The Nation Newspaper

Tag: Intrigues

  • Adoke and intrigues over OPL 245

    On Friday, April 13, Justice Binta Nyako of the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja made a landmark pronouncement which, stripped of legal language, means when a minister acts as directed by the president, he or she cannot be held liable for the action. In other words, the minister is only carrying out an order of the president. Justice Nyako declared that by the provisions of sections 5(1), 147, 148 and 150 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended), the executive powers of the federation were vested in the president which he could exercise either personally or through any of his appointed ministers. This is the first judicial interpretation of these sections of the constitution to the best of my knowledge.

    Why is this judgment so significant? Mohammed Bello Adoke, who was Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice under former President Goodluck Jonathan from 2010 to 2015, had been charged to court by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for allegedly giving “wrong legal advice” to Jonathan in the settlement of the long-drawn dispute between the federal government and Malabu Oil & Gas Ltd over OPL 245. The oil prospecting licence had been awarded to Malabu Oil & Gas Ltd in 1998 by the government of the late General Sani Abacha. However, the licence was withdrawn by the government of former President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2001, who then awarded it to Shell. Meanwhile, the OPL 246 licence awarded to General TY Danjuma’s South Atlantic Petroleum on the same day as Malabu was not withdrawn by Obasanjo. Danjuma was Obasanjo’s Minister of Defence.

    Malabu thereafter went to court to challenge the withdrawal of OPL 245 licence. Eventually, the federal government decided to settle out of court. This was in 2006. Shell was dissatisfied with the decision and opted to sue the federal government to the International Centre for the Settlement of International Disputes (ICSID), an arm of the World Bank, claiming at least $1.5 billion from Nigeria for alleged breach of contract. It appeared to be a bad case for Nigeria. This was the state of things when President Jonathan came to office in 2010. Malabu, whose beneficial owner had now turned out to be Dan Etete, Minister of Petroleum under Abacha, raised the matter with Jonathan, who then decided to give effect to the out-of-court settlement reached by the Obasanjo government.

    It was on the basis of the judgment that the Resolution Agreement was reached with Malabu. It provided the following terms: that Malabu waives all interests and rights in OPL 245 and agrees that it should be re-allocated to another entity; that Shell Nigeria Ultra Deep Limited (SNUD) agrees that its interest be reallocated to Shell Nigeria Exploration and Production Company (SNEPCo); that FGN will re-allocate OPL 245 to SNEPCo and Eni of Italy (also known as the Nigerian Agip Exploration, NAE); that the $207,960,000 deposited in an Escrow account at JP Morgan Chase Bank in London, UK, by SDPC will be paid to FGN as signature bonus for the re-allocation of OPL 245 to SNEPCo and NAE; that an Escrow account will be opened in the names of FGN and Malabu at JP Morgan; that NAE will pay an agreed sum to the account; that the money will be transferred by FGN to Malabu as its pay-off for giving up OPL 245; that NAE and SNEPCo will execute the PSC for OPL 245; and that all pending suits, and arbitration, will be withdrawn by all parties.

    It was in the spirit of the Resolution Agreement that the transaction was concluded. Controversy would arise much later over the $1.1 billion payments made to Malabu; some campaigners in the UK started raising issues that it should have been paid to the Nigerian government, and that Malabu, the original owners of the oil block, should not have got anything. All these arguments, it would appear, were designed for OPL 245 alone. Original awardees of many oil blocks in Nigeria had been re-selling to IOCs for decades without any eyebrow being raised, but the campaigners sought to make a different law for Malabu. They may have a point, nonetheless. There are important moral questions that Etete was Minister of Petroleum when the oil block was awarded to Malabu, and he turned out to be the owner of Malabu, along with a son of Abacha. There is a legitimate question of conflict of interest. But fraud is a different kettle of fish which has to be legally established.

    This is why I think the vilification of Adoke has been most unfair. Everything about OPL 245 has been pinned on him by the EFCC as if he was the one that awarded the licence to Malabu in the first place. You would also think he was the AGF that decided to settle out of court. You would think he was the one that ordered that $1.1 billion be paid by Shell and NAE to Malabu. How can EFCC charge somebody to court for giving wrong legal advice “that made Nigeria lose money”? Even if he gave bad advice, is that a criminal offence? Everybody knows that the buck stops at the president’s table as the Federal High Court has now ruled. It is common sense.

    It is an irony that when JP Morgan filed its defence in the ongoing case of “negligence” brought by the Attorney-General of Nigeria in a London High Court, nowhere was Adoke’s name mentioned. All the government officials that authorised the payment were named by the bank. These are: then Minister of State for Finance, Dr. Yerima Ngama; and then Accountant-General of the Federation, Mr.  Otunla Ogunniyi. Nowhere in the court filings was Adoke mentioned as authorising any payment. Yet he is the only (former) government official being prosecuted by the EFCC. Anybody who understands how government works will certainly come to the conclusion that there is something fishy going on. It beggars belief that only one official did something wrong in a matter that spanned the lives of four administrations, with four different AGFs!

    Now that the Federal High Court has ruled that Adoke cannot be held liable for carrying out a lawful presidential directive, at least one aspect of the charges is now standing on a weak leg. Also, with JP Morgan Chase Bank releasing the details of those who authorised the payments and with Adoke’s name not featuring on the list, it has become glaring that the EFCC is not telling Nigerians the whole truth. Except there are still hard facts hidden from the public, recent developments have vindicated Adoke in my considered opinion.

     

    • Bukar is the Managing Partner of Bukar and Bukar Associates, Area 11, Garki, Abuja.

  • APC can’t live or breathe without intrigues

    IT took extensive intrigues in February for the APC National Executive Committee (NEC) to suddenly propose and approve a two-year tenure extension for its functionaries, the main beneficiaries being party executives at national, state, local government and ward  levels. The ostensible explanation was that, given the existing rifts within the party, it would be both acrimonious and disastrous for the party, less than a year before the next polls, to kick-start the process of electing new party officials. It is true that the party is riven by various interests and conflicting forces and groups, some of them so strong and so independent that they have become unmanageable and invincible. Since many party leaders knew that congresses and convention would virtually determine their survival in the party, it was reasoned that a fight to the death could ensue. To avert that apocalyptic scenario, and obviously to keep their gains untouched by any fancy political or strategic foot work, officials devised the bright idea to flout their own and the country’s constitutions to retain their little fiefdoms.

    But last week, just like the tenure extension proposal popped up suddenly, a bright idea to defeat the proposal, this time inspired by President Muhammadu Buhari, also suddenly came up. The president’s position was anchored on the law and the constitution. At the follow-up NEC meeting, and in the presence of confident and exulting proponents of extension, the president brutally burst the bubble of those who had positioned themselves and their supporters to benefit from the extension. The uproar was intense, and the arguments bitter and implacable. Clearly, the battle is by no means over, for regardless of the law and the constitution, there are many forces in the party who have set great store by the extension, and who would do anything to sustain their advantageous positions.

    APC watchers are not surprised that the party is polarised, or that the schisms seem to follow a roughly pro- and anti-Bola Tinubu line, or that the leading legal arguments were advocated by south-westerners who have squirmed over their relationship with Asiwaju Tinubu, or that the extension advocates would do anything to win the argument in order to cement the rebellion they fomented in the party shortly after the 2015 polls. The campaign for extension may be painted in altruistic colours, but in reality the pro-extension forces tire of the rigour, discipline and leadership exemplified by the depleted Tinubu forces. In late February, the pro-extension forces fired the first shot. Last week, they suffered unexpected reverses. They will not give up until the battle is fully joined in the coming weeks, for they have already sounded the battle cry and are eager to break out in open rebellion against the president’s superior legal arguments.

    Some three years ago, the PDP expired under a hail of intrigues, and the APC coolly and calmly walked in and picked up the pieces. But, comparatively, it is debatable whether the PDP was in those years capable of the intensity, variety and volume of intrigues that today swaddle the APC. Neither the president nor Asiwaju Tinubu should imagine that the last shots have been fired. The heavy guns will be rolled out soon. It is rumoured that some party leaders might be inclined to enthroning former Edo governor, Adamas Oshiomhole, as the new party chairman, assuming the party can safely deliver the convention. Mr Oshiomhole is neither the radical and revolutionary his background presupposes, nor the intellectual and progressive his political trajectory implies. He is a natural and instinctive establishment man who will always do the bidding of the president, regardless of his boisterousness and workaholism.

    Though the pro-extension forces can always become turncoats and find a new champion, even if that champion has to be the inventive and prodigious improviser, Mr Oshiomhole, there will be no end to the intrigues convulsing the ruling party. This anomaly had to do with the party’s eclectic beginnings, its formation on the Ouija board of disparate, rebellious, unstable, insatiable and aggressive politicians. They live and breathe intrigues. They cannot imagine any other existence outside their petty rivalries, for rivalry, scheming and plotting are the air they breathe. The president has spoken law, Asiwaju Tinubu has spoken party discipline, and Mr Odgie-Oyegun has spoken the suzerainty of the party’s more numerous and fledgling regicides. Somehow, the country might just be witnessing the perfect lull before the storm.

  • NHIS: Power play, intrigues behind recall of executive secretary

    NHIS: Power play, intrigues behind recall of executive secretary

    The Abuja office of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) has become a battle ground in the last two days. Two groups are protesting over the reinstatement of Prof. Usman Yusuf as the scheme’s Executive Secretary. VINCENT IKUOMOLA writes on the power play and intrigues behind Yusuf’s recall.

