Tag: judicial corruption

  • How judges can push back against judicial corruption, by legal experts

    How judges can push back against judicial corruption, by legal experts

    Nigeria’s judiciary faces persistent corruption allegations, rebutted by leaders demanding evidence, amid occasional disciplinary cases. Rare instances of judges resisting influence spark debate. Recently, Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court warned litigants and lawyers against seeking favours, reigniting discussions on judicial integrity, accountability, and responses to compromise attempts, writes Assistant Editor ERIC IKHILAE.

    Like most human institutions, the Nigerian Judiciary is not immune to criticism.

    Over the years, it has faced sustained allegations of corruption, ethical lapses, and the presence of so-called “bad eggs” accused of engaging in conduct aimed at perverting the course of justice.

    Judicial stakeholders have repeatedly pushed back against these claims, insisting that sweeping accusations often lack evidential support.

    The most recent pushback came from the President of the Court of Appeal, Justice Monica Dongban-Memsem, who publicly challenged critics to substantiate allegations of corruption against judges.

    She said: “We keep hearing of corruption among judges. Please provide evidence. That is what we need.

    “Since no one has come up with evidence that we are corrupt, I know that we are not corrupt. We are doing our best,” she added on December 8, 2025, in Abuja during a special court session marking the official commencement of the Court of Appeal’s 2025/2026 legal year.

    Notwithstanding such defences, there are documented cases where judicial officers have been sanctioned by the National Judicial Council (NJC) for misconduct, abuse of office, or violations of their oath. These cases, though relatively few compared to the size of the judiciary, continue to fuel public distrust.

    Conversely, there are far fewer reported instances where judges publicly resist or reject overtures aimed at compromising the judicial process.

    Analysts say this may be due to two factors: either such overtures are rarely resisted, or judges who resist them are often reluctant to make the matter public.

    READ ALSO; Between Wike and Fubara

    This context may explain the varied reactions triggered by the recent outburst of Justice Emeka Nwite of the Abuja Division of the Federal High Court, who openly complained in court about alleged attempts by parties in a case before him to improperly influence his decision.

    Justice Nwite made the remarks on January 7 while delivering a ruling on bail applications filed by a former Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and two others. He warned parties and counsel against attempting to reach out to him for favours during the pendency of the matter.

    Although the judge did not state whether any specific individual had contacted him, he stressed that no one could influence the outcome of proceedings before his court.

    Justice Nwite said: “Before concluding, I want to admonish and warn counsel and litigants that all judges are not the same.

    “When I am handling any case, please do not approach me. You can get the best lawyers in this country to do your case, but do not attempt to approach me for any help.

    “I am not that type of judge. I know what God has done for me by giving me this job, and I have vowed to do it to the best of my ability.

    “I have sworn before Almighty God and man that I will do my duty without fear or favour.”

    Justice Nwite warned that any attempt to pervert the course of justice would be “vehemently resisted,” advising parties to focus on prosecuting their cases and, where dissatisfied, pursue their remedies through the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court.

    Past example

    In August 2023, the Chairman of the State and House of Representatives election petition tribunal, which sat in Kano, Justice Flora Azinge, raised an alarm of an attempt to obstruct the course of justice with financial inducement.

    Justice Azinge did not disclose the identity of those behind the act, claiming that some senior lawyers arguing their petitions before the tribunal were behind moves to corrupt the system.

    Justice Azinge was reported to have told a packed court how a senior member of the bar offered one of her staff N10 million for onward delivery to the tribunal.

    In her words: “Money is flying, and it’s being rumoured that a staff member was given N10 million as a bribe for the panel.”

    The judge warned that she would no longer tolerate any attempt to bribe judges, saying that attempts to pervert the course of justice through the back door would not be allowed in her court.

    Justice Azinge was said to have, on an earlier occasion, accused a senior lawyer of asking her to provide an account to send a Sallah gift.

    Was Nwite right?

