Tag: Jacob Festus Ade-Ajayi

  • Jacob Festus Ade Ajayi (1929-2014)

    Jacob Festus Ade Ajayi (1929-2014)

    Professor Jacob Festus Ade Ajayi, dean of Nigerian historians and a scholar of global stature died last week, some three months after his family, friends and associates staged two days of events in Ibadan to mark his 85thbirthday and celebrate his monumental accomplishments.

    I count it one of the greatest honours I have ever received to have been asked to deliver the Birthday Lecture on the second day of the festivities, May 26, which was Ade Ajayi’s birthday.  As it turned out, that was his last public outing.

    This is like a death in the family, and I thank all those who have sent me messages of condolence on the passing of the great man.

    Many have also asked me about his condition on that day.  He was frail, as was to be expected of any person well into the eighth decade of life.  But he was for the most part alert, animated even.  When he seemed disengaged, it was hard to tell whether it was because he was bored or simply bemused, this man of few words, and withal not given to ceremony.

    His autograph on my copy of the book presented on the occasion, “J.F. Ade Ajayi:  His Life and Career,” edited by Professor Michael Omolewa and our own Professor Akinjide Osuntokun, and with a Foreword by General Yakubu Gowon, reveals a man in full command of his mental and physical faculties.

    Rendered in his crisp handwriting, with all letters well formed and no tell-tale signs of a quaking hand, it is something I will treasure to the end of my days.

    It reads: “To Prof Olatunji Dare, with thanks for a well-delivered and thought-provoking lecture at the presentation of this book.”

    Today, I have chosen to pivot on a piece I wrote back when he delivered a Valedictory Address to mark his retirement from the University of Ibadan to pay my tribute to his memory. It was titled “A scholar at work” (The Guardian, December 12, 1989).

     

    *****

    Jacob Festus Ade Ajayi’s Valedictory Lecture at the University of Ibadan is sure to go down as one of the high points of Nigeria’s intellectual history.  It was a fitting climax to 31 years of teaching and research at his alma mater, 26 of them as a professor of History. The wide sweep of his scholarship was manifest in every paragraph; so was the depth, the profundity of his insights.

    No less evident were his intellectual humility, his modesty of exposition, his generosity of mind toward colleagues, students and even those who had sought to humiliate him, his concern for the nation and for the system he was leaving, as well as his devotion to his family.

    The preface to this remarkable lecture was itself another classic:  A perceptive essay on the man and his works by Obaro Ikime, one of six students to have earned national and international reputations of their own as professors out of the 24 Ade Ajayi taught in his first year at Ibadan. Few teachers could have asked for more. Something tells me that he will treasure this tribute almost as much he cherishes the National Merit Award.

    Ade Ajayi, like Kenneth Dike before him, gave legitimacy and direction to African historiography.  European scholars like Hegel, Arnold Toynbee and Hugh Trevor-Roper held that Africa had no history whatever.  Trevor-Roper for one insisted that history was about light and that since Africa was all darkness, it could not possibly have a history.

    Lost on him and his fellow intellectual chauvinists was the fact that a certain age of European existence characterised as the Dark Ages was nevertheless considered worthy of scholarly study.

    Ajayi is a leading light among those distinguished Nigerians, African and other Third World scholars  and some progressive Europeans (Basil Davison and Michael Crowder are worthy of special mention) who, through diligent research and scholarship, changed all that.  His scholarly output of more than 60 publications, with at least 11 more in the works on the eve of his retirement, is formidable by any standard; in a country where a scholar has to contend with bureaucratic distractions and material deprivations, it is truly awesome.

    And he is not even through yet.  For as Ikime made clear, Ajayi may retire from teaching but he cannot retire from History.

    In the tradition of Jakob Buckhardt, Ade Ajayi’s point of departure would seem to be that history is not just a narrow specialisation to be studied and written for its own sake.  It is not even merely a search for truth. The truths history reveals must be spoken to power, not in the spirit of confrontation, not to make the writer clever for a moment, but to make society wiser.

    It is in this spirit that Ade Ajayi has turned his prodigious scholarship on the processes and problems of national integration, education, public policy and administration, analysing, clarifying and illuminating issues and pointing the way forward

    But he is not like the direction post that is always pointing out the way but never going there.   The bureaucratic stability that the University of Lagos enjoys today is in large measure his handiwork. When he arrived on the scene in 1972, he found that the place had been carved up           into fiefdoms, to satisfy all kinds of interest.

    To cite just one example, there was an Institute of Computer Science which had no regular students but ran service courses from time to time. But it was a full-fledged faculty with a teaching staff of two, of whom one was the dean. The traditional Faculty of Science was split into a School of Biological Sciences and a School of Mathematical and Physical Sciences, each with its own dean.

