Tag: Inec

Political parties and aspirants have kicked off campaigns ahead of 2027 elections without waiting for the release of the timetable by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the implications for the electoral framework and governance.

Billboards, flyers and posters adorn and litter many buildings, roundabouts, fences and any available wall in the cities and remotest, far-flung villages. They call attention to impending political battles among political parties and aspirants on the long queue for power.

Although the timetable for the next general election has not been released by the umpire, the 2027 race had begun almost three years ago.

Certain unregulated activities beyond the poster wars have catapulted the country into the electioneering period without the official approval.

Concern is mounting over premature campaigns across the six geo-political zones, states, senatorial districts, constituencies and local governments because political parties are in a hurry, and aspirants are impatient and unwilling to wait for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)’s whistle before throwing their hats in the ring.

Due to the hunt for votes by the ruling and opposition parties, there is no demarcation between the period for politicking and the time for governance. For example, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had hardly settled in office after the validation of his victory by the Supreme Court in 2023 when the opposition parties returned to the drawing board.

At the state level, parties outside the government also began mobiilisation immediately beyond their customary oppoosition role of constructive criticism of government policies and programmes.

In response, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) instantly beefed up a resistance, with its former chairman,  Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, declaring that a vacancy does not exist in Aso Villa, Abuja seat of government,  in 2027.

Painting a picture of premature campaigns, a political commentator, Ayuba Ahmad, said “the nation’s political space has evolved over time into a permanent season of electioneering activities,” adding that “billboards are conspicuously displayed months or years ahead of polls, just as the mass media platforms are continually flooded with campaign messaging.” He stressed: “No doubt, the steady and deafening drumbeat of political activities, deceptively labelled “party promotion” or “grassroots mobilisation,” has real, multiple and measurable impact on governance, accountability and the public interest.”

Echoing the Kaduna-based critic, Kafilat Taiwo, a reseacher whose works focussed on the electoral system, observed that “as Nigeria approaches its upcoming major elections in 2026 and 2027, the political environment is becoming increasingly active due to the avalanche of promotional materials, social media content, rallies, and indirect endorsements before the commencement of official campaign periods as defined by law.”

She added: “Although these activities may seem innocuous. Early campaigning is emerging as a significant challenge to the integrity of Nigeria’s electoral process.”

To observers, politicians are exploiting legal loopholes to heat up the polity, knowing that they can easily evade sanctions by the electoral agency.

In September, the commission was taken aback by the early campaigns under the guise of party meetings, party visits, empowerment programmes, endorsement and other social events, including birthdays and funeral, which they elevated into campaign platforms.

Indeed, many politicians are also clever to hide under township consultative meetings, project commissioning, ceremonial events, and distribution of palliatives to constituents.

The commission expressed frustration at the inability to sanction political parties, candidates for elections and their supporters who organise campaigns before the stipulated time.

Former INEC Chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, and the Chairman of the Electoral Institute, Prof Abdullahi Abdu-Zuru, condemned the illegal campaigns at a one day conference with the theme: “Challenges of premature political campaign” in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

At the roundtable, Yakubu’s predecessor, Prof Attahiru Jega, pointed out that the political class was exploring legal loopholes. He explained that the 1999 Constitution and the Electoral Act have failed to stipulate stiff sanction against those behind premature campaigns ahead of polls.

Jega said while the Electoral Act imposes a fine of N500, 000 on those who engaged in campaign less than 24 hours to the main election, there was nothing in the law that serves as sanction for those who engage in campaign less than 150 days to elections as provided for in the Electoral Act, 2022.

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The former INEC Chairman also noted that the trend of campaigns ahead of off-cycle governorship elections without authorisation was disturbing, stressing that lawless politicians violate the provisions with impunity and go scot-free.

Section 94(1) of the Electoral Act 2022 prohibits the commencement of campaign earlier than 150 days, which is five months before the polling day and must end 24 hours prior to that day. Yakubu said “the idea is to prioritise governance over electioneering from one electoral cycle to another.”

But, he lamented that despite the provisions, political parties, candidates and their supporters seem to be perpetually in election mood ahead of the timeframe provided by law.

“Around the country, we have seen outdoor advertising, media campaigns and even rallies promoting various political parties and candidates. These actions and activities undermine the Commission’s ability to track campaign finance limits as politicians, prospective candidates and third-party agents expend large amount of money that cannot be effectively monitored before the official commencement of campaigns. 

“Quite correctly, Nigerians expect INEC, as registrar and regulator of political parties, to act in the face of the brazen breach of the law on early campaign. However, the major challenge for the Commission is the law itself,” he said.

Like Jega, Yakubu, who shed light on the weakness of the law, called for its amendment. “Sections 94(2) of the Electoral Act 2022 imposes sanctions, albeit mild (a maximum amount of N500,000 on conviction), on any political party or a person acting on its behalf who engaged in campaigns 24 hours before polling day.