    Since Justice Nwite’s outburst, many, both lawyers and non-lawyers, have continued to comment, with some hailing him, while others think otherwise.

    Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Reverend John Baiyeshea, Abuja-based lawyers Otunba Tunde Falola and Oluwole Adaja commended the judge for speaking out on the issue. But another lawyer, Chidi Odinkalu, argued that Justice Nwite did not do enough.

    Baiyeshea said: “I personally salute the courage of Justice Emeka Nwite for speaking out boldly the way he did to express that, behind the scenes,  so-called powerful are contacting him to influence him.

    “Nigerian corruption has risen to the sky, and it is the only thriving ‘industry’ in Nigeria. The corrupt and thieves of the nation are many, powerful and have formed themselves into a cartel or mafia, who believe that they can buy anyone over with their ill-got wealth.

    “Some other judges, who are less endowed with capacity and determination to resist the poisoned chalice of the corrupt cabal, would have succumbed to them,” he said.

    Baiyeshea added that the best way a judge could ward off “those terribly corrupt people is for the judge to cry out the way he (Justice Nwite) did to send a clear signal that he is not one they can buy with their satanic money.

    “At this stage, the judge did not mention any names (even though one of the parties is crying, moaning, and defending himself when not accused). That itself raises suspicion as to who  the culprit is likely to be,” Baiyeshea said.

    According to Falola, the decision by Justice Nwite to address the issue publicly has symbolic value.

    He added: “The warning delivered by His lordship (Justice Nwite) underscores a recurring challenge in Nigeria’s justice system: attempts to influence judicial outcomes.

    “While public admonitions are necessary, a combination of legal safeguards, strict ethical enforcement, structural reforms, and robust institutional mechanisms offers a more durable defence against attempts to pervert the course of justice.”

    Falola noted that by reinforcing ethical norms, empowering disciplinary bodies like the NJC, and ensuring transparent judicial processes, “Nigeria’s Judiciary can better protect its independence and uphold the rule of law for the betterment of our country.”

    Adaja noted that what Justice Nwite did was to issue a pre-emptive warning or caution to all parties in the suit not to attempt to approach him for any favours with respect to the matter before him.

    He added: “Without doubt, the bold and courageous statement by the judge is commendable.”

    On his part, Odinkalu faulted Justice Nwite for not identifying those behind the act he complained about, but only chose to issue threats.

    He argued that a judge, who finds himself or herself in a position to make the kind of public declamations that Justice Nwite made in court, has two options – to disclose the identity of the perpetrators and subject them to sanction or to recuse himself or herself from further participation in the case.

    Odinkalu added: “In this present case concerning Malami et fils, the judge was unwilling or unable to muster either. Instead, he chose to threaten consequences for a future contingency, whose occurrence, on the evidence of the current one, we are unlikely to ever hear of.

    The only thing the judge managed to accomplish in this case, therefore, was to publicly advertise his availability to be nobbled.”

    What other options exist for judges on Nwite’s shoes?

    Law experts are of the view that, beyond speaking out about attempts to compromise the court, there are other options available to a judge who finds himself in Justice Nwite’s shoes.

    According to Baiyeshea, the Judge has many options should those behind the issue complained about persist, stressing that Justice Nwite could report to security agencies so that they can put the people concerned under surveillance.

    He added: “If they continue, an arrest can be made. Or the judge may, at an appropriate time, mention the name of the culprit openly.

    “The judge will always weigh the options very well before adopting a particular method to oppose those offering him a bribe,” he said.

    Baiyeshea argued that the truth of the matter is that corruption is a hydra-headed monster that can consume anyone, adding that “one funny (may be not so funny) thing about it is that, if a judge accepts a bribe, the same people who bribed the judge will tell some other people.

    “No matter how they keep it secret, it will leak one way or the other, because the sins of those who offer and take bribes, respectively, will find them out. It is as the Bible says in (Numbers 32:23).