    In his first year, Ade Ajayi rationalised this profusion of faculties and deanships and created a leaner, more responsive, administrative structure.

    He also embarked on a vigorous staff development programme, under which graduates of the university were sent abroad to acquire advanced degrees and return to take up teaching positions.  Before Ade Ajayi, the university undertook to pay only one-half of the salary of members of staff training abroad, plus passage and tuition. Most of those who trained under that scheme did not return, and the programme was more or less a disinvestment.

    Ade Ajayi moved quickly to correct this half-hearted attempt at staff development. Under the new programme, staff members going on study leave abroad would receive their full salary, half of it in foreign exchange. The university would pay the full tuition as well as maintenance allowance for their families. And all this was without prejudice to any other financial support the staff member may get elsewhere.

    Virtually every beneficiary of the scheme returned.  Without it, the faculty strength of the University of Lagos would not have been what it was before SAP and other forms of attrition         led to a steady movement away from the system.

    Although Ade Ajayi’s second term as vice chancellor was brusquely and unfairly terminated, he did not touch on it his valedictory.  Instead he called attention to the humiliation of Professor Orishejolomi Thomas, former vice chancellor of the University of Ibadan.

    Thomas, distinguished surgeon, one of the first group of Africans to become Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons, founding provost of the University of Lagos College of Medicine, had just finished presiding over the Convocation of the University of Ibadan when he learned on the evening news that he had been retired with immediate effect.

    Speculations were rife that his dismissal might have arisen from a court ruling in which he was purportedly rebuked for improper administration of an estate of which he was an executor. Those who knew him said such conduct would be totally out of character (Interpolation: Years later, he was vindicated on appeal).

    Shattered, Thomas retreated to his prosperous rubber estate in Warri. Years later, he took ill.  His family planned to fly him abroad for treatment.  He would hear none of it.  He said he should be taken to the University of Lagos Teaching Hospital that he had founded back in 1962.  If he could not be healed there, he would like to die there. And it was there he died. Such was his faith in that institution, in his colleagues, and in his country.

    It was ennobling in Ade Ajayi to do justice to the memory of this great Nigerian patriot.

    In today’s world so dependent on new ideas and creative thinking and on changing technology as a means of mastering nature, Ade Ajayi deposed in his valedictory, no society can continue to alienate, vilify and marginalise its intellectual community and hope to develop.

    This is the warning of a wise man, a distillation of the lessons of history.

    But were they listening?

     

    *****

    It remains to ask, today, 35 years later: Are they listening?

     

  • Son relives father’s last moments

    Son relives father’s last moments

    Dr Niyi Ajayi, the eldest son of late Prof Jacob  Festus Ade Ajayi, relived yesterday the last moments of the renowned historian who died on Saturday at the University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan.

    The late Prof Ade Ajayi celebrated his 85th birthday few weeks ago, according to his son.

    Dr Ajayi said his father, last Saturday morning, was surrounded by his wife and children.

    The late historian, his son said, was in high spirit as he played with his family on his hospital bed at the UCH.

    But at 7.30pm, after he had been fed by his wife, Prof Ade Ajayi passed on peacefully.

    Dr Ajayi said: “Baba’s last moment was dignified and peaceful. He died on Saturday evening at 7.30. On Saturday morning, he was sitting up, eating. Then he was fed by mum. They enjoyed some good time together. I enjoyed some time with him too. He enjoyed time with the family. But he passed on in a very peaceful and dignified manner.”

    Dr Ajayi said the children will sustain the lofty legacy their father left behind.

    He said: “What he has taught us is that service is what matters. He always said by leaving a life of service to others, particularly in education, training, development and culture, we will understand ourselves as a people and bring up the younger generation and appreciate who they are as individuals. This is the strength of the culture of Nigeria.

    “We, his children, having observed him closely over many years and with the grace of Almighty God, we will sustain the legacy he left behind.”

  • Jacob Festus Ade Ajayi

    Jacob Festus Ade Ajayi

    •Foremost Historian at 85

    Nigeria’s pre-eminent historian and scholar of global renown, Jacob Festus Ade Ajayi, University of Ibadan Emeritus Professor, turned 85 on May 26. Associates, collaborators, former students, friends and admirers joined his family to celebrate the milestone in ceremonies that accorded with his life-long devotion to matters intellectual and with his characteristic modesty.

    First, his professional colleagues held a symposium on African historiography and his immense contributions to that field. In Nigeria, Dr Kenneth Dike had blazed the trail with his seminal doctoral dissertation for the University of London, later published as Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta. But it was under Ade Ajayi’s leadership as chair of History in Ibadan that the field reached full flowering

    The enduring legacy of his leadership is what came to be known as the Ibadan School of History. Noted for its nationalist undertones, the Ibadan School was a direct response to European scholars who claimed that Africa had no history worth studying beyond the activities of European colonialists and adventurers on the continent.