“However, there is no sanction whatsoever concerning breaches for campaigns earlier than 150 days to an election. Here lies the challenge for the Commission in dealing with early campaign by political parties, prospective candidates and their supporters.

“In a sense, the problem of early campaign in Nigeria is not new. The seeming inability of the Commission and other regulatory agencies to deal with the menace within the ambit of the existing electoral legal framework calls for deep reflection.”

Abdu-Zuru, also an INEC National Commissioner, highlighted the tricks by politicians who indulge in early campaigns. “We have seen aspirants use cultural festivals and religious gatherings to drop hints about their ambitions, often disguised as appreciation or philanthropy. Billboards and branded vehicles sometimes appear with cleverly crafted slogans that stop just short of open solicitation but leave little doubt about the intent.

“More recently, social media influencers and content creators have become key players and fronts, flooding platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, Tik-Tok, YouTube, and X with songs, skits, and hashtags that project particular aspirants many months before the permission of the law.”

Abdu-Zuru described Section 94 (1) of the Electoral Act as a safeguard introduced to ensure fairness, reduce political tension, and guarantee a level playing field for aspirants. “Unfortunately, what we see today is an increasing determination to circumvent, stretch, and even undermine this law. Often, actors such as associations, professional groups, religious groups or political support groups are used as convenient fronts for disguised early campaigning,” he said.

Noting that the implications of this trend are far-reaching, he added: “When aspirants or parties compete to dominate visibility long before the official campaign period, it distorts fairness and raises the cost of political competition.

“Moreover, it distracts from governance, as elected officials become more concerned with sustaining political relevance than delivering public service. Over time, it erodes public confidence in our electoral system and fuels cynicism about whether the law can truly be enforced.”

Abdu-Zuru said  stakeholders must be frank in acknowledging the scale of the challenge and bold in designing solutions. “We must refine the regulatory framework so that what constitutes premature or early campaigning is more clearly defined in today’s digital age.

“We must strengthen enforcement, ensuring that violations are detected early and sanctioned firmly, be it by political parties, individuals, or their proxies. We must engage media organizations and social media platforms, encouraging them to cooperate in moderating content that undermines the electoral timetable. We must intensify civic education to enlighten citizens, especially the youth, on the dangers of endorsing and promoting early campaigns.

“Democracy thrives on fairness, order, and respect for the rules, regulations and guidelines governing the electoral process. Campaigns conducted within the time frame stipulated by law ensure a more level playing field, reduce political tension, and enhance the credibility of elections.

“Respecting the law is not a limitation on political participation but an affirmation that our democracy is rooted in integrity, not expediency.”

Jega, who spoke on the sub-theme: “Towards addressing the challenges of premature election campaigns in Nigeria,” described the pattern as an aberration.

“It undermines INEC’s authority, violates the rule of law and erodes the integrity of any election,” he said. 

Besides, the former INEC chairman said premature campaigns encouraging lawlessness among political actors and gives unfair political advantage to parties and candidates who are reckless and brazen in disrespecting the law. Jega listed the effects of the pattern on the political system, saying: “Candidates or parties who begin campaigning early often gain more visibility and influence than other candidates, thereby creating an uneven playing field; reduces political competition, and ultimately escalates campaign spending.”

He added: “Similarly, premature campaigns shift focus from governance to politics, especially when incumbents engage in early campaigning, and divert attention to politicking rather than fulfilling their mandates to the electorate.

“Indeed, in the Nigerian context, premature campaigns quite often heat up the polity, increase political rivalry, as well as engenders hate speech, and ethno-religious polarization. This often triggers violence, especially in politically volatile areas, deters peaceful political participation, and weaken the enforcement mechanism to punish the offenders “

Major contributory factors to premature campaigns are the off-circle governorship polls, which are perceived as prelude to the general election. This is different from the four-year electoral circle. These off-circle polls are held in Kogi, Imo, Anambra, Ondo, Osun, Edo, Bayelsa, and Ekiti states. Party chieftains from other states usually storm the eight states in solidarity with their counterparts.  The common refrain is that victory at the off-circle elections could predict success at the general election.

Also, the early campaigns generate a sort of economy which brings money to the media in terms of advertisement and income to the poster printers and the influencers.

There is no campaign fatigue as the off- circle poll campaigns usually herald the mobilisation for the general election. As political activities tend to intensify well in advance for the purpose of tenure renewal and power consolidation, politicians may turn governance into secondary business and focus more on elections than service delivery.

Alluding to the impact of early campaigns on Nigeria ‘s democratic system, Taiwo said,  based on historical data on elections, they can confer structural advantages on certain political parties.

It is an undertatement. In 2015, candidates who initiated mobilisation before the official campaign period established significant media presence and developed grassroots networks before the INEC opened the formal campaign window. It is noteworthy that the All Progressives Congress (APC) kicked off its campaigns immediately the fusion of the legacy parties – the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), a faction of All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and the new-PDP – was consumated in 2014.