    ANTI NHIS Protest
    ANTI NHIS Protest

    ALL is not well at the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS). The reinstatement of the Scheme’s Executive Secretary, Prof Usman Yusuf, has split members of staff into two.

    Not a few were shocked by Yusuf’s recall by the Presidency. They argue that the professor should have been excused from office for an unfettered probe into the allegations against him.

    They laced their argument with the cases involving former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) and the former Director-General of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), Ayodele Oke, who were on suspension for as long as investigations into the allegations against them lasted.

    According to the critics, the Presidency should have been more circumspect of the likely backlash of such directive following the heat generated by the controversial resumption of the former chairman of the Presidential Task Team on Pensions Reform, Abdulrasheed Maina.

    Maina’s controversial resumption was said to have been advised by a memo believed to have originated from the Office of the Attorney-General of the Federation (OAGF).

    On Monday, when Yusuf resumed at his duty post, some workers opposed to his reinstatement staged a protest. There was a ‘balance of terror’ on Tuesday, when another group staged a solidarity rally for the embattled NHIS chief. The pro and anti-Yusuf protests have forced the Nigeria Police to station officers to keep vigil at the NHIS to forestall lawlessness.

    As at yesterday, both groups maintain their stands. The anti-Yusuf group vowed to sustain their protest until President Muhammadu Buhari reversed himself. Yusuf’s supporters called for the termination of the ongoing investigations against the embattled executive secretary by the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) and Independent Crime and other offence Commission (ICPC).

    How it all began

    Since his resumption in office on August 1, 2016, there has been disharmony between him and stakeholders in the sector – the Health Maintenance Organisations (HMOs) and Health Care Providers (HCPs) and also the workers.

    Before things went awry for him, Yusuf was always explaining his mission at the NHIS. He told everyone that the President deployed him to curb the corruption that had eaten deep into the scheme.

    He was alleged to have administered the NHIS as an autonomous institution, independent of the supervising Ministry of Health, thereby seeing the Health Minister as an interloper.

    A source within the NHIS recalled how Health Minister Prof Isaac Adewole tried to rein Yusuf in but that all attempts failed to yield the desired result.

    “Hardly would he attend to any meeting convened by the minister as he was always gave excuses on why he could not be available. He also never failed at every opportunity to talk down on the workers. These high-handedness eroded his self-confidence among the workforce”, a worker who pleaded for anonymity told The Nation yesterday.

    Yusuf was at loggerheads the HMOs, accusing them of collecting money without delivering on services. The NHIS has been unable to substantiate his allegations, when the HMOs challenged him to name and shame anyone found to have violated the rules of the game.

    He was alleged to have redeployed some officers believed to be critical of his style of administration outside the scheme headquarters and lobbied the redeployment of his kinsmen from the public service as replacements.

    The new hands, who were level 10 officers, were imposed on health officers on Grade Level 15 and above, a source claimed, alleging that such actions were taking  without clearance from the supervising ministry, the in the absence of a board.

    The NHIS chief stuck to his guns the health minister directed him to reverse the appointment of the fifteen officers he brought into the scheme without following due process.

    Genesis of Yusuf’s suspension

    A petition by the Young Alliance Against Corruption led to Yusuf’s suspension following a directive by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo to the health minister to investigate the allegations in the petition.

    Swinging into action, Prof Adewole raised an 18-member panel and placed the NHIS boss on a three-month suspension for a hitch-free investigation to take place while the investigation lasted.

    Yusuf told the minister that only the President has the power to suspend him.

    He probably forgot the fact that the directive to investigate the allegations against him was from Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, who was then acting president”, a source said.

    The allegations against Yusuf were on abuse of office, nepotism and insubordination.

    He was accused of buying a Toyota Sports Utility Vehicle (SUV) marked NHIS 12Y-01 FG for N58 million.

    Yusuf was alleged to have overshot his N2.5 million spending limit and without the permission of the health minister.

    The EFCC was said to be investigating Yusuf for over N919 million frauds, involving the award of contracts to cronies without following due process.

    To get to the root of the matter in line with the administration’s anti-graft battle, the anti-graft agencies stepped in.

    The panel report

    After investigating the allegations, the 18-member administrative panel found Yusuf culpable. He reprimanded on the redeployment of the 15 officers. The panel wrote in its report that such an act was a total disregard and insubordination to constituted authority.

    On the allegation of fraudulent use of N860 million for staff training without due process, the committee observed the following:

    • The total number of staff in NHIS is 1,360 as indicated in their nominal roll; however, the members of staff trained by the scheme based on the payment vouchers were 1,992, while the figure submitted by NHIS was 2023. The reported noted was as a result of listing and paying some workers twice but attended only one training. The N508, 036.096.00 paid, according to the report, went to consultants. The staff members got N411, 608,704.00 as allowances.
    • The procurement department was not involved in the engagement of consultants; some payments were also made without supporting documents; no single payment voucher was raised in favour of the training consultants. Instead, their payments were lumped with participants training allowances and a composite voucher raised in the name of one of the participants, making it look like a normal staff claim.
    • All the training programmes were approved by Yusuf and ratified by the Executive Management Meeting, which has no statutory approval authority.
    • All the costs of the training programmes conducted by the respective firms were above the approval threshold of the NHIS boss.

    The executive secretary was also found culpable for the award of e-Library books and periodicals as well as project vehicles.

    For instance, the panel observed that the N28 million payment for the e-library equipment was made before the execution of the project. The actual amount appropriated for the project was N35.5 million and another N35.2 million for the procurement of project vehicles.

    He was also alleged to have paid N48.37 million to Katameya Firstcall Hospital Ltd for treatment of cancer for three patients as financial support to indigent patients. Of the three, only one is an enrollee. He was also said to have erred on the part of the extant rules by approving an estacode and per diem for its staff.

    In its conclusion, the committee recommended amongst other things the recovery of funds, including the 13th month salary paid up-front to redeployed staff and also the three-month salary paid after cancellation of the redeployment.

    Also recommended for recovery was the money paid to the four seconded officers for oracle training in The Netherlands that was cancelled.

    The management of NHIS was directed to recover N82.34 million which was approved for foreign trips and have not been retired in line with the provision of financial regulation 1415(e).

    The panel also recommended that the EFCC be invited to help recover N48 million paid to consultants alongside N590.379 million.

    Turn of events

     It was as if Yusuf’s time was up at the NHIS until last Thusrday, when the Presidency ordered his reinstatement and that he and the health minister should work together.

    It was learnt that Yusuf had an audience with the President last year and explained that his anti-corruption crusade at the NHIS was behind his ordeal.

    Months after the panel submitted its report, nothing was heard from the presidency as rumours of a cover-up were rife.

    In what looked like a confirmation of the rumours, a letter from the office of the Chief of Staff to the President, Abba Kyari, reinstated Yusuf.

    Many Nigerians, who carpeted the government for not disowning the Kyari’s letter and a similar memo by  the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, on Maina, are criticising the latest action by the President’s chief of staff.

    They described the controversial reinstatement as a stain on the administration’s anti-corruption posture.

    “It is a dangerous trend when some characters seen to be in the good book of the President are untouchable irrespective of fraudulent allegations leveled against them”, they warned.

    In a statement by its Secretary-General, Alade Lawal, the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria (ASCSN), said: “This is one intervention too many and as such Mr. President should allow Yusuf to retire from service to have time to run his personal business.

    “How can a government official being investigated for a whopping sum of N919 million fraud by the EFCC be reinstated by the government that came to power promising to sanitise the system?

    “This is very unfortunate. We, therefore, urge President Buhari to rescind his action and allow Prof. Yusuf to leave the system in peace. Thus, if Prof. Yusuf resumes as the Executive Secretary of NHIS, it will amount to passing a vote of no confidence on the minister.

    “What type of a government are we claiming to be running that anyone who is close to the President will become lawless; will not obey public service rules; nor report to the supervisory minister and running a government agency as his personal estate because he is close to the powers-that-be?

    “This is the type of action that continues to give the likes of the United States President, Donald Trump, the effrontery to be deriding Africa and its leaders.

    “The investigative panel set up by the minister of health to look into the alleged atrocities of Prof. Yusuf, including engagement of a consultancy firm in which he had vested interest to be ripping off the NHIS is a serious public demeanour that should not be condoned.

    “As of the time of going to the press, the workers in the NHIS have become restive thereby setting the tone for a series of trade union actions that will be deployed if Yusuf is eventually reinstated.”

    Yusuf who was on a suspension was reinstated through a Presidential directive dated February 5, 2018, despite facing allegations of misconduct by the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC).

    Since his reinstatement, protests and counter-protests have crippled activities at the NHIS.

    The pro-Yusuf group has been doing everything possible to counter their colleagues who are kicking against the reinstatement of the embattled NHIS boss.

    The workers under the aegis of the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria and the Joint Health Sector Union urged the President to reverse the reinstatement, which according to them “is a smear on his administration’s anti-graft war”.

    The anti-Yusuf protest which continued yesterday had a match in the pro-Yusuf faction that countered them. They hailed the reinstatement of the NHIS boss.

    Both groups explained their positions to reporters.

    According to the anti-Yusuf group, the embattled Executive Secretary who is under EFCC investigation must face anti-corruption charges.

    The group insisted that Yusuf should stay away from office until he is cleared by the anti-corruption agencies.