    “It will get to the stage where the naming and shaming attitude will have to be adopted. That is the only way that the corrupt will be shamed and disgraced,” he said.

    Falola noted that the Judicial Code of Conduct, which guides the conduct of judicial officers, “explicitly requires judges to avoid, not only actual impropriety, but also its appearance, including avoiding contacts that may lead to speculation of undue influence.”

    He added that where inappropriate contact occurs, a judge may recuse himself/herself to preserve impartiality, while separate judicial mechanisms also exist that allow formal complaints through the internal court administrative channels.

    Falola argued that court’s registries, bailiffs and security personnel have roles to play  in screening those who gain access to judges’ chambers or files under established court administration protocols.

    On whether a judge could penalise anyone involved in acts targeted at influencing the judicial process, Falola said it is possible within the existing legal framework in the country.e said while judges cannot unilaterally impose criminal sanctions in such cases, they can deploy their contempt power or refer anyone to relevant agencies for disciplinary measures.

    Falola added: “A judge has statutory authority to punish for contempt of court, including conduct that directly undermines the administration of justice in court. This can extend to interference aimed at prejudicing proceeding.

    “Litigants and lawyers, who attempt to pervert the course of justice,  for example by seeking to influence a judge, can be referred for disciplinary action.”

    He said while an erring lawyer could be referred to the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC), under the Rules of Professional Conduct, a litigant in a similar position could be prosecuted under either the Criminal Code or the Penal Code, knowingly engaging in acts to pervert the course of justice, including bribery, influence peddling, or false pretences is a criminal offence.

    On his part, Odinkalu noted that the country’s constitution makes it a human right that all courts must be ‘independent and impartial,’ adding that the Judicial Code of Conduct requires all judges to ‘preserve transparently, the integrity and respect for the independence of the Judiciary.’

    He added that the United Nations Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary provides, among others, that judges “shall decide matters before them impartially, on the basis of facts and in accordance with the law, without any restrictions, improper influences, inducements, pressures, threats or interferences, direct or indirect, from any quarter or for any reason.”

    Odinkalu argued that it amounts to a perversion of the course of justice for anyone to seek to influence a judge in the performance of his or her judicial functions.

    He noted that there are many options for dealing with such cases, one of which is that the affected judge can report the matter to the police or to the Attorney-General for investigation and prosecution.

    “Two, the affected judge is also endowed with powers to punish it summarily as an act of criminal contempt for which the guilty person may be sent to jail.

    “Three, if the perpetrator is a lawyer, a public servant, or other regulated professional, the judge may additionally refer the conduct for disciplinary process before the mechanisms of professional sanction.

    “Four, the judge could use his or her judicial bully pulpit for naming and shaming by inviting the perpetrator to allocute to or admit the facts in open court and simply reprimand thereafter.

    Adaja, who cited relevant provisions of the Code of Conduct for Judicial Officers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, argued that extant laws in the country protect and insulate judicial officers from any attempt to influence their judicial decisions by litigants or legal representatives.

    What other options?

    Baiyeshea said acts of corruption must be punished.

    He said: “It is because the corrupt do not get punished in Nigeria that makes corruption to thrive. Our legal system pampers the thieves. After bail is given to them, the razmataz noise of the case dies down.

    “The thieves become emboldened, they even contest elections, and win. During trial, they apply to travel abroad for medical treatment when their huge stealing caused our health and infrastructural systems to be on/at ground zero. And the courts indulge them.

    “The thieves are celebrated as heroes, and sadly, they become ‘role models’ of wealth and riches that people like them want to copy, and sadly, too, the school of the corrupt in Nigeria has the largest enrollment.

    “Let us tackle corruption like the Japanese, Chinese, and others who see corruption as economic sabotage. Let the culprits get the death sentence or a severe sanction. This is also the case in Singapore.”

