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Tag: João Lourenço

  • How US allegedly funds João Lourenço’s private empire

    How US allegedly funds João Lourenço’s private empire

    By Alexandre de Morais Filho

    Recently, a delegation from the United States Government, which participated in the 2025 U.S.–Africa Business Summit, visited the Carrinho Group Industrial Complex located in the municipality of Catumbela, in Benguela province. The visit was part of efforts to strengthen bilateral cooperation in the economic sector and evaluate investment opportunities. However, there may be another reason behind the visit.

    According to a report published by the German outlet ,Deutsche Welle, the Carrinho Group is essentially a pocket company of President João Lourenço. Officially, the group’s origin story is curious—it all began as a small bar in the city of Lobito, where Dona Leonor, an Angolan woman with a sharp business sense, sold drinks and meals. 

    The small bar quickly transformed into a vast agri-food empire, now boasting 17 processing plants for rice, wheat, and corn, as well as several facilities for refining edible oils. In a short time, the Carrinho Group built the largest storage infrastructure in Angola, with the capacity to hold 100,000 tons of cereals and 55,000 cubic meters of oilseed product tanks.

    There are strong rumours that the largest shareholder in the Carrinho company is none other than the President of the Republic of Angola himself, Mr. João Manuel GonçalvesLourenço. If confirmed, this raises serious questions about conflict of interest and unethical business practices. The company’s methods are questionable at best. Its field agents travel through communities on motorbikes, buying corn at extremely low prices without allowing any room for negotiation. This practice, often seen as a form of barter, places communities at a significant disadvantage.

    According to legal expert, Rui Verde, “It was the President himself” who personally inaugurated the first phase of the group’s massive industrial park in Benguela in November 2019. This has fuelled social media rumours suggesting that João Lourenço has “opaque and personal ties” to the company.

    Furthermore, José Gama, a journalist and director of the news portal, Club-K, has spent years trying to uncover the secrets behind Carrinho Group’s rapid rise. He argues that the company’s success is largely due to securing lucrative exclusive supply contracts with major firms such as the state oil company, Sonangol, the National Electricity Company (ENE), Brazilian giants Odebrecht and Camargo Corrêa, and even the National Police and the Armed Forces of Angola. These are deals that would clearly be in the interest of the head of state, João Lourenço.

    If these rumors turn out to be true, one could deduce that American investors may end up funding a deeply corrupt scheme in Angola a group engaged in unfair economic practices that harm small Angolan producers.

  • How João Lourenço makes Angola dependent on West through questionable schemes 

    How João Lourenço makes Angola dependent on West through questionable schemes 

    By Manuel Chilala

    This year, Angola celebrates its 50th anniversary of independence—a history worthy of a film. It includes the struggle against Portuguese colonialism, attempts by British and South African mercenaries to intervene, the solidarity of other nations in Angola’s fight against neo-colonial invaders, and along civil war.

    However, Angola’s story is overshadowed by something that has alienated its government and people— corruption—which has made Angola dependent not on other nations directly but on major corporations from Western countries.

    Angolans frequently hear about corruption in their daily lives. Despite Angola’s wealth in resources and potential, the average Angolan sees little progress or benefits of independence. Hunger and unemployment are harsh realities, leaving the country underdeveloped.

    According to the UN reports, hundreds of Angolans die from cholera, while others fall victim to landmines, even though NGOs funded by the Angolan government were supposed to clear these mines long ago.

    Corruption in Angola permeates society, from the political elite—known as the marimbondos who live lavish lifestyles akin to the Western upper-middle class—to the grassroots level of the state. Who can forget how, in 2024, João Lourenço’s government was internationally embarrassed by a Brazilian tourist when bribes for a “soda” at checkpoints gained global notoriety?Although some police officers were dismissed, the elite—seeking money not for gas but for their own factories —remains in power.

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    In 2023, UNITA, the largest opposition party, accused João Lourenço of being the “chief promoter of corruption” in Angola. Lourenço, who initially positioned himself as a reformer committed to fighting corruption, is  perceived by critics as its principal enabler. They alleged he has created monopolies and companies tied to associates, directing state contracts to only four specific companies. Transparency and public tendering processes, according to them, have been abolished.

    Furthermore, the government uses force against demonstrators, with police killing protesters without consequence. For example, in Huambo in 2023, protestors were killed, yet no police officers were held accountable. Justice remains elusive for victims.

    High-profile corruption scandals have implicated members of Lourenço’s government, such as Edeltruda da Costa, who was accused of embezzling over €25 million. Critics argue that the issue lies not with former regimes, as Lourenço often claims, but within his own administration and inner circle.

    Internationally, Angola’s corruption is well-documented, with major publications like Voice of America and DeutscheWelle covering it. Transparency International has reported that top officials use offshore companies to hide assets, diverting resources intended for infrastructure development. Around 80% of these assets are held outside Africa in countries like the UK, the US, and France.

    Portuguese outlet Público revealed that João Lourenço has been under investigation in countries like the US for alleged fraud and corruption. According to Pangea Risk, a consultancy specialising in risk analysis in Africa and the Middle East, Lourenço is implicated in a network that allegedly misappropriates Angolan state funds for private companies and MPLA campaign financing. This network, according to reports, includes companies like Gefi (Gestãoe Participação Financeiras), which has a history of opaque state contracts. Lourenço’s wife, Ana Dias Lourenço, is also implicated. She reportedly oversees the communications agency Orion, which allegedly funds MPLA activities and enriches her family and close relatives. The same irregularities extend to infrastructure projects under the Comprehensive Municipal Intervention Plan (PIIM). Angolan NGOs have accused the government of awarding contracts without public tenders, with examples from Luanda and Benguela provinces highlighted in a 62-page report.

    Corruption has eroded not only Angola’s legal systems but also its ideology. Lourenço’s administration has allegedly betrayed the Angolan and African people by aligning with corrupt Western companies that extract Africa’s resources. While much of Africa is rejecting France’s neo-colonial influence, Lourenço reportedly handed over Angola’s sovereignty to French President, Emmanuel Macron, who reportedly represents these interests.

    Angola’s Lobito Corridor railway, for instance, is allegedly controlled by corrupt international corporations such as Trafigura, known for scandals spanning Brazil to Mongolia. Despite public outcry for local or African-led development, Western capitalists dominate the project, further entrenching Angola’s dependency.

    The public relations campaigns of João Lourenço seem indifferent to these controversies, prioritizing external partnerships over addressing the needs and sovereignty of Angola. This narrative of dependence and exploitation underscores the complex legacy of Angola’s independence and the challenges it faces moving forward.

    Chilala is an analyst based in Angola