Also, in 2019 and 2023, social media contributed to the trend as candidates used online influencers and digital marketing to reach voters, prior to official campaign periods.

Since the first quarter of 2025, opposition politicians from the PDP, the Coalition Group and the African Democratic Congress (ADC) have been holding elaborate meetings and rallies drumming support for their platforms and campaigning against President Tinubu, who has been endorsed for a second term by the APC.

Not sleeping on guard, groups within the ruling party have reacted by holding endorsement rallies in many states of the federation. Most APC governors have set up endorsement committees which have transformed into campaign structures. The endorsements harboured the elements of premature campaigns.

 “These approaches affected public perceptions of fairness in the electoral process and influenced the direction and pace of campaigns before the formal start dates,” said Taiwo, who also explained why politicians start campaigns early.

In her view, aspirants frequently begin their campaign early to demonstrate influence, establish dominance and shape national discourse ahead of elections.

Besides, internal party conflicts may prompt some candidates to initiate indirect campaigns – often through cultural festivals, philanthropic initiatives and branded events – to outpace their competitors and secure endorsements within the party. In extreme cases, some politicians conduct veiled campaigns in churches, mosques and on ethnic platforms.

When former Kaduna State Governor Nosiru El-Rufai, after defecting from APC to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in March 2025, appealed to the North to reject President Tinubu in 2007 some Arewa, Afenifere and Ohanaeze Ndigbo chieftains started continuity campaigns for the president in the spirit of zoning. To counter the potential regional bullying, a northern musician, Dauda Kahutu Rarara, waxed a record titled: ‘Asiwaju Omo Ologo.’ It is still trending in the region.

In the past, aspirants delivered lectures of various kinds, with the media assisting in their projections through stories, features, analysis and advertisement.

Since social media is not controlled, it is often exploited and abused. “Most individuals use social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram. Tick Tok, You Tube and X (Twitter) to increase their visibility.  Due to the lack of explicit penalties, candidates often experience minimal consequences for violating regulations, which can make early campaigning more common,” Taiwo stressed.

To INEC, these premature activities severely compromise the ability to track and enforce campaign finance limits “as politicians, prospectve candidates and third party agents expend large amounts of money that cannot be effectively monitored before the official commencement of campaigns. “

Although the Nigerian Police is charged with protecting the electoral process, it has similarly admitted difficulties in monitoring campaign and enforcing regulations on campaign timings. Since 2024, multiple large billboards have become conspicuous in Abuja, many state capitals, cities and towns across the federation, with messages highlighting the 2027 elections, and often featuring incumbent figures in promotional poses.

Despite public disclaimers from the Presidency and party officials that they did not sponsor the materials, the presence and scale of the display show organised spending and messaging. The police have not acted by pulling any of them down.

At the Abuja conference, Adebayo Sogunle, Commissioner of Police In Charge of Election Monitoring,  who represented Inspector General Kayode Egbetokun, noted that every law enforcement agency is saddled with the responsibility of ensuring the implementation of all laws passed by the National Assembly. He said in doing that, the question has always been the relevance of such laws to the security and welbeing of the people and the nation.

Sogunle merely added that the police will continue to enforce all laws, ensure peaceful campaigns and provide security during elections.

Ahmad identified four reasons why enforcement is diffult. He acknowledged the constraints expressed by Jega, pointing out that while campign in less than 24 hours to the poll attract penalty, those who campaign earlier than 150 days to the poll have no fear of any sanction.

Secondly, he said “many campaign materials are funded and executed by “third party” groups, including Independent coalitions, think-tanks or media houses, and this makes it harder to tie spending to a candidate or party for legal purposes. 

Thirdly, INEC and the police are handicapped because they fear the repercussions of checking those in power. This is the consequence of weak institutions fretting in the face of intimidating political pressue. “Enforcement agencies such as the INEC and the Police depend in large measure on political actors and the government, for resources and cooperation. Where incumbents benefit from early visibility, the tendency for aggressive enforcement is blunted. In such a situation,  enforcement becomes selective, and concomitantly, the relevant institutions get weaker,” Ahmad stressed.

Above all, the Electoral Law, when it was enacted, hardly anticipated the impact of social media potrayals. Social media is comparatively cheaper for image projection. Thus, political gladiators are attracted to the ever-multiplying plethora of online platforms because their messaging goes viral at a lower cost. “This brings up the question of whether existing campaign-timing rules can remain effective in view of the fact that the law was written before this tsunami of low-cost, high-reach digital campaigning,” Ahmad said.

The effect on political behaviour is immense. Candidates who flout the rules through early campaigns have a significant presence in the media and public spaces, which can place those adhering to campaign regulations at a disadvantage. “ For example, during the 2015 and 2019 elections, individuals who established early momentum were ultimately able to surpass competitors who complied with the official campaign,” Taiwo recalled.