    Baiyeshea regretted that, unlike elsewhere, “those who steal our commonwealth turn round to claim protection under the severely abused human rights mantra,” adding that “in Nigeria, corruption is the tragedy of the nation.”

    Falola also identified other measures to further insulate judges from improper influence, which he said require enhanced structural safeguards and ethical discipline.

    He argued that continuous judicial education on ethical conduct, including the avoidance of even the appearance of impropriety, ensures judges are alert to psychological and professional pressures.

    Falola advocated what he described as randomised and formalised case assignment systems, which he said are capable of reducing opportunities for forum-shopping or judge-shopping practices that can signal attempts at undue influence.

    He also suggested the adoption of a digital filing and case management system to reduce personal contact that might facilitate undue influence and enhance transparency of proceedings.

    Falola added: “Both the judiciary and legal profession codes should have clear, publicly known consequences for actions intended to influence judicial decisions, discouraging misconduct through certainty of sanctions.

    “The NJC is central to safeguarding judicial integrity. While sanctioning erring judges, the NJC must protect judicial independence by ensuring disciplinary actions are fair, non-arbitrary, and insulated from political interference. This balance will prevent both corruption and undue pressure,” Falola said.

    Adaja also suggested measures to be adopted, which include the need for better protection and cover from the NJC and law enforcement agencies against the desperate litigants.

    He said the NJC “must rise to the occasion by deploying the necessary machinery to protect Judges from external influence and intimidation.

    “Secondly, the government is urged to create a reliable platform for Judicial Officers to report any attempt by litigants and/or legal representatives to influence their judicial decisions.

    “Thirdly, deliberate and concerted steps should be taken by the government to improve the condition of living of our judicial officers to reduce external influence.

    “Improved welfare for judicial officers will reduce the tendency for interference. Finally, only credible, tested, and responsible individuals with proven track records should be appointed as judges. Persons with corrupt tendencies should not be appointed or promoted to the Bench,” Adaja said.

  • Way out of judicial corruption, by group

    A group, the Rule of Law and Empowerment Initiative (RLEI), has suggested measures to be adopted to enhance the effectiveness of the court process and curb judicial corruption.

    RLEI, also known as Partners West Africa – Nigeria (PWA-N), said judicial accountability could only be enhanced where judges’ punctuality and court attendance were monitored; technologies adopted to record court proceedings; constant exposure of judges/ magistrates/ khadis to case management techniques, among others.

    These recommendations are contained in a report of the group’s eight-month long monitoring and observation of courts in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja and Kano State, under a programme tagged: The Judicial Integrity Project.

    Speaking at the report’s presentation in Abuja on May 25 this year, the group’s Programme Manager, Barbara Maigari said the project was aimed at promoting accountability in the judicial sector.

    She said: “The major objective of this project is to increase civil society’s access to government’s information as a tool to fight judicial corruption, increase access to justice and expand citizens’ engagement with the government.

    “We realise that this can only be achieved by increasing the capacity of civil society to access information on judicial process,” Maigari said.

    She said, as ways of addressing the challenges identified during the court observation and monitoring exercise, her group has come up with some useful recommendations.

    One of such recommendations, Maigari said, is that requiring the National Judicial Council (NJI) or Judicial Service Commission of the state concerned to devise an objective means of monitoring the punctuality and attendance rates of all judges and magistrates.

    She said the recommendation was informed by the realisation that most judges and magistrates do not always attend court or resume late, practice that contributes to delay in justice dispensation.

    The group, while faulting the continued recording of court proceedings by hand despite advancement in information and communication technologies, urged immediate investment in ICTs to aid court process.

    It urged the NJC to institutionlise case management training for judges and magistrates to enable them attend to more cases on their cause lists rather than wasting time on few case.

    While noting the parties’ absence at proceedings also delay the hearing of cases in court, Partners West Africa – Nigeria suggested the introduction of “significant monetary costs against erring parties for deterrence purposes.”