    Ajayi dismissed that imperialist claim in a phrase that would be hard to match for its majestic simplicity and profound poignancy. The colonial intrusion, he wrote, was nothing more than “an episode” in the history of Africa. The absence of written records by which Western historians set great store was no barrier to the reconstruction of the African past, he argued. He insisted on the validity of oral sources subjected to the established standards of verification, and on a multi-disciplinary approach to the study of History.

    His own prodigious output of books, book chapters, monographs, journal articles, most of them published after he was appointed a professor at the relatively young age of 35, was replicated in the comprehensiveness of the seminal works that came out of the Ibadan School.  Leading universities and research institutions across the world sought his services and piled him with their highest honours.

    Then symposium was followed the next day by a public lecture that prefaced the presentation of a book on Ade Ajayi’s life and career, edited by two of his former students who have gone on to distinguish themselves in scholarship and public service, Professor Akinjide  Osuntokun and Professor Michael Omolewa. Featuring contributions by Ade Ajayi’s fellow academics in Nigeria and abroad, former colleagues, students and members of his family, it is an ennobling study in dedication, humility, grace under pressure, and service.

    Nor has Ade Ajayi’s career been distinguished only by scholarship. He has been an outstanding administrator as well. As vice chancellor, he embarked on construction projects and a staff development programme and curriculum reform that transformed the University of Lagos almost beyond recognition.  His tenure ended on a sad note when he was dismissed, following the death of a student during a demonstration the Federal Military Government said he ought to have pre-empted, as if the university was a military barracks and the vice chancellor a garrison commander.

    Years later, a grateful country conferred him with its highest recognition for distinguished intellectual achievement, the National Order of Merit.  Most fittingly, he was awarded the Centennial Medal, one of 100 Nigerians to be so honoured on the occasion of Centenary of the amalgamation, his preferment being in the category of “Distinguished Academics.”

    Sadly, History, the discipline in which Ade Ajayi made a mark on the world’s stage, is no longer taught in Nigerian schools. It has instead been enfolded in “social science.”  It is doubtful whether Nigeria can produce another Ade Ajayi.  The nation will be the poorer for being deprived of the insights and clarity that he and the Ibadan School brought to bear on significant aspects of our existence.

     

  • Ekiti governorship election: a likely shoo-in for Fayemi

    Ekiti governorship election: a likely shoo-in for Fayemi

    Its motto is “Land of Honour.” It might as well have called itself “Land of Intellectuals” instead, and it would not have been amiss; it holds the record as the state that has produced the largest number of doctorates and professors in Nigeria, notably, Professors Jacob Festus Ade-Ajayi, Nigeria’s leading living Historian who celebrated his 85th birthday on Monday, Niyi Osundare, a literary giant and ace columnist, and the late Sam Aluko, the radical-conservative (never mind the oxymoron) economist who was the brain behind the economic policies of Chief Obafemi Awolowo as Premier of Western Nigeria.

    For a state which prides itself as the most bookish in Nigeria, it is an irony that one of the accusations the governor of the state, Dr John Kayode Fayemi, has had to fend off in his campaign for the forthcoming governorship election in the state on June 21 is that he is too bookish. Perhaps it is a reflection of the quality of the opposition candidates. Perhaps it is a reflection of their level of desperation, considering the almost certainty that Fayemi will retain his job in a free and fair election. The fact, however, is that the integrity and soundness of his academic background as a holder of a doctorate degree – unlike that of you-know-who – has been made to look like an albatross rather than the virtue that it is.

    “I am an academic,” he said somewhat defensively in a newspaper interview the other day, “but I am also a politician; I am not an Ivory Tower academic. I am on the streets.” (The Nation, May 19).

    Anyone who has been to Ekiti State since the man was sworn in as governor on October 16, 2010, following a three-and-half-year legal battle over the outcome of the April, 2007, governorship election in which Chief Segun Oni, the candidate of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party, was declared winner, will testify to the fact that Fayemi has truly been on the streets changing the fortunes of the people of the state for the better.

    “I always,” he said in the interview in question, “ask anybody who raises this type of questions to do two things: read my inaugural speech on October 16, 2010 and mark paragraph by paragraph what I said I was going to do that I have not done in office.”

    Ekiti, created out of the old Ondo State by military head of state, General Sani Abacha, on October 1, 1996, is one of the smallest in the country by size (2,543 square metres and 31st  out of 36 states) and by population (2,737,186 million and 29th out of 36). In terms of the much depended upon revenue allocation to states from the centre, Ekiti is also near the bottom; it receives an average of N3 billion monthly compared to, say, Bayelsa which was created out of the old Rivers State in the same year and is bigger in size (8,158 square metres) but smaller in population (1,998,349) and collects 24 billion a month on average.