There is also the money factor. As wealthy aspirants kick-start the race through premature campaigns, their struggling counterparts, who ultimately enter the fray with meagre resources may dry out. This is due to the fact that extended campaigns require additional funding, which can increase the cost of political participation and competition. This situation may ultimately benefit candidates with more financial resources and present challenges for those with fewer resources.

But there is erosion of trust due to lack of a level playing field. When voters observe politicians breaking rules without apparent consequences, confidence in the fairness of elections may decrease, resulting in reduced engagement or increased suspicion about the integrity of the electoral process.

The greatest effect is governance distraction. There is conflict between premature campaigns and service delivery based on current mandate. Putting this dilema into perspective, Taiwo, who shared the view of Jega and Abdu-Zuru, said:”Office holders who seek re-election may allocate time to campaign, which can result in less focus on immediate governance responsibilities.”

However, many politicians in Nigeria do not believe in the notion of premature campaigns. The Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Electoral Matters, Adebayo Balogun, rejected the notion, saying that “it is vague.”

He queried: “Is it when the governor is commissioning a project and his supporters gather to sing his praises and show appreciation or when a lawmaker empowers his constituents or when the opposition hold rallies to oppose government policies?”

Balogun, who represents Ibeju-Lekki Constituency on the platform of the APC, said restriction is a military legacy. “We should search our minds whether we should be having laws in 2025 restricting campaigns. We should put behind us these practices we inherited from the military and forge democratic ideals going forward,” he added.

The federal legislator pointed out that many candidates do not even know all the people who campaign on their behalf on the social media.

“The social media today cannot be controlled and sometimes, you don’t even know who is putting out posters on your behalf. So, who do you hold responsible when things like this happen? Is it the individual or the political parties?” he asked.

The solution is the amendment of the Electoral Act being proposed by INEC.

Fñormer Director-General of the National Orientation Agency (NOA), Prof. Tonnie Iredia,  who supported the review of the electoral law on campaigns, said: “The law is to blame for premature campaigns because legal provisions on the subject failed to cover the field.

 Quoting William Mackenzie, a British political scientist, he added: “If the rules limiting the struggle for power are not observed faithfully, the game will disappear amid the wreckage of the whole system.”

 A political writer, Jibrin Ibrahim, who agreed with Iredia’s opinion, pointed out the conflicts in the electoral law is an obstacle.

He said: “Another problem with the Electoral Act 92(4) is its categorical provision that: “No registered political party in Nigeria, its aspirants or candidate shall be prevented from holding rallies, processions or meetings at any time for their constitutional political purposes, and the Police shall in a consultative manner, resolve any conflict of time and venue between and amongst parties where such arises.”

Ibrahim said aspirants who break the premature campaigning provision could always evoke the provision to escape any sanction for the breach they have committed. The way forward, he added, is to refine the regulatory framework so that what constitutes premature or early campaigning is more clearly defined to avoid the ambiguities that create loopholes.

Ibrahim also said that “it is important to strengthen enforcement, ensuring that violations are detected early and sanctioned firmly, be it by political parties, individuals, or their proxies.”

He blamed regulatory agencies for not immediately responding to the breach, saying:  “All billboard messages have to be approved by the advertising regulatory agency and the question is: did they approve the message and did they check whether such content violated the law?”

Jega, who inisted that premature campaigns are technical violations, urged Nigeria to emulate countries like Australia, Mexico, Philippines, and to some extent, India, where premature campaigns attract penalties ranging from fines to imprisonment.

Noting that campaigns are very important aspects of elections and they play a significant role in deepening democracy,  he said they should be regulated by law.

He said: “For elections to be meaningful, democratic and beneficial to the citizens, they should have integrity; they should be rule-based, transparent, free and fair, and have a level playing field for all participating political parties and candidates. Similarly, their preparation and conduct must be seen to be professional, efficient,  non-partisan and impartial.

“Their period and duration should be defined by either the provisions of the constitution or Acts of the legislature and regulaby the Election Management Bodies (EMBs)”.

Jega also said all election campaign offences, especially premature campaign offences, should be carefully defined, stiff penalties specified, and strictly applied where applicable, while candidates and their parties, especially  incumbent office holders and their political parties, should be vicariously held responsible and penalized  for premature campaigns for them by third-parties.

He also suggested that the anti graft bodies, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) should pay special attention to third-party campaigners and thoroughly interrogate their sources of funding.

Jega added: “In determining whether candidates and parties expenditures fall within approved limits, the estimated or determined expenditure by a third-party campaigner for the candidate or the party should be taken into consideration.”

The former INEC chairman also said “ the recommendation for the establishment of Elections Offences Commission and Tribunal has become even more urgent and important for consideration, and should be addressed in the current or next round of electoral reforms before 2027 elections.”