    Retired Justice of the Supreme Court and Chair, Board of RLEI, Justice Olufunlola Adekeye said the various reform measures initiated and implemented in the judicial sector since 1999 should be sustained.

    She however noted that the sustainability and success of such reforms require holistic execution, with the involvement of “all relevant stakeholders, an approach which you all have adopted in Access to Nigeria Project.”

    Justice Adekeye said although the nation has effectively restored democracy, there was need for adequate funding of the security and justice sectors.

    “The contemporary forms of violence such as insurgency, armed banditry and cybercrimes are ongoing challenges to be tackled by security and intelligence agencies.

    “Again, the process of civil and criminal justice administration demands urgent implementable actions.

    “Judges, magistrates/khadis are insufficient compared with the workload of cases and administrative responsibilities.

    “Our courts still write with long hand, therefore delaying the process of justice. Delays from the point of arrest to delivery of judgment are contributory factors to challenges still faced in the justice sector,” Justice Adekeye said.

  • Judges’ prosecution can’t end judicial corruption, says ex-Ekiti AG

    Judges’ prosecution can’t end judicial corruption, says ex-Ekiti AG

    THE prosecution of some judges and other court’s officials is incapable of eradicating corruption in the judiciary, a former Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice in Ekiti State, Olawale Fapodunda, has said.
    Fapodunda, who faulted the Federal Government’s approach to tackling corruption in the judiciary, said the present measure, driven solely by the Executive, was individualistic and could be counter-productive.
    He suggested a more robust approach, requiring collaboration between all arms of government, with the aim of evolving a holistic solution capable of addressing the various challenges plaguing the judiciary.
    Fapohunda spoke in Abuja while delivering an annual lecture.
    The lecture, with the theme: “Role of the media in enhancing the campaign for human rights protection in Nigeria,” was held with support from the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC).
    The former Ekiti AG said the failure of the government to address the challenges in the criminal justice system accounts for increasing cases of rights abuses.
    He noted that until the various institutions within the criminal justice system – the courts, the prison service and the police – were fully reformed, to allow for optimal performance, the problem of rights abuses will persist.
    “I will not be saying anything new by saying that the failure of our criminal justice system and the tragic state of our criminal justice institutions have been largely responsible for the unprecedented level of criminality that today constitutes a growing threat to the enjoyment of the human rights by Nigerians – including the most fundamental rights to life.
    “The need to focus on prevention and strengthening the criminal justice response to all forms of criminality, including terrorism, has become an increasing priority.
    “An important institution in this regard is our judiciary. The biggest news in 2016 is the arrest and ongoing prosecution of a number of judicial officers. You know better than I do that our judiciary faces certain inherent problems, which show the weaknesses and defects of the system. These require immediate reforms.
    “Corruption is just one of these challenges. Judicial corruption is not simply about judges taking bribes, it includes all forms of inappropriate influence that may damage the impartiality of justice.
    “A judgment or court order that does not follow judicial precedent or is inherently defective can be prima facie evidence of corruption. Other challenges include the backlog of pending cases in all our courts, the use of archaic systems, poor infrastructure and limited recognition of lower courts.
    “To be sure, I am yet to see how the prosecution of these judges will fundamentally change the reality of our court system.
    “Fighting judicial corruption is a good idea, but a Judiciary that frequently goes cap in hand to the Executive for funding, even for the most basic of its needs, cannot, by any stretch of imagination, inspire citizens’ confidence,” Fagbohungbe said.
    Acting Executive Secretary of the NHRC Mrs. Oti Ovrawah argued that most Nigerian still did not understand what constitute human rights, which accounts for why some senior lawyers could query the involvement of the NHRC in election matters.
    Mrs. Ovrawah, who was represented by a senior official of the commission, Wahab Oyedokun, said the opposition to the NHRC’s reports on indicted electoral offenders, released earlier in the year, was because people did not know that acts of violence, thuggery, snatching of ballot boxes, among others deny the electorate their right to peacefully participate in the process of choosing their leaders.

