 to 2011. But, Braimoh is campaigning against his successor, saying that he is unfit for a second term. He urged stakeholders to beam a searchlight on his credentials. Obende camp believes that the senator is a victim of blackmail and bitter struggle for power.

But, can Obende get the ticket? A source said that, unlike 2011, his popularity has waned, not because of non-performance, but because some powerful forces are not willing to back him for a second term. Having seen the handwriting on the wall, some of his supporters deserted him.

Momoh

Momoh, an engineer from Etsako, is a member of the House of Representatives. He represents Etsako Constituency, which comprises of Etsako Central, Etsako East and Etsako West. He is a grassroots politician and he has supporters. For him, the Senate should be a compensation for hard work and a sort of elevation. Momoh has served as a councillor, supervisory councillor, and Chairman of Etsako East Council. He was a member of the House of Assembly for eight years. In 2003, he won election into the Lower Chamber. In 2011, he returned to the House. Momoh is a household name in Edo North. But, some stakeholders have grudges against him. According to them, Momoh has not become an exemplary federal legislator. He has also been accused of playing the ethnic card. The legislator is said to be behind the “Etsako Agenda.” The agenda is to mobilise all Etsakos to endorse him for the Senate. Hid ally, according to sources, is Alhaji Usman Shagadi, who is in charge of the mobilisation. The Shagadi/Momoh calculation is that, since Etsako is more populous than Akoko-Edo and Owan, Momoh can rely on the bloc votes from his area to defeat other contenders. However, since this calculation may flounder, he defected to the PDP.

Alimhikhena

Alimhikhena is a retired soldier and lawyer. He is a veteran aspirant, having tried his luck thrice at the PDP primaries. Many party men have hailed his courage, despite the political adversity of losing at each turn. Alimhikhena has not stirred controversy. But, his ambition is not a threat to any contender. He has experience, which he garnered in the military. He has built political structures, which he can rely on. He is a reliable politician. He is popular in Etsako East.

Ihonvbere

The political scientist and university don fought for democracy. He was in the trenches during the dark days of the military rule. When he returned to the country, many were taken aback when he joined the Obasanjo Administration. But, while in that government, he did maintained his puritanical zeal. Many are still expecting him to document his experience as the former Presidential Adviser on Project Monitoring and Evaluation from 2003 to 2007. During the period, he developed a wide network of contacts locally and internationally.

An accomplished and erudite scholar, the Secretary to Edo State Government left the PDP for the defunct ACN in 2012, when he was short-changed by the PDP in his quest for the governorship ticket. He was indeed, the front runner in the race. Ihonvbere defected with thousands of supporters. His ability to communicate, integrity, accessibility, and experience are assets.

Ihonvbere is also a modest philanthropist. Through the Julius Ihonvbere Foundation, he has extended a duty of care to the needy. Many ouths and women have benefitted from his empowerment programmes. He is perceived as a tested and trusted politician, who has what it takes to represent the district in the Senate. Already, stakeholders from four local governments have endorsed him. These are Akoko-Edo, Owan East and Owan West. He also has some supporters in Etsako Central, East and West. Party chieftains believe that his credentials place him above other aspirants. He is focused, humble, charismatic and goal-oriented.

Ugbome

A lawyer and an astute politician, Ugbome served as the former Chairman of Etsako Central local government between 2004 and 2007. He is the Director of Organisation of the PDP. He was a member of the House of Assembly between 1999 and 2003. He represented Etsako Central Constituency. Like Obende, Hon. Ugbome is a Deacon. He has connections. He is a loyal party member, committed and dependable. Stakeholders say he stands a good chance of clinching the ticket of PDP as a fitting reward for his commitment, loyalty and dedication.

Lamai

He is the son of the late Senator Ekpemoriri Lamai. He is the youngest aspirant. Lamai is a shrewd businessman with interests in hospitality, oil and gas. He contested in 2007 and lost narrowly to Senator Braimoh at the primaries. His supporters now believe that he will do better at the proposed shadow poll. But, the aspirant has some hurdles to cross. Some have questioned his commitment to the party. They point out that he only comes around during the electioneering. Some have advised him to vie for a seat in the House of Assembly. In their opinion, age is still on his side.

October 7, 2014
UPP: Don’t postpone next year’s polls

The United Progressive Party (UPP) has urged the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) not to postpone next year’s election. The party said the move could be misinterpreted as a desperate move to achieve tenure elongation by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Its National Chairman, Chief Chekwas Okorie, said it is wrong to postpone the polls because of insurgency, recalling that during the civil war, the country did not suspend socio-economic activities across the country.

He said: “The postponement of election would create an impression of tenure elongation in favour of the ruling party. Once that is done ,the perception can be dangerous and it could result to anarchy.

“The Northerners believe the next election is an opportunity for them to take power back. But, the PDP do not want to relinquish power. We in UPP want the elections to hold at the stipulated time by the INEC because Nigerians want change.”

October 7, 2014