Ahmad pointed out that two years to the next election season of 2027, the political atmosphere is already overcharged with campaigns. He urged the National Assembly, through legislation or amendment, to close the legal gaps that leave the 150-day rule unenforceable. He said legislative changes should include explicit penalties and a mechanism for swift administrative enforcement of penalties such as fines or takedowns.

Ahmad added: “There is the urgent need to update the rules for digital and out-of-home advertising as well as enhancing the powers of regulatory authorities on takedown. This demands that regulatory bodies are adequately resourced to enforce quick content takedowns and trace digital funding.”

The onus is on regulatory agencies  – the Broadcasting Organisation of Nigeria (BON), the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC), which regulates the broadcast media and the Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria (ARCON), which regulates advertisement, including outdoor advertising – to live to expectation.

Taiwo called for the disqualification of aspirants or candidate who flout the rules. She said the measures would ensure that political parties are both responsible for internally regulating their candidates and held accountable if they promote or disregard premature campaigns.

She added: ”However, INEC should promote public awareness campaigns designed to educate citizens on campaign timelines and the risks associated with premature campaigning. Such initiatives can enhance accountability by empowering voters to demand adherence to established regulations.

“INEC may utilise technology-based monitoring of campaigns, particularly on social media, to track compliance and identify instances of violation.”

When a new Chairman assumes the leadership of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), expectations naturally run high. The Commission is one of Nigeria’s most sensitive national institutions, a body that often stands at the intersection of politics, law, and public morality. Its performance defines not only who wins or loses elections, but also the integrity of the democratic process itself. TONY AKOWE writes on the task before the new INEC Chairman

There is no gainsaying the fact that Nigeria’s electoral landscape stands at a crossroads. This much has been admitted by even those who manage the system and those who play an active part in the electoral process. For one, the 2023 general elections left behind a trail of mixed emotions. While some saw triumph and victory, thereby regarding the process as successful and an improvement on previous exercises, others feel some sense of disillusionment.

Two years or less to the conduct of the 2027 general elections, the debates over technology, logistics, credibility, and judicial outcomes have continued to dominate public discourse. At a time when agitations for the reform of the electoral system are high, Prof. Joash Amupitan steps into the saddle of the leadership of the nation’s electoral umpires, inheriting the huge burden brought to bear on the polity.  It is worth mentioning that the immediate past Chairman of the Commission, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, left a big shoe for him to wear.

Against this backdrop, Prof Amupitan steps into office with the urgent task of rebuilding confidence, deepening reforms, and reaffirming the Commission’s independence. Interestingly, Yakubu’s era has been marked by both commendations and condemnations, depending on where you stand. While those who lost elections believe that the commission has not done well, especially during the 2023 elections, those who won elections described Yakubu as the best thing to ever happen to Nigeria. This explains why he should realise from the onset that the task before him is enormous and enviable. From the onset, he must realise that the institution he leads must not only conduct credible elections, but must convince Nigerians that those elections are free, fair, and transparent. The agenda before him, therefore, is both technical and moral, which is a duty to reset the system and reawaken trust in the ballot.

With public trust in the commission currently at a low ebb, largely due to the perception held by many, whether rightly or wrongly, it is essential to acknowledge that one of the most pressing challenges facing the new Chairman is how to restore public confidence in the commission. Whatever the position those holding the views may hold, there is no doubt that the issue of credibility of the electoral process, as raised by several Nigerians, cannot be ignored. In several quarters, questions linger about the consistency of the Commission’s procedures, especially in the transmission and collation of results. The commission must explain to Nigerians why a dedicated portal like the INEC Result Viewing (IREV) portal was created, and the fact that it does not take the place of a proper coalition of results. One of the reasons why many Nigerians appear to have lost confidence in the system is because of the belief that the IREV is a result collation portal. However, while the portal serves as a database for results from all polling units, it has not taken the position of a collation centre. The Electoral Act 2022 provides for the procedures to be followed before election results can be declared. Amupitan, as a lawyer, must educate and enlighten Nigerians on why the IREV was put in place and what purpose it is supposed to serve. He must also lead the commission to expand and build on the communication channels put in place by his predecessor, while carrying out massive training and retraining of the main staff and other adjunct workers whose output has a way of affecting the commission. Transparency must, therefore, become the Commission’s operating culture. Nigerians need to see an electoral umpire that communicates clearly, explains its decisions promptly, and engages openly with the electorate. Regular press briefings, stakeholder town hall meetings, and interactive digital platforms could bridge the perception gap that often fuels suspicion. One thing that is crystal clear is the fact that public confidence is the foundation of electoral legitimacy. When citizens believe their votes do not count, democracy begins to erode. The new Chairman must consciously rebuild this trust — not through rhetoric, but through consistent, open conduct.