  • DSS arrest: NBA calls for suspension of affected judges

    DSS arrest: NBA calls for suspension of affected judges

    …Justice Denton-West, Ondo NBA Chair proffer solution to judicial corruption

     

    The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has asked judges recently arrested by the Department of State Services (DSS) over allegation of corruption to suspend sitting and proceed on compulsory suspension.

    NBA President, Abubakar Mahmud (SAN), who made the request in Abuja Thursday urged the affected judges to recuse themselves from all judicial activities until their innocence was proved.

    He said the accusation and counter-accusation between the affected judicial officers and some politicians and institutions, following the last mass arrest of judges, has made it imperative for the National Judicial Council (NJC) to take urgent steps to salvage the image of the Judiciary.

    Mahmud spoke at a valedictory court session for the retiring Justice Sotonye Denton-West of the Court of Appeal. He called for urgent intervention of the NBA to revive the dwindling reputation of the Judiciary.

    Mahmud said: “In the interim however, particularly having regards to what appears to an ongoing accusations and counter accusations between the some of the judges and other personalities or agencies, it appears to the NBA that it is extremely important that the NJC takes very urgent steps to safeguard the public image and sanctity of the courts.

    “We therefore strongly recommend that, without prejudice to the innocence or otherwise of the Judges involved in the ongoing investigations, they should be required to recuse themselves from further judicial functions or required to proceed on compulsory leave until their innocence is fully and completely established or until the conclusion of all judicial or disciplinary proceedings.

    “We believe this will be necessary in order to protect the sanctity and integrity of judicial processes that may involve the judges concerned and safeguard the public image of the institution,” Mahmud said.

    Justice Denton-West, who, until her retirement, the Presiding Justice of the Court of Appeal, Akure division agreed with the Chairman, NBA, Ondo State, Adetunji Oso agreed that the Judiciary was not immune to corruption that currently pervades the Nigerian society.

    While Denton-West said she was once a victim of corruption in the Judiciary, Oso advised that rather than argue about the level of corruption in the judicial system, efforts should be directed at curbing it.

    Justice Denton-West said: “Indeed, I know and believe that there is corruption, unfortunately even in the folds of the Judiciary. I have personally been a victim of corrupt act from the Judiciary on some occasions.

    “The Nigerian Judiciary in the past has been one of the greatest in the world, but it is time to relive and embrace the rule of law in its entirety. It seems only lip service is paid to this great doctrine. It is essential that the rule of law must be observed in order for society to run smoothly, otherwise the beauty of democracy will elude us.

    “The rule of law is observed when there is mutual respect between the authorities and those subject to authority and, between the powers that be and their subjects, in accordance with the law. For we are all subject to the law,” she said.

    Oso argued that there was no dispute about the existence of corruption in the Judiciary, adding that every Nigerian should be concerned about how to eradicate it.

    He was of the view however, that efforts to rid the Judiciary of corruption must not end in destroying the entire system.

    Oso suggested that any judge accused of corruption should first be dealt with internally/administratively by the NJC before he/she is released to be prosecuted as a former judge, in the regular court.

    He called for urgent reforms in the workings of the NJC to enable it deal with complaints against judges promptly and must act without fear or favour.

    As a further measure of riding the Bench of corruption, the Ondo NBA Chair suggested among others, the exclusion of spouses of politically exposed individuals from consideration for appointment as a judge.

    He added that where such a spouse was already a judge before his/her husband/wife became politically exposed, such judge should resign.

    Other speakers, including the President of the Court of Appeal, Justice Zainab Bulkachuwa, Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation (AGF), Abubakar  Malami (who was represented by the Solicitor General of the Federation, Taiwo Abidogun) and Onomigbo Okpoko – SAN – (who spoke for the Body of Senior Advocates of Nigeria) and Mrs. Hairat Balogun – SAN – (who spoke for the Body of Benchers) eulogised the retiring Justice Denton-West.