    The spokesperson for the concerned members of staff, Mr. Uchenna Ewelike, said Yusuf’s investigation was unlawful as it did not follow due process and should be discontinued.

    The pro-Yusuf group said his investigation was unlawful, did not follow due process and should be discontinued.

    Ewelike said it was not outside the union’s brief to demand for who presides over them. Rather, the work of the workers’ union is to fight for the welfare of their members.

    He said: “The current NHIS boss who is just reinstated is still under investigation by EFCC and ICPC. Is it proper for him to return to work here? Investigation is supposed to follow the rules and the rules of investigation have to be properly followed.

    “And if he has been found culpable, for now there is no established allegation that is devoid of bias and that has said he is culpable. On that basis, we believe that the reinstatement of Prof. Yusuf by Mr. President is in order and apt.”

    He also claimed that the protest against the NHIS boss was as a result of the reform that was initiated and carried out under his watch.

    Ewelike assured his colleagues that none of those that went to the anti-graft agencies to testify against the NHIS boss would be victimised.

    He said there was no correlation in Yusuf’s case and that of the former SGF.

    The anti-Yusuf group led by the Chairman of the NHIS arm of the union, Mr. Razaq Omomeji, vowed that the protests would continue until Buhari reversed Yusuf’s reinstatement.

    He said: “We want to say that our President, we elected him, we have trust in him, that he is a person of integrity. But, whatever is good for the gander is also good for the goose. We are calling on the President that this case of Prof. Yusuf Usman needs to be revisited.

    “The President has not been briefed very well. We know him, that when the case of Maina came up he strictly took the necessary action. We are calling on  our President, President Muhammadu Buhari, whom we know is a man of honour, a man of integrity, a man of justice, should please take a second look in the reinstatement of this Prof Yusuf

    “NHIS is one, we are one family. I hope I am speaking for all of us? Immediately this man came, he came on the will of ethnicity; he came on the will of religion. We want to put it on record that as our national president had issued a press statement, we stay with that statement.

    “The President needs to revisit this case; and since we know that the case of Prof. Yusuf is being investigated by the EFCC, please, the President should wait for the outcome of the investigation.”

  • Intrigues and the 2019 presidential election

    SIR: Pursuant to Section 135(2)(a) of the 1999 Constitution as amended, President Muhammadu Buhari would alongside some state governors complete their four-year term on May 29, 2019.  As a result, politicking is gathering momentum in diverse dimensions and quarters with many defections, scheming and political-arithmetic by ambitious politicians. For some in their defences, especially for habitual defectors, it was lack of internal democracy in their political party, for some others, monumental failure of their party to meet aspirations of the masses. And for new entrants, audacious claims on rescue mission over the economy writing off the ruling class with endless commissions and omissions. Finally, for the ruling party, consolidation of labored ground-breaking policies becomes the new mantra. Of course, these are politics in action as long as campaigns are issues-based, devoid of personal attacks and acrimony. Nonetheless, in the civilized world, defection from party-to-party is rare, unethical and usually decodes a picture of no political ideology, values and integrities.

    By the development, the battle for control of the federal power for next political dispensation will be relentlessly contested between the All Progressives Congress (APC) and erstwhile ruling party, Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) except new merger surfaces which is unlikely at this juncture. Presently, APC has upper hand, and undeniably with viable structures, increasing numerically on daily basis leveraging on defections from other political parties particularly its major opponent. On the other hand, few that are insecure and uncertain of actualizing personal ambitions in the ruling party opt for exodus. However, the grumblings devoid of appeasements aim at just one goal; to strategically emerge a candidate in any political party in view of the general election, and peradventure the new political party fails to expressly honour the ambition, it speedily faces its abandonment with a new catalogue of accusations and criticisms.

    Be that as it may, salient factors that may play major roles in the 2019 presidential election include rotation of the presidency which is of utmost national interest despite its no provision in the constitution. Arising from this, this may not be a good time for hate speeches along ethnic lines but to ponder meticulously, responsibly and foresightedly before adopting a presidential candidate.

    The most salient factor is the position of economy under APC leadership in comparison with PDP previous governments, x-raying from its position during the inauguration in 2015. Without a doubt, the economy has not substantially ascended to the anticipated position in terms of dividends of democracy but evidently, it is pointing towards that direction by a whole lot of strategic policies starting with plummeting the massive corruption the economy was fantastically subjected to over the years which led to economic recession. With President Buhari’s proficiency in maneuvering the almost-collapsed economy out of recession, it attests that the president has wherewithal to move it to next level if given another chance. It therefore implies that Nigerians cannot afford to enthrone political instability at this critical time. The present administration indisputably took off at almost zero level except long-lists of mismanaged, diverted public-funds in earsplitting figures in foreign currencies, thus deserved adequate time to consolidate on its policies for dividends of democracy in line with its manifesto.

    Arising from the above and in the overall interest of the nation, concerted actions should sensitively be geared towards consolidating the developing policies in place alongside deploying additional capable hands by the federal government in its workforce. If not, the economy will inescapably recycle to square one by changing government alongside policies haphazardly. Nonetheless, if PDP has the capability, know-how and substantial message to convince and successfully wrestle back federal power from the ruling APC knowing that electorates can without aid produce a realistic profile and the party’s philosophies through its 16 years in office, it is no taboo as long as it is by PVC (Permanent Voters Card) and essentially, one-man; one-vote. Democracy is a game of numbers.

     

    • Carl Umegboro,

    Lagos.

  • Fresh intrigues ahead of PDP’s unity convention

    Fresh intrigues ahead of PDP’s unity convention

    New manoeuverings are threatening reconciliation moves by leaders of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) charged with the task of saving the party ahead its planned Unity Convention, reports Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan

    The leadership crisis that has rocked the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) following its unexpected defeat at the 2015 General Election by the All Progressives Congress (APC), has undoubtedly thrown up its fair share of political intrigues and razzmatazz, but the ongoing reconciliation process appears to be unfolding even more intrigues ahead of the proposed unity convention of the troubled party.

    Party sources say the high wire politicking in all the camps within the PDP as stakeholders continue to meet to fine tune the modalities that will lead to the convention as planned by the Governor Seriake Dickson-led Reconciliation committee, has moved into another gear in the past few days, within and outside the party.

    As proposed, the unity convention that is expected to end the leadership tussle in the party and usher in an acceptable, all- encompassing National Executive Committee for the embattled party, barring another change in plans by the Reconciliation Committee, is tentatively scheduled to hold on the 30th of June, 2017.

    Camps bent on taking over the reins of the former ruling party through a good performance at the elective unity convention, are understood to be regrouping across the country to perfect several plots that will see them field candidates for the various party positions at the much anticipated unity convention whenever and wherever it is held.

    The Nation learnt that while some of the gladiators in the crisis rocking the party are still very skeptical about the planned convention as well as the sincerity of the Governor Dickson-led Reconciliation Committee, majority of them are not willing to be left out of the ongoing power struggle within the party ahead of the 2019 General Election.

    “Our party is going through a very crucial transformation and everybody is involved. The thought of a unity convention at all is really encouraging our chieftains to get more involved in the peace process. Of course, we have people who are still very skeptical about the planned convention as well as the sincerity of the Governor Dickson-led Reconciliation Committee.

    But if we are to talk about the response to the proposed unity convention amongst our members across the country, I will say it is encouraging. It is as if PDP is tired of the many crises holding down its progress. We are ready to move on and reclaim our rightful position. Across the country, the various interest groups are strategising on how to emerge as the dominant group after the convention,” a source told The Nation.

    We gathered that while party leaders and chieftains alike are busy putting finishing touches to the processes that will make the unity convention a reality, a new intrigue may be playing out silently over which of the geo-political zones of the country should produce the next National Chairman of the PDP.

    While it appears that all interests within the party may be comfortable with the idea of allowing the next chairman of the party to emerge from the southern part of the country, one question that is begging for an urgent answer is, “which of the three geo-political zones in the South should produce the party boss?”

    Zoning again

    The Dickson committee steered fresh controversy when it suggested in its recommendations that the chairmanship of the party should be zoned to the south. Owing to the recommendation, the three geo-political zones of the region, namely the South-West, South-East and South-South, are all laying claim to the right to produce PDP’s next helmsman.

    However, some party sources said the recommendation runs contrary to an earlier resolve by all stakeholders within the party, to allow the South-West produce the National Chairman of the party. The Nation learnt that the position was taken in the build-up to the botched convention of the party in Port-Harcourt, Rivers State, last year.

    It would be recalled that leaders of the PDP from southern Nigeria, in August last year, had agreed to zone the national chairmanship position of the party to the South-West geopolitical zone. At a meeting attended by governors, national assembly members, former ministers, and other leaders in Port-Harcourt, Rivers State, the party leaders also agreed to zone the positions of National Treasurer and Deputy National Publicity Secretary to the South-West.

    The leaders zoned the position of First Deputy National Chairman, National Legal Adviser, Deputy National Woman Leader and Deputy National Auditor to the South-South. The South-East zone got the National Organising Secretary, National Youth Leader and Deputy National Financial Secretary.

    The southern caucus of the party collectively agreed to abide with the zoning agreement as a way of ending the protracted leadership tussle in the party. Addressing journalists at the end of the meeting, Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu, said despite the zoning of the positions, any party member willing to contest any position was free to do so.

    But the planned convention was not to hold as it was shelved following a wave of litigations and judicial pronouncements by various courts of competent jurisdiction. However, many party chieftains today want that agreement to be respected and frown at what they described as the attempt by the Dickson committee to ignore the existence of the said understanding.

