Tag: Judiciary

  • ‘Why judiciary must join fight against corruption’

    ‘Why judiciary must join fight against corruption’

    Monday Ubani is the immediate past Ikeja Branch chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA). In this interview with ADEBISI ONANUGA, he speaks on the war against corruption and other national issues

    The President said recently that he would soon disclose the names of those who returned stolen money. Do you think the matter should just end like that? What do you think he should do?

    I don’t think what the President is saying is that he would direct Central Bank to publish the names of those who have returned stolen money. He meant that he would forgo prosecution. I think that he was making a response to the demands of those who are asking that the names of those who have been alleged to refund stolen money to be published. So, he made a specific statement to that effect that he would ask the Central Bank to publish those names.  As for allowing them to go scotfree, I didn’t hear him say so. I think that those who have returned stolen  money, one way or the other, they have been indicted and must be made to face the wrath of the law. Allowing them to go  scotfree and then returning whatever they feel like returning out of what they have stolen, is like encouraging corruption. Because if we must put a stop to corruption, we must make corruption not to pay. We must make corruption as something not enjoyable, as something you would do and not go scotfree, we must make it something that if you eat it, you would not just vomit it, you would also pay for eating it. It is an infraction on the law. So, allowing them to go is not something I would encourage them the President to do. They must be made to face the music. It may well be that their punishment is mitigated. Maybe if they are to go for three years, they may go for six months or less than that which we called plea bargain in the system.

    To end this fight against corruption, what should be the expectation from the judiciary?

    The judiciary has a very great role to play. The judiciary must agree with the philosophy of the executive that we must fight corruption and nip corruption in the bud.  If we have a judiciary that cue into the philosophy of the executive, then we would see a judiciary that is up and doing in effective administration of justice particularly in high  profile cases. Because corruption is a bailable offence, we must fix a time line within which we must have corruption cases disposed off. The prosecution must be given evidence to present the evidences he has and the accused must be given opportunity to present his defence. So, you don’t allow all these technicalities to come into play. You don’t allow issues of stay of proceedings and interlocutory injunctions to come into play. You don’t allow interlocutory appeals anymore because the Administration of Criminal Justice 2015mhas outlawed all these processes that they were using to stall proceedings in criminal trials. So, what the judiciary should do now is to play the rule of the game by ensuring that there must be an end to criminal trials within a time so that if any one has appeal, if he doesn’t feel that he has gotten justice and then goes up to the Court of Appeal and then the Supreme Court, all these cases must be resolved within a time line so that there won’t be prolong trials like the ones we have of 2007 cases that are still lingering even at preliminary stages. So, the judiciary must cue into this particular struggle, cue into this struggle that we must fight corruption and then, the executive can achieve its purpose of fighting corruption in the country.

    Would you then support the establishment of special court to fight corruption cases so that such cases can be disposed off within a record time?

    I don’t have anything against it anymore. I used to be one of those opposing it. But in the light of what is happening now in the judicial system. Not only subscribing to issue of a special court, I am also subscribing to issue of a time line just like it is done in electoral process. So we give a time line within which trial at the lower court, at the Court of Appeal level and Supreme Court must hold so that we can begin to see a quick disposal of criminal cases the way we are seeing it in election cases. So, if there are issues of injustice in our system, we can also mitigate it by amending our laws in order to ensure that there is justice. But time is of essence in such quick disposal of cases particularly in criminal and corruption cases. We must understand what corruption has done to this nation, we must understand how it has destroyed the psyche of this country.

    We must understand that the road is not safe today because of corruption, that our education system has collapsed because of corruption, our health system is now in shambles because of corruption, there is high rate of unemployment  because of corruption, there is no energy because of corruption, that the airspace is not safe because of corruption. A lot of things have impeded our growth because of corruption. If we know what corruption has done to us and we have all agreed that we must fight it, then we must all begin to cue into the philosophy of nipping it in the bud by assisting the present government to fight it and stop it. We must then put up a structure that would ensure there is transparency in government, hard work, honesty and transparency in governance and then, begin to teach people, even from primary school, the issue of hard work, honesty and integrity even in government offices and other places.

    Against the background of the arms scandal, would you support the calls for freedom for the convicted soldiers by special martial courts?

    We have been saying it that those soldiers that were convicted by special martial courts on grounds that they abandoned the war front. We have been saying that those trials were not conducted in accordance with our laws, that they have reasons for what they did because they had no ammunitions to fight the war. You don’t go to war with hoe and matchets. You go to war with guns. If they had no guns, it would have been suicidal for them to engage in that war against the insurgence. Now that these facts are coming to reality, based upon even our insinuations, even based on  what we are saying, we are totally in agreement that they should not be imprisoned. They should be set free. They should be reabsorbed back into the Nigerian Army and then the spirit of those who are already there would ginger them in fighting the war. So I am totally advocating for amnesty for them because they had reasons to do what they did.

    How do you react to reports  that government would start removing subsidy as from next year?