    They described her in beautiful words, including being an embodiment of integrity.

     

  • ‘Are governors right to decry ‘judicial corruption?’

    ‘Are governors right to decry ‘judicial corruption?’

    It is an ageless belief that a city where dogs eat dogs is a dangerous one. Perhaps, this explains why it is rather improbable to tackle corruption in Nigeria, except where the anti-corruption commander is courageous and determined to fight on, irrespective of the noise and protest; before sanity can be registered.

    This is because so many would stay atop his or her mountain of corruption to decry the mole-hill of others’ or bring in ethnic, religious and political differences to divert attention or justify one’s fault.

    Sometimes, like fabled Aare Ona Kakanfo, the generalissimo or war general during the Old Oyo Empire who, when his head was cut off at the war front, simply held the head of the next person with him, then cut it off and tucked it to his trunk and continued fighting until nature took its toll on him.

    On 20 October 2015, Ekiti State Governor, Mr Ayodele Fayose had during the church service held at the Cathedral Church of Emmanuel, Ado Ekiti to mark the 2015/2016 legal year said that for the battle against corruption to be successful, there is the need for a complete and total over hauling of the nation’s judiciary.

    Fayose alleged that getting a just judgment from the Nigeria judiciary has become a scarce commodity, “due to the cancer of financial inducement that has eaten deep into the fabric of our judicial system. When there are glaring facts on the table of anti-corruption agencies, they will pretend not to see or look the other way  especially if the culprit is a member of their political party or under the directive of power that be. That is why some judges are timid in giving judgments against the ruling party of the day’’.

    Lest we forget, just on 14 April this year, the Supreme Court affirmed Fayose as the duly elected governor of Ekiti State in the June 21, 2014 election.

    In a unanimous decision by the seven-man panel led by Justice John Fabiyi, the apex court upheld the earlier decisions of the Court of Appeal and the Ekiti State Governorship Election Tribunal, which had both earlier ruled that the All Progressive Congress’ petition challenging Fayose’s victory lacked merit.

    Also dismissed was the claim that Fayose was not qualified to stand election because he was impeached in October 2006 by the Ekiti State House of Assembly for official misconduct, adding that the illegal Ekiti Acting Chief Judge, who presided over the impeachment panel, had been dismissed.

    The apex court also affirmed the Court of Appeal’s dismissal of the appellant’s argument that Fayose was not qualified to contest the election because he filled his INEC application form with a forged HND Certificate from the Polytechnic, Ibadan.

    A new dimension in the art of delaying criminal cases was witnessed in Ekiti State prior to the swearing in of Fayose, who was facing a 27-count charge of conversion of about N400 million public funds to private use during his first term as governor between 2003 and 2006.

    The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) had also told the court that Fayose lied in his asset declaration form when he claimed that he had only two buildings in Iyaganku area of Ibadan, Oyo State.

    Prior to Fayose’s swearing-in, a group, E-11 and others challenged his eligibility to contest the election.

    But, in a determined bid to stop the case from being heard, some group of thugs reportedly loyal to Fayose’s party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) invaded the court on September 22 and 25 in 2014 and assaulted judges, lawyers, court officials, and journalists,

    Judges’ suits and court records were also torn into shreds, while the invaders also smashed windows and furniture of the courts.

    Perhaps, Fayose got erroneous impression that judges are timid and weak from the resolve of the Ekiti State’s Chief Judge to display professionalism by agreeing to administer the oath of office on him, and the subsequently judgements given in his favour despite his alleged complicity in the invasion of the court and assault on judges.

    The Ondo State governor and Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Governors Forum, Dr Olusegun Mimiko, on 26 October 2015 also condemned the Judiciary and described the tribunal judgement, which nullified the election of Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State as an embarrassment and a call for concern.