    Chief Adeola Adewusi, a chieftain of the party in Oyo State, who recalled that the agreement was arrived at after days of painstaking deliberations by selected leaders of the party, warned the reconciliation committee against throwing the race open again. According to him, moves by some aspirants from the South-East and South-South to vie for the chairmanship will not augur well for the party.

    “It is in the overall interest of the party for us to respect the agreement. That is the way to end all these crises once and for all. Irrespective of the factions, we should all respect the right of the South-West to produce the next chairman of our party if we truly want the next convention to start and end as a truly unity convention,” he said.

    The Nation gathered that not less than five chieftains of the party from across the southern region, have indicated fresh interest in leading the troubled party. Governor Ayodele Fayose, believed to be one of the strong advocates for the chairmanship to be zoned to the South-West, is said to be impressing it upon party leaders to respect the earlier agreement.

    “Remember Governor Ayodele Fayose of Ekiti State has said it is not optional that the South-West geopolitical zone will produce the next chairman of the PDP. He also warned that anything to the contrary will be resisted by the zone. He is still very much standing by that earlier position of his and I believe he is one of the most respected leaders of our party today,” Adewusi said.

    More intrigues

    Meanwhile, in spite of the uncertainty over which of the southern zones will get the nod of the party to produce the next chairman of the party, the Ali Modu Sheriff-led faction  of the troubled party is shopping for a sellable chairmanship candidate in the South-West ahead of the planned unity convention of the PDP.

    The Nation learnt that Sheriff may have assigned the task of fishing out possible candidates for the position in the zone to a committee led by Senator Buruji Kashamu. An aide of the Ogun senator told our correspondent that the party is seeking for a candidate preferably from either Lagos or Ogun states.

    “Our party in the South-West has accepted the challenge to produce the next chairman of the PDP. As we speak, the National Chairman, working with Senator Buruji Kashamu, who is the leader of the PDP in the South-West, is on the lookout for a credible and sellable candidate to be presented to the people at the unity convention.

    “It is not true for anybody to say the Sheriff group lacks credible chieftains in the South-West. I am aware that a committee under Senator Kashamu is deliberating on how to ensure that only the best candidate is presented for the job from our zone. While we are solidly in agreement with the zoning of the position to South-West, we want only the best to lead PDP,” our source said.

    The Nation also learnt that the reported decision of former Deputy National Chairman of the party, Chief Bode George, to still vie for the chairmanship anytime convention is agreed upon, is spurring Kashamu and others to frantically search for an alternative candidate that can help them stop George from clinching the position.

    “We all know the roles some elders played in deepening the crisis that rocked the party for so long. It is not in our interest to allow such people take over the party under whatever arrangement. This is why we are working hard to present another candidate that can stop the emergence of those who nearly ruined PDP in the South-West before Kashamu rescued the party,” another source said.

    The Nation also learnt that there is serious anxiety over alleged attempts in some quarters to doctor the party’s delegate list ahead of the convention. Party sources say the issue of who should be on the delegate list to the convention, if not properly handled, is capable of stalling the proposed unity convention and the entire peace process.

    “The issue of delegate list is a serious one. It is one issue that is keeping many of our leaders on their toes as we discuss this proposed unity convention. This is because the two factions are said to be working surreptitiously towards pushing a final delegate list that will favour their various candidates,” a source quipped.

    Apparently aware of the said moves and the danger such portend, Dickson recently warned against any form of tinkering with the authentic delegate list. The governor said: “We are also suggesting that we should take steps to ensure that we do not tamper with the list of authentic leaders of our party.

    In the first place, let’s make it clear that this party held successful local government congresses, ward congresses except in five or six states and NEC approved before the dispute arises. Now, I want to make it very clear that for us, unless anybody has a hidden agenda, any officer of our party must be the officer elected before the May 21 Port- Harcourt national conventions.

    So, we condemn attempts made by anybody for whatever purpose to tinker with the list of elected officials of the party. That is an attempt to cripple and destroy the unity we have managed to establish, at the lowest level of the party, because our understanding is that the challenge we have is only at the national level and not at any state or zonal level. Those ones are being dealt with,” he said.

  • CAN presidency: More intrigues, permutations trail postponement

    CAN presidency: More intrigues, permutations trail postponement

    Forces within the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) have returned to the drawing block following the postponement of the presidential election of the body.

    Members of the National Executive Council (NEC) of the apex Christian at an emergency meeting last Tuesday in Abuja moved the election slated for May 17-19 to June 14-15.

    The postponement, according to investigations, was to douse tension due to the inability of the TEKAN/ECWA bloc to produce a candidate for the election.

    The development has threatened to tear the body apart with some northern Christians vowing to break away from the umbrella body should Rev. Dr Jeremiah Gado, their preferred candidate from the bloc, prevented from standing election.

    The embattled Gado, who is also the President of Evangelical Church Winning All (ECWA), was technically nullified from the election because of wrangling in the bloc.

    The bloc leader, Dr Emmanuel Dziggau, claimed he was about sending Gado’s nomination when a counter letter was received from the Secretary of the bloc contesting the exercise.

    Besides, he wondered why Gado was in a hurry to be nominated when he (Dziggau) and two other leaders of the bloc were in the den of kidnappers.

    The non-resolution of the crisis left only Elder Professor Joseph Otubu of the Organisation of African Instituted Churches (OAIC) and Rev Dr Supo Ayokunle of the Christian Council of Nigeria (CCN) in the presidential race.

    But the Electoral College headed by Dr Williams Okoye, which was constitutionally required to prune candidates down to two and recommend them to NEC for election, said it will not proceed with the exercise until the TEKAN/ECWA crisis was resolved.

    The hard stance led to some serious protests in CAN with some church leaders rooting for the disbandment of the College on the basis that it had overstepped its bound.

    At the emergency meeting last Tuesday, it was gathered that NEC members expressed serious regrets over how the transitional programme had been politicised.

    It was learnt that the leaders vowed to fight off internal and external attempts to manipulate the election following allegations that some presidential aides were interested in the exercise.

    CAN, according to them, is free from government interference and must remain an independent umbrella body for Christians.

    Sources hinted that members of the Electoral College were chided for insisting the TEKAN/ECWA bloc must present a candidate, a development many church leaders said was overbearing.

    But it was gathered that reasons prevailed when some pleaded that the bloc be allowed to sort out the crisis in the interest of fairness.

    A source at the meeting hinted: “Some were angry but at the end we felt it was better to give them a final opportunity to sort themselves out.”

    Based on this, the bloc was granted a two-week latitude to conduct a fresh primary for the presidential contest.

    But investigations revealed that the primary may be scuttled again following the determination of some forces to stop Gado at all costs.

    The TEKAN element in the bloc has produced a new candidate who is expected to give Gado, believed to be backed by some forces in Aso Rock, a tough run.

    Besides, it is an open secret that there is no love lost between Gado and Dziggau.

    Also, Gado is expected to face stiff opposition from ECWA, which produced the current National Secretary, Rev Dr Musa Asake.

    The emergence of Gado will mean that Asake has to give up his second term ambition in the National Secretariat of CAN.

    Asake, who was former General Secretary of ECWA, has large followership in the church and has been selling the idea that it is better for ECWA to stick to certainty as against pursing uncertainty (presidency).

    Also, Gado is seriously battling with perception problem following insinuations that he is backed by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Engineer Babachir David Lawal, who is a pastor in the church.

    The tag that the ECWA president is a government candidate is causing many leaders in CAN to have a harder look at him.

    But his supporters are optimistic he will pull through the opposition.

    One of them told our correspondent: “Gado will scale through. That I can assure you. They know he has all it takes and that is why they want to stop him at all costs.”

    It was gathered that his camp has devised strategies to reach out to influential Christian leaders for support.

    But first he has to win the primary to stand a chance of having a shot at the CAN presidency.

    On his part, Ayokunle, who is President of the Nigerian Baptist Convention (NBC), is backing that he will benefit from the crisis in the TEKAN\ECWA.

    Should Gado’s ambition be scuttled at the primary level, the race will be between Otubu and Ayokunle.

    Ayokunle’s backers told our correspondent that he will be on the standby to see how the crisis goes.

    The Baptist Convention President was initially thought to be in the race to retain his seat as Vice President of the body.

    But he started showing serious interests some two weeks ago, fuelling speculations that he could be the candidate of the outgoing executives.

    But many believe it is not the turn of CCN to produce the next CAN president.

    Archbishop Peter Akinola of Church of Nigeria Anglican Communion handed over to the current occupant, Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor.

    The OAIC and TEKAN/ECWA are the only blocs yet to produce the president of the organisation.

    Otubu, the General Evangelist of Motailatu Church Cherubim and Seraphim Worldwide (MCCSW), won a keenly contested primary with Archbishop Daniel Okoh, some weeks back.

    The retired gynecologist is seen as a cleric with a professional background, an attribute many say the Christian body needs for now.

    His supporters said he will give CAN the much-needed facelift, if elected.

    Come July 19-20, one of these three candidates will take over from Oritsejafor whose tenure had been marred by many controversies.

  • 2015 Polls: Intrigues that cost Jonathan the presidency

    2015 Polls: Intrigues that cost Jonathan the presidency

    The ballot box verdict doesn’t tell the entire story of the 2015 general elections. In this piece, YUSUF ALLI, MANAGING EDITOR, NORTHERN OPERATION reports on the intrigues and high-wire politicking that toppled an incumbent president for the first time ever in Nigeria.