 Deepening electoral reforms

Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, the nation’s electoral space has been shaped by successive reforms, some of which have often been driven by public pressure. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal during the 2023 general elections marked significant technological progress.

The BVAS replaced the smart card reader, which was introduced into the electoral process in 2015. Its main function was to read the Permanent Voter Card (PVC) and verify the voter’s fingerprint to ensure the voter was genuine and accredited. But it could not capture facial recognition or transmit results directly. But the BVAS, which was introduced in 2021, replaced the Smart Card Reader and improved on it by combining fingerprint and facial recognition for accreditation and also transmitting election results electronically from the polling units.

But both innovations also exposed new vulnerabilities, from network disruptions and failure to operational inconsistencies. Although the disruption to the IREV and delay in properly taking in presidential election results during the 2023 elections and attempts to hack the system despite a series of assurances have weighed down on the credibility of the final results. Prof Amupitan must lead the revolution that will change this narrative for good and ensure that all identified hitches are attended to and corrected before the 2027 elections and beyond. In addition, he should champion the next phase of reform. Part of the steps that must be taken immediately is to liaise with the National Assembly to clarify sections of the Electoral Act that still leave room for legal ambiguity, particularly regarding electronic transmission and manual collation, status of candidates who jump from one political party to the other on the eve of elections, the role of the courts in determining winners of elections, especially when the candidates involved did not participate in the elections, but lost or got manipulated out of the system during party primaries among other reforms. This is important at a time when the legislature is working on repealing and re-enacting the Electoral Act. He must also push for legislative protection of INEC’s independence, ensuring that future reforms are not left at the mercy of political expediency. He should also ensure that the reforms to be carried out within the electoral space do not end with technology. The Commission’s internal processes, such as recruitment, logistics management, and staff training, require a structural overhaul because the credibility of any election is only as strong as the competence of those who administer it.

Rebuilding institutional integrity

Every new INEC leadership inherits not only the machinery of election management but also the perception of institutional strength or weakness. The Commission’s credibility depends on the perceived neutrality of its officials, from the national headquarters to the state headquarters and down to local government offices. Although the President still has the right to appoint Resident Electoral Commissioners, their posting is still the prerogative of the commission. For ease of administration, the immediate past Chairman introduced a policy that ensured that RECs are posted within their zone or origin, but not in their states. Whether this insulates them from partisanship is left to be seen. But Amupitan must drive this process along with his National Commissioners, some of whom are already running out of their tenure. The Commission must champion transparent selection criteria and performance-based evaluation systems for state offices, especially when choosing the Administrative Secretaries who are staff of the Commission. Where misconduct is established, sanctions should be swift and public. This, again, is why he should work with the National Assembly in amending the 1999 constitution to allow the commission discipline RECs and remove them if possible. Institutional integrity is not built overnight. It grows from consistent adherence to ethical standards and the courage to enforce discipline internally. The Commission must prove that it can regulate itself before it can convincingly regulate others.

Technology and electoral logistics

No matter how advanced the laws or good the intentions, elections are ultimately won and lost on the field. However, logistics remain one of the most persistent weaknesses in electoral management, from delayed materials to malfunctioning devices. To address the issue of logistics, especially in the delivery of election materials, the new INEC leadership must sustain existing relationships with stakeholders in the transport sector.

The use of residential houses as polling units must be discouraged, while such polling units must be moved to more neutral places. Cases abound across the country where polling units are located in front of residential houses that sometimes turn out to belong to politicians. Rather, public schools should be designated as polling units as they often have the capacity to take a large gathering of voters. The Commission must also build trust with the traditional rulers to serve as custodians of electoral materials. But the danger in this is that the ruling party in such places may have access to such materials. But if the commission can address the issue of logistics in the elections, a large percentage of the problem in the system would have been solved. The Amupitan leadership must also carry out a comprehensive audit of BVAS machines, IReV servers, and data storage systems of the commission. It must take steps to identify gaps in hardware integrity and data security. Every technology deployed must be stress-tested for Nigeria’s diverse terrain and network challenges. Beyond technology, logistics planning requires fresh imagination. Electoral materials should not arrive late because of last-minute contracting or poor transport coordination in addition to the road transport unions. The Commission can explore partnerships with reputable logistics firms and security agencies for better coordination. The danger in contracting transport companies, however, is that some of the reputable ones are also owned by politicians or their associates. In other words, the commission must work to create a network that will ensure transparent elections. Innovation should be seen as a continuous process. In the long term, INEC could explore blockchain-based verification systems to prevent tampering and ensure real-time transparency. The goal is to make manipulation increasingly difficult and confidence increasingly easy. Amupitan has, however, made it clear that while technology is key, it cannot completely guarantee credible elections because the telecom network has remained a major challenge.  He said the commission is discussing with network providers with a view to ensuring improved services during elections.