    This is the same Mimiko, who became governor through the effort of the Judiciary.

    On August 25,  2008 the Ondo State Elections Petitions Tribunal nullified the election of Governor Olusegun Agagu (now late) and declared  Olusegun Mimiko, then candidate of the Labour Party in the 14 April, 2007 election, winner.

    The five-man tribunal led by Garba Nabaruma, in its one hour, 15 minutes judgement, also ordered that Mimiko should be sworn in immediately as the governor of the state because he won the valid votes in 12 out of the 18 local governments in the state.

    On 23 February 2009, a panel of five justices led by the then President of the Court of Appeal, Justice Umaru Abdullahi at the Benin Court of Appeal confirmed Mimiko as governor of Ondo State.

    Even the Supreme Court in 2013 recalled some justices from their vacation to sit in the panel that subsequently confirmed him (Mimiko) as governor for his second term in office.

    ”Et tu, Brute?”; no, et tu Mimiko? (Even you, Mimiko?)

    Crying blue murder following the verdict of the Supreme Court on the jurisdiction of the Rivers State Election Petitions Tribunal, governor of Rivers State Nyesom Wike said the apex court decision was part of the gang-up against him. Of course, it was barely 36 hours after the tribunal annulled Wike’s election and ordered a re-run within 90 days that the apex court unleashed the ‘’last straw’’ on Wike’s back.

    Although, it’s rather inhuman to pile pain on somebody and at the same time insist he should not cry, but if at all the judiciary must gang-up against anybody in Rivers, it can’t be Wike but the immediate past governor, Rotimi Amaechi who held the same institution that made him a governor hostage for over eight months. The judiciary would rather be sympathetic to Wike because he opened the courtrooms that were locked up by Amaechi for close to a year; but the law he knows as a lawyer as well as his wife on the Bench, is always blind and its application is contrary to common sense. Otherwise, people like Fayose of this world won’t have respite in the courts too. Perhaps, all Wike needs to do is to re-direct his energy and re-examine his facts and the laws he placed before the courts to reap the rich values of the judiciary. After all, the Supreme Court verdict as well as Tribunal decision is not a death penalty for Wike to continue to demand for the sky to come down on the judiciary.

    Former governor of Anambra State, Dr. Chris Ngige, was the first governor to be removed through the judicial process in the Fourth Republic. After his removal in March 2006 by the appeal court, other governors similarly ousted include Senator Liyel Imoke (Cross River); Ibrahim Idris (Kogi); Sir Celestine Omehia (Rivers); Mr. Andy Uba (Anambra); Murtala Nyako (Adamawa); Mr. Segun Oni (Ekiti); Prof. Oserheimen Osunbor (Edo).

    However, Imoke, Nyako and Idris returned to office after winning the rerun elections in their states, as ordered by the appeal court. Omehia was removed by the Supreme Court and replaced with Mr. Chibuike Amaechi, whom the apex court said was wrongly substituted as the PDP’s governorship candidate.

    The Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN) on 5 January 2014 declared strike to get the executive to comply with the Federal High Court judgment on the financial autonomy for the judiciary as clearly provided under Section I62 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

    The trial court declared that “the failure, neglect and refusal to pay the funds/amount standing to the credit of the states’ judiciary in the federation/ consolidated revenue funds directly to the heads of courts in the various states’ judiciary was a constitutional breach, which had to be stopped.” He therefore ordered that the funds in the revenue account of the federation, due to the judiciary, should be paid to the heads of court as envisaged by the provision of Section 81 (3) of the 1999 Constitution.

    Most regrettably, the strike went on as long as 18 months, with some states calling it off when their government started the purported process of implementing the judgment.  Despite the call for strike by JUSUN in all the states of the federation, the strike has not brought the needed succor to the anticipated fiscal autonomy being canvassed for the judiciary in those states.

    He that is without sin, let him cast the first stone.

     

    Ahuraka is the Media Aide to the CJN