    If some politicians could rewind the hands of the clock, they would have done so over the just-concluded general elections. Every moment before, during and after the elections presented its own unique features until it became evident that Nigerians have voted for change. What were the behind-the-scene issues? These were intrigues bordering on President Goodluck Jonathan, the President-elect, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and others.

     DEALING WITH BUHARI

    Apart from the hate documentaries aired against the President-elect, there were desperate underground moves by a South-South governor to force the Nigeria Police to arrest him for forgery and perjury over the certificate saga and disqualify him from contesting.

    Armed with a war-chest running into billions of naira, the governor and his small committee of some stalwarts of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) sought for judicial fiat to subject Buhari to trial. But the project failed because the subterranean team put the cart before the horse, they did not follow due process.

    To get a fiat for prosecution of Buhari, there must be a formal complaint lodged before the Nigeria Police Force. The allegation(s) ought to be investigated and a prima facie case established beyond reasonable doubt. After the long and winding process, the Police then write a formal letter to the office of the Attorney-General of the Federation calling for Buhari’s trial. The AGF, Mr. Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN) was alleged to have refused issuance of such a fiat to save the nation from conflagration.

    Again while the South-South governor was coordinating the plot, some aggrieved Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) leaders and strategists of the President from the North were also angry that a case of alleged forgery/ perjury was to be raised against Buhari. Those unhappy with the suits read “ethnic meanings into the whole drama” because all those behind the applications were mostly Igbo. The suits were  FHC/ ABJ/ CS/ 01/ 2015 by Chukwuemeka Okafor; FHC/ ABJ/ CS/ 14/ 2015 by Max Ozoaka; FHC/ ABJ/ CS/ 68/ 2015 by Ayakeme Whiskey; and the last at the FCT Magistrate’s Court by Shield Jones Ufot.

    Another governor with a leaning to the opposition also bankrolled some of the suits against Buhari to the tune of $1.5million (by underwriting the legal fees) with the hope that the plot will sail through and the All Progressives Congress (APC) will be forced to conduct another presidential primaries.

    The problem for those questioning whether Buhari had a secondary school certificate was the interpretation of Section 131 of the 1999 constitution which says the minimum requirement is ability to read and write.

    There were also past pronouncements by the court on the eligibility of Governor Adams Oshiomhole which appeared to make the suits mere academic exercises. Time factor, resilience of the police, grave security implications and legal/constitutional issues which were raised by legal experts in government convinced President Goodluck Jonathan that such an adventure could backfire. In fairness to the President, he conceded that Buhari should not be arrested no matter the flimsy excuse.

    CONSPIRACY OF THE MILITARY ELITE

    Findings indicate that the 2015 poll was settled the day the Nigerian Army claimed that it did not have the secondary school certificate of Buhari. The military elite, especially retired army generals who are now big players in politics and the nation’s economy, felt insulted and opted to back Buhari and APC in their respective states and at federal level.

    The subsequent nationwide electoral Tsunami, which led to the loss of governorship seats in many states in the North by the PDP, was a consequence of the anger of these military leaders.

    The same military elite who bankrolled and worked for the formation of PDP in 1998 were disenchanted that a platform they had created for the unity of the nation had been hijacked by some hawks and turned into an instrument of hate and disunity. The unhappy military leaders, including the taciturn ones, emptied their bank accounts to finance the election of Buhari against Jonathan.

    They said they were not expecting anything in return other than to prove a point that the Jonathan campaign was “dirty and a threat to the survival of the country.”

    From an empty purse, a poor Buhari was able to give the then ruling PDP a run for their money in campaign advertising. A big face of this soldierly resentment was ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo who openly tore his PDP membership card through a proxy. Many other former military brass joined APC to effect a change in the country.

    If there is any Nigerian that President Goodluck Jonathan was looking forward to for backing during the presidential election, it is a former prominent Northern general who is also a Christian. But this respected individual who had warned Jonathan against seeking re-election, stood aloof instead of mobilizing Northern Christian minorities against Buhari. He was neutral, calculating and watching from the sidelines.

    This explains why even in Plateau State, the APC has produced the governor-elect. The greatest shock Jonathan received was a security report indicating that the general made his residence in a posh area of Abuja available to Buhari to live in and coordinate his campaign.

    A source said: “As a presidential aspirant, Buhari had no house in Abuja and the general decided to bail him out by giving out his imposing white house for him to squat. Buhari lived in the house till he was elected on March 28. He is just planning to move out any moment from now.

    THE CARD READER ROADBLOCK

    All attempts to portray INEC as a failure over the distribution of PVCs and deployment of smart card readers failed due to the overwhelming public confidence in the electoral agency. Although he PDP never hid its disdain for card readers it was never able to advance acceptable excuses to dump them. The public were forced to conclude that the device would make it impossible to rig the general election or return jumbo figures as was the case in some zones in 2011.

    Following INEC chairman, Prof. Attahiru Jega’s insistence on card readers, the ruling party and 15 others opted for three options: blackmail him through mass protests and force the presidency to rethink his continued stay in office; go to court to stop the use of card readers, or frustrate him to resign.

    All these plots were hatched not minding the fact that the presidency had received legal advice that card readers do not violate Section 52(1) (2) the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended).

    There were protests which began at INEC headquarters and some other parts of the country. In the South-East, the outlawed Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) led the anti-Jega demonstrations, while the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) ran a failed make-shift show in Lagos.

    The biggest of the plots was the recourse to the courts to cage Jega who would have had no choice than to obey the order of a court. They had expected the court to determine the following prayers:

    * An interim order restraining INEC from proceeding with arrangement and plan to use the CRM for the impending elections.

    *  An order of interim injunction restraining the defendant, its agents, servants, privies or assigns, by whatever name, from implementing or commencing or further implementing or further commencing or directing or further directing the use and preparation of the Card Reader Machine or any name of like nature, pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice.

    *  Deployment of card readers for the election is a violation of the provision of Section 52(1) (2) which prohibits the use of any electronic method of voting in the country.

    But Justice Ademola Adeniyi, emerged the unsung hero when he refused to stop the use of the card readers. When the anti-card readers’ forces wanted to take advantage of some challenges with the machine during the poll, the backing of the United States foreclosed their plot. The US Ambassador to Nigeria, James Eintwistle, said: “I was very impressed about the decision by INEC to use technology in this election. I will tell you something, the PVCs are very hi-tech. They are more hi-tech than my voter card from the State of Virginia in the US. My voter card does not have my biometrics; it does not have my fingerprints. So, I was very impressed by the decision to go hi-tech because hi-tech, I think, gives the process more integrity.”

    REAL REASONS PLOT AGAINST JEGA FAILED

    There was no doubt that the plot to remove Jega was real. Except for the air he breathes, the INEC chairman was close-circuited or wired in such a manner that even sensitive text messages he exchanged with the powers-that-be on the preparation for the election were made public by the press.

    According to sources, in such instances, Jega would say: “Why should we descend so low to this level?” Yet he refused to change his mobile line. His saving grace, however, was his tremendous goodwill with Nigerians. The presidency at a stage found it difficult to run against the overwhelming positive public opinion about Jega.

    Even when  the then supervising Minister of Information, Edem Duke tested the public pulse with  comments that suggested that Jega’s position was less than 100% secure, the public stood like the rock of Gibraltar  behind the INEC boss.

    Duke had said: “On the issue of the INEC chairman, I align myself with what the President said that he has no plan to sack the INEC chairman. That is not to say that if it is time for the INEC chairman to naturally exit his office, then the natural course of things will not take place. It is like saying a civil servant has done 35 years or achieved the age of 60; we now begin to say that he must not retire or he must retire. I think all of that is in the terrain of the Presidency and he has spoken. I have nothing to add to that.”

    A team headed by a former chairman of INEC was hired by some pro-Jonathan campaign strategists to understudy the system and expose how to circumvent it, including the likelihood of weaving any scandal around Jega.

    Right from the time he assumed office Jega has studiously avoided banana peels and was always telling his team of five aides to shun any bait from civil servants in INEC in terms of award of contracts and perks of office. To insulate him and key aides from being influenced, he made sure that they draw their salaries from an electoral basket fund provided by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Even with such a concession, he ensured that the UNDP evaluates him and the aides on monthly basis.

    Secondly, Jega’s reforms in INEC made every staff a stakeholder in the electoral business. A highly-placed source said: “Unlike in the past, there was no cult system where only few knew what was going on in the commission. He used to lay all the cards on the table for everyone. This transparency made it difficult for any of the National Commissioners to rock the boat. One or two of them may have collected slush funds to destabilize Jega and INEC, but they could not go far at all. All they could do was to leak official memos.”

    When the card reader supplier was arrested by security agents, it was said to be an opportunity to unravel the other side of Jega but there was no blemish.

    BEHIND THE SCENE POLITICS AT NATIONAL COLLATION CENTRE AND WHY JEGA DARED ORUBEBE

    Though Nigerians were glued to their television boxes watching the development at the National Collation Centre, they had no advantage of knowing the behind-the-scene politics of releasing the results. Ambassadors and representatives from some Western countries supported Jega and his team in such a manner that they were always in and out of the collation centre to make sure the will of Nigerians prevailed.