Electoral offences and accountability

Another recurring challenge that has undermined Nigeria’s electoral process is the culture of impunity. Ballot snatching, vote buying, falsification of results, and violence remain major features of elections largely because perpetrators rarely face justice. While incidents of ballot box snatching have been on the decline over the years, the political actors have devised means of carrying out their act of election rigging. Although the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has often deployed its personnel to monitor elections while on the watch out for vote buying, it is instructive that not many people have been arrested and brought to book for vote buying. During the recent Anambra elections, the EFCC announced the arrest of only three persons for incidences of vote buying. But the Centre for Democracy and Development, in its preliminary report, alleged vote buying in two out of the three Senatorial districts in the state. The report also alleged that voters were snapping their ballot paper after voting. This is clearly a violation of the guidelines for the election. Such persons must be brought to justice if we are to clean up the electoral space. This explained why the Electoral Offences Commission must be created to handle incidences of vote buying and other electoral crimes. Prof Amupitan, as the new Chairman, must lend a strong institutional voice to the call for the establishment of the Electoral Offences Commission, as recommended by several panels and civil society groups. The immediate past chairman spoke strongly about the establishment of the commission. But while the last Senate passed the bill to establish the commission, the House of Representatives failed to consider the report of its committee to create the commission because of a typographical error. Many stakeholders have argued that without an independent prosecutorial body, INEC remains overburdened and underpowered to enforce discipline. The passage of the constitutional amendment to create the Electoral Offences Commission by the National Assembly and its concurrence by state Assemblies and eventual signing by the President will go a long way in enhancing electoral integrity ahead of the general election.

Equally important is collaboration with the police, judiciary, and anti-corruption agencies to ensure that electoral offences are treated with the seriousness they deserve. Every prosecuted case strengthens public belief that democracy has consequences for wrongdoing. INEC staff, too, must be held accountable. Where internal compromise is proven, punishment should be public and deterrent. The credibility of an election is not only about what politicians do; it also depends on what the electoral officers refuse to do.

Strengthening voter education and participation

Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, the participation of Nigerians in the electoral process has continued to decline, even as the register of voters keeps growing. Available records showed that with about 57.9 million registered voters in 1999, the country recorded about 52.26 per cent voter turnout. This increased to 69.08 per cent in 2003 when the nation had about 60 million registered voters. This figure dropped to 57.5 per cent turnout in 2007 when the nation had a slight increase in voter registration to about 61.5 million. The figures dropped further in 2011 to 53.7 percent even when the voter registration increased to about 75 million eligible voters. But by 2015, INEC announced a decrease in the figure on the voter register to about 68.8 million, with a voter turnout of 42.7 per cent. With 84 million voters eligible for the 2019 elections, only 41 per cent of voters turned up to elect the President. The lowest voter turnout since the return to democracy has been during the 2023 general election, with only 26.7 per cent of eligible voters out of about 93. 4 million registered voters turning out to cast their votes.

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Many have argued that low voter turnout does not add to the credibility of elections. Therefore, the new Chairman must treat voter education not as an event, but as a continuous civic duty. The Commission must therefore collaborate with the National Orientation Agency, civil society groups, and the media to reawaken civic consciousness. There is a need to localise and digitalise voter education, while those in the rural communities, young people, and first-time voters should be reached through targeted campaigns in indigenous languages and on social media. INEC must also review the Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) process to ensure accessibility, especially for displaced persons and marginalised groups.

Democracy thrives only when citizens participate. The task before the Commission is to make that participation meaningful and easy.

Navigating political pressures

 INEC’s independence has often been tested by political forces that seek to influence its decisions, both from local and international sources. From appointment controversies to policy disputes, the perception that the Commission is vulnerable to external influence has been difficult to dispel. As a lawyer and an administrator, Prof. Amupitan needs both administrative tact and moral firmness to navigate this terrain. Independence is not merely declared; it is demonstrated through consistent refusal to bend to political convenience. He must establish transparent policies on communication, decision-making, and stakeholder engagement. Every action of the Commission should be explainable in terms of law, not loyalty. Only then will public confidence deepen and political actors learn to respect the neutrality of the umpire.

Planning for the next electoral cycle

Even though the next general election may be a little above one year away, electoral reform must be treated as a marathon and not a sprint. One of the weaknesses of past Commissions was the tendency to begin serious planning only months before major elections. The new INEC leadership must initiate a comprehensive post-2023 review to identify what worked, what failed, and why. From this should emerge a Strategic Plan for the 2027 elections, complete with timelines for technology upgrades, logistics testing, and staff retraining. An early start will allow the Commission to anticipate challenges and engage stakeholders meaningfully. It will also help ensure that by the time the next elections approach, reforms are already institutionalised rather than improvised. The conduct of the Osun and Ekiti governorship elections in 2026 will serve as a litmus test for the Amupitan-led commission.