    For a state with such a meagre revenue allocation it is a miracle that Fayemi had been able to achieve most of what he promised nearly four years ago, especially in the areas of education, infrastructural development and social security. Part of his secret is that he is one of the most urbane and cosmopolitan politicians in the land, virtues he apparently cultivated during his self-exile under General Abacha’s five-year rule.

    As governor he seems to have used those virtues to attract sizeable grants from abroad to build the infrastructure that were so much lacking in the state before he took charge.

    The other half of his secret is that he has been able to raise money from the capital market to deliver on his promises. For opposition candidates, this is not a good thing and they could be right; only in this case they aren’t.

    The leading opposition candidate, Chief Peter Ayodele Fayose, for example, has condemned Fayemi for putting the state in debt, among his other alleged crimes against its good people. “Fayemi,” the New Telegraph (May 15) quoted him as saying, “has destroyed education, put Ekiti in debt, impoverished Ekiti people through capital flight. Nobody really wants to return APC (Fayemi’s All Progressives Congress) to power in this state. APC is like leprosy to the people.”

    Ekiti may be in debt but in making his charge against Fayemi, Fayose obviously conveniently ignored the purpose of the debts and to ask whether their costs have been more than their benefits. Debts, as the Peoples Democratic Party governorship candidate knows all too well, are bad only if, as is all too often the case in Nigeria, they are incurred only to be stolen or mismanaged rather than invested wisely and efficiently. So far, no opposition candidate, not even Fayose, has accused Fayemi of kleptomania.

    In any case Fayose is hardly in a position morally to accuse anyone of such a crime. After all, it was allegations of corruption against him which seemed credible that led to his impeachment by his state House of Assembly in which more than half the members belonged to his own party. This was the impeachment that led to the crisis which, in turn, provided President Olusegun Obasanjo with an excuse to impose his constitutionally dubious emergency rule on the state in October, 2006.

    It is doubtful that the good people of Ekiti State would want a return to those locust years under Fayose and his PDP, a party he himself had called some of the nastiest names and even left to contest unsuccessfully for a senate seat on the platform of the Labour Party in 2007, following his terrible encounter with Obasanjo. Here it is instructive that only two weeks ago or so, the majority leader of the Ekiti House of Assembly under his administration and the commissioner of land under Segun Oni’s subsequent PDP administration, Mr Kayode Babade, defected from the party to APC.

    Apart from Fayose, the only other credible opposition to Fayemi is his estranged friend and former APC compatriot and member of the House of Representatives, Chief Michael Opeyemi Bamidele. Bamidele eventually left after his apparent wish to take over from Fayemi after only one term was spurned in December, 2012, by his political bosses, including Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu whose government he had served in as a commissioner, the elderly Chief Bisi Akande, a former governor of Osun State and acting chairman of APC and, before then, chair of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), and Chief Niyi Adebayo, a former governor of Ekiti. In reaction he rejected their pleas to remain in APC and instead left to join the Labour Party.

    Personal ambition is hardly a vice in itself. However, it is hardly enough to persuade an electorate to change horses even after crossing the stream, in a manner of speaking. As Fayemi asked rhetorically in an answer to a question by editors of Tell in an interview in its edition of November 11, 2013, concerning his estrangement from his friend and compatriot, “What is it that we promised that we are not doing? What is in the manifesto of our party that is not being implemented in Ekiti?”

    As with Fayose, it is also here instructive that when Bamidele left APC, not a single local government chairman of the party was known to have followed him to his new party.

    Clearly, the most serious obstacle to Fayemi retaining his job from June 21 is the PDP’s formidable rigging machine, which threw out Chief Adebayo from the Government House, Ado-Ekiti and installed Fayose there in 2003, and Oni in 2007. And in what sounded like the party’s willingness to crank up this machine, Vice-President Namadi Sambo, during a rally in Ekiti in support of its governorship candidate last month, equated Ekiti and the neighbouring Osun with “war fronts” which the PDP must “capture” in the governorship elections coming up in the two APC states in June and August respectively.

    Hopefully, the vice-president’s words were no more than the usual hyperbole of an over-excited politician on the stump. However, in case it is, the best, if not the only, way to avert a “war” in those states is for the Independent National Electoral Commission to use the Voters Card Reader machine as the best guarantee of free and fair elections. At any rate, it is safer not to take any chances.

    So far INEC seems reluctant to use the machines before the general elections next year. The vice-president’s unfortunate words which he probably never meant, given his mild nature, has now made it incumbent for INEC to use those machines. With the limited number that will be required, the commission has enough time to deploy them. Indeed, INEC should seize this as an opportunity to test run them.

    It is only if it does so that it will help remove any excuse for Fayemi and Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, the Osun governor, to cause havoc in their states should they lose their jobs in June and August because everybody would’ve seen that the elections had been free and fair.