    The constant feedback from these shuttles by diplomats who disguised as foreign observers, actually accounted for a joint statement by the US and the UK that the poll must be conclusive. Although the action of some of the ambassadors was rated as “undiplomatic” and interference in the nation’s internal affairs by the Federal Government, the international attention on the collation of results and the support given to Jega by these foreign powers strengthened his resolve to see the process through to the logical conclusion.

    The INEC chairman made the International Conference Centre (ICC) his permanent abode and if there was any message from any government official or Nigerian, it had to be delivered in the open. The scene created by ex-Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Elder Godsday Peter Orubebe, was a script drafted by some forces but the pressure from the international community aborted it.

    While Orubebe was barking at Jega, he intermittently raised his fist as if he was expecting an invasion or a back-up from some sources but there was no reinforcement from anywhere. Faced with no better choice, President Jonathan conceded defeat, a development which threw Orubebe off balance at the collation centre. He later left the ICC abruptly before Jega announced the final result.

    LAST-MINUTE SECURITY CHALLENGE AT THE COLLATION CENTRE

     Before the final results of the presidential election were released by INEC chairman, most of the security operatives at the centre suddenly withdrew their services, except for a few policemen and members of the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC). Jega’s saving grace was the live telecast of the announcement which enabled Nigerians to have first-hand knowledge of how things were going. At almost zero point security, he braved the odds to complete the 2015 poll assignment.

    THE MOST EXPENSIVE CAMPAIGN IN NIGERIA’S HISTORY

    The 2015 polls will go down in history as the most expensive campaign because the spending of US dollars took centre stage. Between $3 and $4 billion might have gone down the drain in violation of Section 90(1) and Section 91(1-10) of the Electoral Act on campaign funds. The sections state in part: “Election expenses shall not exceed the sum stipulated in subsection (2-7) of this section.

     “The maximum election expenses to be incurred by a candidate at a Presidential election shall be N1billion. The maximum election expenses to be incurred by a candidate at a Governorship election shall be N200, 000.000. The maximum amount of election expenses to be incurred of Senatorial seat by a candidate at an election to the National Assembly shall be N40, 000.000, while the seat for House of Representative shall be N20, 000.000.In the case of State Assembly election, the maximum amount of election expenses to be incurred shall be N10, 000.000.”

    Different groups emerged to milk the party system of funds. There was the case of a renowned party chieftain who converted his hotel suite in Abuja to a vault where money was stashed from wall to wall.  Public officers seized the moment to tamper with funds under the guise of contributing their quota. It was also a season of betrayal as some party stalwarts, especially PDP, collected huge funds and later diverted such to personal use or defected to other parties.

    During the countdown to the April 11 governorship poll, a PDP chieftain in the South-East had raised the alarm to forces in Abuja that the party was cash-strapped. A quickie N20million was raised but barely 24 hours after, the man abandoned the party after collecting what a source described as a “parting gift.”

    The source said: “The struggle for personal benefits overshadowed the target of winning the election. Virtually everyone wanted to make money from the campaign as if there will be no tomorrow or as if we were going to lose at the poll. The President saw the gaps and decided to personally drive his own campaign but it was too late.”

    It is not surprising that the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), which was helpless during the general election, has now limited foreign exchange withdrawal to $50,000 a year and $300 per day.

    FIVE REASONS JONATHAN CONCEDED DEFEAT

    Jonathan has been widely lauded for calling Buhari to concede defeat even before the final results were in. The reason most readily proferred for the action was the need to save the nation from the tension and violence that could have followed any attempt to contest the election’s outcome.

    But were there other reasons? Findings indicate that there were five reasons why the President accepted defeat and they are: spiritual, loss of international goodwill, personal experience/ decision, obvious betrayal by some people and wise counsel from some aides he has respect for

    A top source said from Rev. Fr. Ejike Mbaka of the Adoration Ground in Enugu to some other Christian clerics consulted in the inner recess of the Presidential Villa, there were signs that it was time for Jonathan to leave power although he might bounce back in the future. The source added: “I think he chose to tread the right path by heeding the spiritual voice. Some had argued for selfish reasons that he had been ordained to rule for second term but he opted for the lonely path.”

    The betrayal by some PDP leaders, governors and members of the cabinet during the election was said to be emotionally challenging too for the President. Before the poll, it was learnt that his cabinet had split along North-South lines. Some governors, ministers and PDP leaders from the North were pretending to be for the President but they did not do anything practical to demonstrate this. Apart from the general and symbolic campaign at each state capital, most of the ministers from the North did not on their own mount the soap box to campaign for their boss. A minister said: “There was always this security fear of mob attack.”

    More importantly, the body language of some Western nations, like the US, UK, France, and Germany, showed that they were not keen on Jonathan as they did in 2011. These nations, according to sources, only kept to a “tolerable” diplomatic relationship with Jonathan’s administration. And the bashing of Jonathan’s government by some Western media organisations pointed to the perception of their governments. So, the President fought the just-concluded election on two fronts -local and international.

    At personal level, investigation revealed that Jonathan had always marveled at the electoral model of some African countries without post-election crises. Since 2010, he had been relating with some African leaders on the magic wand behind their electoral successes. He had promised to emulate some of them. It was gathered that the peace accord brokered by the ex-UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan weighed down the President too and for once in six years, he chose to paddle his own canoe. It was also learnt that the fear of the backlash of rejecting the results of the presidential poll and the consequential turmoil made Jonathan to take his destiny in his own hands. Having been warned by ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo not to play Laurent Gbagbo, he did not even consult members of his kitchen cabinet before doing the needful.

    The National Security Adviser, Mr. Sambo Dasuki gave an insight in the week on the personal factor. He said: “President Jonathan had already given his words to all the security and service chiefs before the election that he would abide by the decision of Nigerians. At the meeting, he also told them to perform their duties professionally during the polls.

    “While we anticipated that he would congratulate his opponent if the result was announced in favour of the opposition candidate, he gratuitously without the prompting of anyone conceded defeat to the surprise of all.

    “By that singular gesture, he had saved the security agencies and the nation of unnecessary tension and stress in maintaining law and order and curtailing excesses of likely protesters.”

    Notwithstanding these factors, some ministers and aides of the President have been credited with the task of persuading the President to concede defeat on March 31st.  These “heroic” aides included the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN); the Aviation Minister, Mr. Osita Chidoka, the Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and the Special Assistant to the President on Domestic Matters, Waripamo-Owei Dudafa.

    Whatever is the correct position, the President’s memoir will reveal what transpired before he conceded defeat. His saving grace however was that PDP hawks were not around at the crucial moment. And it is amazing that no one was able to give an account of the whereabouts of the First Lady Dame Patience Jonathan on the March 31st. It is also not clear whether or not she played any role in her hubby’s landmark decision. Until Jonathan joins the league of memoir writers, the untold stories of Jonathan’s presidency and the 2015 poll will continue to make the headlines.

  • NLC: Intrigues surrounding Wabba’s emergence

    NLC: Intrigues surrounding Wabba’s emergence

    Tony Akowe in this report captures the intrigues that led to the emergence of the new helmsman of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and what the election bodes for labour struggles in the country 

    Going back in time to the return to democratic rule in 1999, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has always set the pace for conducting peaceful and democratic elections. The congress, which was under an administrator for several years, was returned to workers by the Abdulsalami Abubakar government and through a special delegates’ conference, saw Comrade Adams Oshiomhole holding the reins of leadership in 1999.

    After eight years as the NLC President, Oshiomhole bowed out gloriously after series of confrontations with the Obasanjo government.

    Genesis of crisis

    Many Nigerians expected that those who took over from Oshiomhole would be equally vibrant, especially considering the fact that Abdulwahid Omar who succeeded him had worked as his deputy for eight years. But the Omar-led leadership, according to workers, did not quite meet their expectations.

    Thus after eight years in the saddle, it was time for Omar and his team to bow out of office and pave the way for a new leadership to emerge. With the setting up of the Nasir Fagge-led Credentials Committee, the stage was set for the election of a new leadership for the congress. The 11th delegates’ conference which was to usher in a new leadership was convened for February 8-11, with the elections expected to hold on February 11.

    A dream deferred

    Expectedly, many Nigerians looked up to the election of a new leadership to take the congress to the next level and show the Nigerian government how to conduct a credible election.

    But that was not to be as delegates to the conference disrupted the voting process midway into the first ballot on allegations that the process was being manipulated to favour a particular candidate.

    Signs of trouble to come during the elections were first raised by the General Secretary of the National Union of Textiles, Garment and Tailoring Workers of Nigeria and a Vice President of the Union, Comrade Issa Aremu, who was one of the candidates for the post of deputy presidents.

    At the close of nomination for the election, Aremu and two others were unopposed. But Aremu alleged that there were attempts to reopen nomination for some positions which was not in consonance with the rules.

    He warned then that “any attempt to reopen the list of nomination will be unprecedented in the history of NLC’s delegates’ conferences and is deemed illegal, unconstitutional and certainly unacceptable.”

    Aremu argued that “as a product of credible, free and fair election, the masses of Nigerian workers expect the NLC President to keep to his oath of office by ensuring that the coming election is held in accordance with the sprit and content of the Constitution of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC). Any action to the contrary will be deemed illegal, unconstitutional and unacceptable.”

    But the delegates’ conference in session decided to reopen the nomination process and cleared some of those candidates who were hitherto not part of the list of candidates published by the Electoral Committee.

    Not happy with the goings-on, Aremu walked out of the conference, an action which did not go down well with many delegates and founding fathers of the congress. That was the first sign of trouble.