Reinforcing inter-agency cooperation

The success of any election depends on effective coordination among institutions such as security agencies, the National Orientation Agency, the National Broadcasting Commission, and the judiciary, among others. Past elections have exposed lapses in this synergy, especially in security deployment and information management. The new INEC Chairman should ensure that the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security (ICCES) becomes a permanent structure, not just an election-time formality. If possible, the creation of the body should be embedded in the electoral legal framework because regular meetings, scenario planning, and early warning systems can reduce violence and confusion during polls. Presently, the ICCES meets only four times a year. Similarly, coordination with the judiciary must be proactive. Training and dialogue between electoral officers and judges on electoral jurisprudence can minimise post-election disputes and inconsistent rulings.

Engaging the media and civil society

He must realise the fact that a credible election process requires a credible information flow. The media and civil society organisations have historically served as watchdogs and educators, but relations with the INEC have not always been smooth. He should therefore cultivate a professional partnership with these groups. Press freedom and access to information are vital for transparency. When journalists are informed, misinformation and suspicion decline. Civil society groups, on their part, can provide early warnings and independent observation that strengthen public confidence.

Funding and financial accountability

Elections are expensive undertakings, and funding remains a recurring challenge. Delays in budget releases, coupled with allegations of financial waste, have sometimes affected INEC’s efficiency. He should push through the amendment to the electoral act that will ensure the immediate release of funds meant for the elections. He must find a way to strengthen the Commission’s financial management system. Transparent procurement processes, digital accounting, and external auditing should become standard practice. Early engagement with the National Assembly on budgetary matters will also prevent last-minute funding crises that hamper logistics. He must also find a way of reducing election expenses. That is why he needs to push through the amendment to the electoral act that seeks to eliminate bye elections, especially in legislative elections, to ensure that when an elected person resigns or dies, his political party should be made to produce the replacement.  The political parties, through the Inter- Party Advisory Council, are already in support of this.

Building a Culture of Continuous Improvement

Beyond policies and technology, the deeper challenge is cultural. The Commission must develop a mindset of continuous improvement, where each election becomes an opportunity to learn, not merely to survive. The Chairman can institutionalise post-election conferences, stakeholder assessments, and data-driven performance reports. Comparative learning from other African democracies like Ghana, South Africa, and Kenya will also be beneficial. Democracy is not perfected by chance; it is built by institutions that refuse to repeat their mistakes.

Courage, vision, and integrity

Amupitan, as the INEC Chairman, faces serious challenges from people who see nothing good in whatever one does. There is no doubt that there are enormous expectations from Nigerians and the international community, who give limited room for errors. As head of the only constitutional agency that wields the power to decide who occupies elective offices in Nigeria, both in the Executive and Legislature, he has constitutional power anchored on a mandate to deliver free and credible elections and therefore stands between political ambition and national stability and therefore must deliver fairness without fear, and reform without resentment. This is more important at a time when many Nigerians are advocating that the power to conduct local government elections be taken away from the states and handed over to INEC. The assignment before him is therefore both clear and demanding. That is, to rebuild trust, reform the system, and reaffirm the constitutionally guaranteed independence of the agency. It is important to say that Nigerians are not asking for perfection, but the credibility of the system. The road ahead may be difficult, and political pressures will be brought to bear by both local international forces and the political class and Nigerians alike. Public criticism will be heard and sometimes based largely on absolute falsehood, while operational challenges will persist. Yet, the measure of leadership lies not in avoiding these pressures but in standing firm under these pressures and insisting on doing what is right. Some analysts believe that if Prof. Amupitan can restore faith in the ballot, he would have succeeded in strengthening the foundation of Nigeria’s democracy.

There is no gainsaying the fact that following the successful completion of the Anambra governorship election, which is the first to be conducted under the new Chairman, the time is ripe for him to properly settle down to his new assignment. He must quickly seek to strengthen transparency and public communication within the electoral space. One political analyst who followed the Mahmood Yakubu era closely, Ezenwa Nwagwu, believes that the commission was not always quick to respond to issues in the public domain. This is one area that Prof. Amupitan should quickly work on, especially in the run-up to the FCT Area Council elections, the Osun and Ekiti governorship elections and the 2027 general elections. In addition, he should take immediate steps to reform internal operations and staff integrity systems and push for the establishment of the Electoral Offences Commission. This commission will help reduce the burden of investigating and prosecuting electoral offenders, which is almost nonexistent at the moment. The commission must also build on the gains of the immediate past chairman in the area of use of technology in the electoral process by upgrading existing technology and logistics frameworks, while enhancing voter education and civic engagement. Many believe this will revive citizens’ participation and reduce voter apathy, which has seen less than 30 per cent of registered voters in the country participating in elections. Even though the recent Anambra elections witnessed a great improvement in previous elections, less than 30 per cent of the 2.8 million registered voters took part in the election.