    Also, during the build up to the elections, the Unity Forum, a group, was said to have emerged and attempted to bring together union leaders with a view to convincing them to cede the presidency of the congress to unions in the private sector on the argument that the outgoing president was from the public sector union.

    Some of the union leaders who attended the first meeting were said to have backed out on the grounds that it was not a democratic way of electing a new leadership for the congress. It was gathered that while those who wanted the leadership conceded to the private sector union had a candidate for the presidency, those who backed out also had their own candidate for the same position.

    It was with this mindset that many of the delegates arrived Abuja for the aborted elections. Even though there were supposed to be three candidates contesting the presidency, two major groups were visible: the restoration group and the redemption group.

    Horse trading

    Igwe Achese, one of the candidates for the presidency, decided to step down asking his supporters to give their votes to Joseph Ajaero. Even though he was to contest the presidency, the delegates’ conference decided to clear him to contest the post of deputy president.

    With the disruption of the elections, founding fathers of the congress struggled to find a way out of the logjam. Past leaders of the congress and Nigerians at large were surprised that a body that tends to preach the tenets of democracy and claims to be a school of democracy could descend so low as not to allow the completion of a process.

    Thus the leaders immediately went into series of consultations aimed at addressing the issues that led to the shameful logjam.

    Omar told the media that the past leaders of the congress did not go to sleep and allow them do what they wanted, but engaged stakeholders and the aggrieved members in a series of meeting.

    Even when the congress fixed a meeting of its National Executive Council for Wednesday, February 18, some of the aggrieved leaders threatened to go to court to stop Omar from presiding over the meeting even though his leadership has not been dissolved.

    In attendance at the NEC meeting were former leaders of the union led by the founding president, Comrade Hassan Summonu, and his General Secretary, Ali Musa Dangiwa, Comrade Ali Ciroma, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, Comrade John Odah, among others.

    Inside sources told The Nation that the Edo governor who Summonu described as Labour’s soldier in the political battle field appealed to those concerned to allow peace to prevail.

    He was said to have told them that their action of disrupting the elections and breaking the ballot boxes has brought the name of the congress into disrepute and asked them to return the congress to its past glory.

    After several hours of meeting, they all agreed to reconvene the delegates’ conference to elect a new leadership for the congress. Omar who addressed journalists then said: “We have agreed that a new election will hold on March 12, 2015 at the Eagles Square in Abuja. We have taken far-reaching decisions to ensure that peace reigns at the re-convened election. We want to apologise to all Nigerians over the unfortunate incident that led to the cancellation of the election. We want to state categorically that it is not in our character to do that.”

    However, Aremu was to raise another alarm a few days to the March 12 date for the new election.

    Aremu said, “If we must ensure a successful election and avoid the crisis that marred the previous election, basic rules and practices guiding elections must be strictly followed. There must be fairness and equal level playing field for all contestants. We call on the NLC General Secretary to make sure the new election is not marred with the mistake of the past so that we can have a free and fair election. We raise this point against the background of our observation from the new list of contestants circulated to all industrial unions by the General Secretary of Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Dr. Peter Ozo-Eson. The list of contestants did not follow alphabetical order even when the General Secretary clearly stated in the letter dated February 26, 2015 to all the unions that accreditation of delegates will be based on alphabetical order. The contestants’ names were listed in a way that it suggests partisanship. We warn that all lovers of the labour movement must be interested in what is going at the NLC. Nigerian workers and indeed all Nigerians, labour veterans and friends of labour will not accept another so-called “printing errors” (such as multiple ballot papers for a contestant). We hereby demand that the circulated list of contestants should be withdrawn and a fresh list of contestants arranged in alphabetical order be reissued to all affiliate unions by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC). This should also reflect in the ballot papers. The NLC General Secretary should stop turning comrades against comrades. There should be strict application of basic rules and practices to avoid the ugly experience of the recent past.”

    The Nation discovered that the unions were arranged on the stand in an alphabetical order and was concluded at about 5.00pm. It was also discovered once inside the square, most of the delegates were not allowed to go outside. Provision was made for feeding inside the square for the delegates.

    Actual voting started at about 5.00pm on Thursday, March 12 in a batch of 15 delegates. This was later increased to 30 delegates voting at a time. The tables used for voting were adequately spaced to avoid the delegates influencing themselves during voting. This lasted till about 3.30 am.

    Counting of the ballot, however, started at about 5.30 am with the post of auditor which had eight candidates contesting for the three positions. In an unprecedented manner, the counting lasted till about 5.00pm.

    Edo State governor who spent the night at the square with the workers returned to the square at about 9.30 am only to be told that they had not made any headway. With only the Electoral Committee Chairman sorting out the ballot and every other person marking the result sheet, it was evident that the counting was going to last the whole day, especially when the polling agents raised issues at every interval which always took time to resolve.

    Eight small buckets were later provided to speed up the exercise. For every vote obtained by the candidate, one need was dropped into a box marked with the candidate’s name. The counting process was also to be decentralised with each electoral committee member handling one position, when the police threatened to withdraw their men due to delay of the entire exercise with the chairman handling the sorting of the presidential ballot with the polling agents of the contestants and security operatives and the media watching at close range.

    However, while the process of counting of the ballots was ongoing, the polling agent representing Joseph Ajaero collapsed and had to be rushed to the hospital, but that did not stop the process as Ayuba Wabba, who was sponsored by the Medical and Health Workers Union of Nigeria was declared winner of the elections after scoring 1,695 votes, while Mr. Ajaero polled 1,140 votes.

    Peters Adeyemi, Najeem Yasin and Kiri Mohammed as deputy presidents. The three vice-presidents are Asugbuni Amaechi, Dusunma Lawal and Oyelekan Lateef, while Boniface Isok was elected the congress trustee, and Sefiyav Mohammed, financial secretary. The auditors included Anchaver Simeon, Leke Success and Yemisi Gbamgbose, while the ex-officio officers are Amina Damesi and Comfort Oko.

    The Nation check revealed that out of the 43 industrial unions which took part in the elections, the Medical and Health Workers Union of Nigeria, which nominated Mr. Wabba, controlled the bulk of the delegates (526), while the National Union of Electricity Workers, which sponsored Mr. Ajaero, had 471 delegates.

    The Nigeria Union of Teachers had the third highest number of delegates (383), with the Non-Academic Staff Union of Educational and Associated Institutions having 210 delegates; the Nigeria Union of Local Government Employees 187 delegates, and National Union Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers, 182 delegates.

    Mr. Wabba’s camp was said to have gotten the upper hand after it successfully wooed most of the unions with the largest delegation to its side.

    However, even though many of those who witnessed the elections believed that it was generally transparent, those who lost did not believe so. Before the results were announced, polling agents representing the Ajaero group refused to sign the results.

    According to Ajaero and his group, “rules were changed midway into the elections. The credential committee wrongly validated the ballot papers found in boxes not meant for the position being contested for, contrary to the rules. These ballot papers ought to have been invalidated. There was a scandalous deficit of basic electoral materials such as tallies.

    “As a result, counting of votes was stopped for three hours to allegedly enable the general secretary of NLC and his team to allegedly go to the market to buy some electoral materials. In the process, there was a crisis of confidence and legitimate suspicion of manipulation. It took two working days for an election fixed for only one day to count the votes of 3,119 delegates from the 43 industrial unions affiliated to the congress.  Due to poor electoral arrangement, sorting of ballot papers turned out to be cumbersome and opened to manipulations and distortions with non-members of the Credential Committee dictating the patterns of counting.

    The Nation, however, observed that all the contestants who lost their elections were party to the call for a special delegates’ conference to elect new leaders. It was gathered even before the commencement of the elections, all the contestants had met with the leadership and elders of the congress where all contending issues were ironed out and all the aspirants agreed to abide by the results of the elections. The new president of the congress told a news conference Monday in Abuja that his leadership has already extended a hand of fellowship to the aggrieved members.

    As at press time, Ajaero and other aggrieved NLC members held a special delegate conference in Lagos, where Ajaero was elected a s President of the splinter group, a development, analysts have argued will set the labour union backward.

  • Intrigues as new NLC president emerges

    Intrigues as new NLC president emerges

    The man Wabba

    Comrade Aliyu Wabba is a former president of the Medical and Health Workers Union of Nigeria(MHWUN).
    He was born October 22, 1968. A native of Askira Uba Local Government in Borno State, he attended the School of Health Technology, Maiduguri and the Imo state University.
    He also underwent several courses at the Beeshiba Institute of Peace and Development, Israel, Royal Institute of Public Administrators, London, Wharton Business School, University of Pennsylvania, USA and National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru- Jos.

    The botched 11th Delegates Conference of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) was finally concluded last Saturday at the Eagle Square, with Comrade Ayuba Wabba emerging as President.

    Three groups slugged it out in the election. They are the Restoration Group, led by General Secretary of the National Union of Electricity Employees (NUEE) and a presidential candidate in the election, Joe Ajaero; Redemption Group, led by the new president and immediate past Treasurer of the Congress, Wabba; NLC Secretariat, made up of mostly members who conducted the election.

    The election was however, not devoid of intrigues. For instance, the restoration group, led by Comrade Ajaero alleged that what was supposed to be a single item agenda and therefore not expected to last for more than one day, sadly, lasted for two days.

    According to him, just like the previous failed election, there was an unacceptable disregard for rules and regulations in the election that produced the new president. “Rules were changed midway into the elections. It took two working days for an election fixed for only one day to count the votes of 3,119 delegates from the 43 industrial unions affiliated to the Congress. Due to poor electoral arrangement, sorting of ballot papers turned to be cumbersome and open to manipulations and distortions with non-members of the Credential Committee dictating the patterns of counting,” he said.

    Ajaero and his group also alleged that there was an unacceptable direct involvement of former NLC President, Abdulwaheed Omar in the election, particularly in the sorting and counting of votes well after the dissolution of the former National Administrative Council (NAC) he headed against the best practices of the past.

    The group was said to have issued invitations immediately to the 23 affiliates allegedly sympathetic to the decision to reject the result for a special delegates’ conference in Lagos this weekend to elect a parallel executive.

    The group said they have resolved to forge ahead under the banner of NLC and in line with the provision of the NLC Constitution. “New members of the national administrative council of NLC will be elected at the Special Delegates Conference as it was done in the past credible delegates’ conferences of NLC. A Conference Organising Committee has therefore been duly constituted,” the group added.

    But, the outgoing national executive, led by Omar, in a statement distanced itself from such an action, saying it is aimed at destabilising the Congress.

    The statement signed by the General Secretary, Peter Ozo-Eson, warned those he called “group of individuals driven by inordinate ambition and vainglory” to desist from being used as agents of destabilisation of the labour movement.

    While urging affiliate unions of the Congress to ignore any invitation to such a conference, Mr. Ozo-Eson reminded them that its 11th Delegates Conference was successfully concluded.

    At the end of the exercise, he said the National Executives of the Congress were elected in a free, fair and credible election under the watchful eyes of unions, delegates, invited guests, veterans and members of the media.

    Mr. Ozo-Eson said the processes that led to the elections and the elections were “manifestly transparent, incontestable and unimpeachable”, with all the contestants and their delegates voluntarily lending and submitting themselves to the electioneering/voting processes.

    The unions that attended the meeting include NUEE, National Union of Petroleum and National Gas (NUPENG), National Union of Textile Garment and Tailoring Workers of Nigeria (NUTGTWN), National Union of Banks, Insurance and Financial Institution Employees (NUBIFIE), among others.

    Not withstanding the intrigues and disaffection that trailed the election, the Supervising Minister of Labour and Productivity, Kabiru Turaki has congratulated Wabba.

  • Me and my Books: I’m fascinated by intrigues of creativity

    Me and my Books: I’m fascinated by intrigues of creativity

    Tade Ipadeola, lawyer, artist, poet, and prolific writer, won the 2013 NLNG Nigeria Prize for literature with his book, The Sahara Testaments. A versatile author and renowned poet, in this interview with Edozie Udeze, explores the world of writing and states all the numerous authors who have in one way or the other influenced his person and style of writing.   

    What sort of books do you like most?

    Collections of poetry, novels, the occasional biography and autobiography, short story collections and books of essays all interest me. Presently I am reading J.P Clark’s Still Full Tide, his collected works. A phenomenal collection for range and an example of what a committed poet should aim at accomplishing within a lifetime. I find myself wondering how he found the time to also write the plays. I read drama too but I’d rather go to the theatre for that than read the book. If the playwright is long dead and the play isn’t part of the repertoire of any theatre company around, then I’d read the play in a book. Say Aeschylus for example, or Sophocles. I wrestle with scholarly books from time to time, I’ve been reading Akin Adesokan’s Post Colonial Artists and Global Aesthetics recently, it is a rare accomplishment and I think every serious writer should engage the ideas in the book.

    When you read a book, what are the salient things you look out for most?

    Ideas, basically. I want to see how the author’s mind engages with the ideas he is trying to express. They say a good book should be slightly more intelligent than the author though, so I am also listening for the pauses. I believe a good book should not only address the ‘problema’ in the proper Latin sense of the word, it should also address a ‘lacuna’ which the reader may not even be aware existed. I look for a book that solves a problem and I look for a book that fills a void. Sometimes I’m lucky and I find a book that does both. Perhaps that is why I am predisposed toward poetry. When, for example, I first read the poems of Niyi Osundare at the University, it was a novel experience. The Eye of the Earth was unlike any collection of poetry I had ever read up till that point. It was fluid, mellifluous, African. I loved the way he made the English language obey his will.

    Who are your favourite authors in the world and why?

    Ah, e go hard to list all of them o. Let us start from home. I like J.P Clark, Soyinka, Okigbo, Amos Tutuola, Franz Fanon, Oswald Mtshali, Jared Angira, OusmaneSembene, AyiKweiArmah, Femi Osofisan, OdiaOfeimun, Tony Marinho, Afam Akeh, Harry Garuba, Akin Adesokan, Daniel Fagunwa, AkinwumiIsola, EbenezarObadare, Kgositsile, Marquez, Kunene, Lisa Combrinck, Andre Brink, NgugiwaThiongo, Sefi Atta, Wale Adebanwi, OgagaIfowodo, Niran Okewole, Emmanuel Iduma, OlubunmiFamiloni, ChumaNwokolo, Chijioke Amu-Nnadi, Benson Eluma, RotimiBabatunde, Molara Wood, Ike Okonta, Amatoritsero Ede, Jumoke Verissimo, ToyinAdewale-Gabriel, Chika Unigwe, ChieduEzeanah, UcheNduka, RethabileMasilo and the yet to be properly published Yomi Ogunsanya and Sam Ogabidu. Yes, Leopold Sedar Senghor especially. From around the world: Derek Walcott, Seamus Heaney, Czeslaw Milosz, Jose Saramago, Pablo Neruda, W.H Auden, Paul Muldoon, Le Clezio, C.L.R James, Salman Rushdie, Amitav Ghosh, Primo Levi, Michael Ondaatje, Rohinton Mistry, George Elliot Clarke, Alice Munro, George Lamming, Kamau Brathwaite, Kenzaburo Oe, Tomas Transtromer, AravindAdiga, Ibsen, Joel Toledo, Gen Asenjo, AnkurBetageri and a really exciting young writer called Joel Dicker. I don’t think it is possible to make a list of every author who has ever moved me profoundly. Several essayists I really like are not on this list but it doesn’t mean their works are not deep. I live works that challenge the intellect and the imagination.

    When and where do you like to read and what time and why?

    I like to read in the morning and late at night. Those are the times I’m freshest. Depending on the gravity of the material, I also like to read when travelling.

    What is your preferred literary genre?

    Poetry, without doubt.

    What book or books have had the greatest impact on you and why?

    Books which provide the reader with a handle on the world are precious. The books that have had the most impact on me are books that have the capacity to transport me into the dimension of reality they try to relate. The novels of Garcia Marquez, especially Love in the Time of Cholera and the poetry of Derek Walcott, especially Omeros, do that for me.

    As a child what books tickled you most?

    Daniel Fagunwa’s Ogboju Ode Ninu Igbo Irunmale was the book I couldn’t stop reading. After my first Fagunwa, I kept reading all the others I could lay hands on, and I couldn’t stop until I had read every one.

    At what point in your life did you begin to nurse the idea of becoming a writer?

    In secondary school I did write essays and some of them won prizes. But I was in my mid-twenties when I knew for sure I would be a writer. I was lucky to have mentors and friends who pointed me in that direction. I was already working at the Ministry of Justice in Ibadan. There was a ferment in Ibadan of the early nineties. One day, the poet Lola Shoneyin delivered a message to me from Chief Bola Ige who had read some of my poems. He wanted to see me in person. It was at an ANA reading at his home that he began to really challenge me to write seriously. I haven’t looked back since.

    How has writing shaped or reordered  your life?

    Completely. I set out initially to practice as a lawyer and I do have a competitive streak in me. I knew I would not be content to just be one of the fellows in wig and gown. But since I immersed myself in serious writing, that has changed a little. Readings, competitions and residencies abroad on account of writing means I cannot but scale down my ambitions at the bar a notch or two. I haven’t regretted it. I still enjoy being a lawyer but a completed book gives the kind of satisfaction that one cannot get elsewhere. Nothing compares, really. It is now, for me, the life of one dancing to a distant drum. Those close by you may begin to doubt your sanity and a few bold ones will even suggest to you a change of course but a real writer cannot decline the enchantment of writing.

    If you meet your favourite author face to face what would you like to ask him/her?

    How do you do it? I want to know how the great authors do what they do best. In fact I want the how-of-the-how as well. Good writing isn’t an accident. From the little I have read, it is a life of committed work.

    Of the plays you’ve read which character struck you most?

    I think that the character of Brother Jeroboam in Wole Soyinka’s Trials of Brother Jero strikes me as a very accurate rendition of the personality of the scoundrel. The Nigerian scoundrel particularly, and how that scoundrel manages to be of such influence. Look at Nigeria today. A building owned by a charlatan collapses and kills over a hundred human beings, both Nigerians and foreigners. And politicians who should enforce standards say they are paying the villain condolence visits. It is totally bizarre.

    What book do you plan to read next?

    I am currently reading the manuscript of a book by Mr Nigel Henry titled Do Something Before You Die, a truly fascinating document that every Nigerian ought to read in print. And I am also reading King Leopold’s Ghost by Adam Hochschild

    How do you arrange your private library?

    There is a shelf hanging from my study walls. It has books that only my closest friends can read or take away. People like Niran Okewole and Wale Dada. These guys give me access to their own private libraries. Then there are the shelves in my living room which have books which everyone can read.

    Are you a reader and how often?

    Actually, I can’t remember a time I didn’t read. I can’t imagine stopping my readings.