    Government will be making a very grave mistakes if they don’t give us the fundamentals, if there are no disclosures on why they must remove subsidy, why there is no subsidy in the first place and why our refineries are not working, how much are refining? How much are we importing? How much are we using to supplement the quantity required for the functions of Nigerians. If we don’t have all these disclosures, removing subsidies would create some level of hardship on the people. It will also not be in the interest of the present government. The government must come out clear and tell us what they intend to do in the oil sector. The oil sector is still hazy, is still opaque, is not very clear, is not transparent. We need to know how much we are buying the refined oil, how much are we importing the  fuel, how much is the landing cost and all that. They need to give us all the statistics. They should tell us how much we are using to subsidize because if all these things are not disclosed, it then means that the government is as guilty as the previous government. This has been the reason why we are all up in arms against the government when they talk about removal of subsidy. What has happened to the refineries that were functioning when this government came in? What has happened to them that they are no longer functioning; and then what is government going to do with them? Are they going to privatise them? Is government going to allow them to be in limbo? What does government  intend to do about them? We must have the full disclosures. When we have the full disclosures, they can then go ahead to do whatever they want to do with them. If we continue the same way of not explaining to the people and we just come up with some harsh measure that do not in any way impact positively on the economic life of the people, then it is not too healthy for us and for this present government.

     

     

  • Stability of Nigeria depends on judiciary, says Wike

    Stability of Nigeria depends on judiciary, says Wike

    The Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, has stated that the stability of Nigeria depends on the judicial arm of government.

    Addressing a cross-section of people at the state’s New Year banquet held at the Government House, Port Harcourt, on Friday night, the governor urged them to always respect the judiciary, irrespective of the judgment which sacked him and state and federal lawmakers of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    The governor added that his administration has been respecting the full separation of powers, which he said had led to the independence of the judiciary and the legislative arms of government.

    While expressing happiness of living up to his promise to revive the judiciary, the governor said: “You do not need to control any arm of government. What you need is mutual cooperation to develop the state.”

    Listing the achievements of his administration, including roads, school development, empowerment programmes, health and agricultural schemes, the governor further assured that the New Year would witness more development projects in all sectors, in line with his vision for the state.

    Vowing never to be distracted by criticisms, Wike said the bank loans his administration secured from some banks were to finance projects that would impact positively on the lives of the people, saying “If I take a loan, I will use it to the benefit of Rivers people; I will not use it to play politics.”

     

  • How to revive  the judiciary (2)

    How to revive the judiciary (2)

    Also needing urgent solution is the weak prosecutorial machinery, which Owasanoye said cannot to meet current challenges, as well as poor investigation. Also to stopped is the “disappearance” or compromise of evidence, and the practice of suddenly transferring judges or key investigators to far-flung divisions in the middle of trials. Frequent change of counsel by accused is also used as a delay tactic, while some judges grant adjournments requests for flimsy reasons.

    According to Owasanoye, once a case gets into hibernation, an accused is empowered to blackmail the criminal justice process; clean up the crime trail; negotiate with or frustrate prosecution; peddle political influence to pressure prosecution or the court; influence or frustrate the court; or an accused may secure political appointment or even win election in the interim. The professor of law said automatic grant of bail for corruption cases followed by release of passport encourages accused to delay cases. Also, refusal to accept reforms made through various practice directions even before the ACJA contributes to delays. The appellate courts toleration of delay tactics used by “senior lawyers” is also a factor.

    Most courts are burdened with antiquated physical and legal infrastructure that renders them extremely slow and inefficient. Lack of courtroom technology is also a challenge. Most judges still write in long hand. In some states, lack of adequate number of courtrooms force judges to share spaces, alternating sitting times. This leads to unsecured storage of court documents, leading to “loss” of case files, and provides room for corruption. Lack of adequate institutional reforms and modernisation; low investment in information and communication technology; lack of political will and commitment to a better society; use of archaic and outdated laws, procedures and processes that are riddled with loopholes are some of the problems the judiciary is faced with.

    For instance, the 42-year-old Lagos Division of the Federal High Court on Oyinkan Abayomi Drive, Ikoyi is struggling to cope with the ever increasing number of cases filed. It is a tale of daily agony for lawyers, litigants and other court users. To secure a seat, one must arrive at least an hour before the 9am resumption time. For those who are able to get into the courtroom at all, it is best to remain until court rises for the day. It is not unusual to see lawyers standing in court for hours. Finding a space to stand is also a privilege.

    Some of the courtrooms are so small that the docks and the witness boxes have been converted into file shelves. Accused persons now stand outside the dock. Lawyers have to fight their ways through crowded corridors into the courtrooms. And due to extremely fully dockets, most times judges unable take all the cases listed for the day. The situation is worse when Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SAN)  have several cases to argue. They alone can spend more than half the day on less than three cases.

    As a way out, a nine-storey courthouse is undergoing construction at Bourdillon, Ikoyi, Lagos.  The project, which began in 2012, is billed to be delivered next year. But, due to what is believed to be poor funding, the project is moving at snail’s speed. Judiciary funding has witnessed a decline since 2010, from N95 billion in that year to N85 billion in 2011. It was N75 billion in 2012 and dropped again in 2013 to N67 billion. The NJC was allocated N70billion in the 2016 budget by President Muhammadu Buhari.

    Way forward

    The purpose of the ACJA may be defeated if other aspects of the justice delivery system is not urgently reformed and changes made.

    Appellate courts’ role

    To make the ACJA work, lawyers believe appeallate courts must back the lower courts and not give wrong signals. A professor of law, Fidelis Oditah (QC, SAN), speaking at the PAAC/CSLS workshop, said: “Appellate courts must support the lower courts. Unless they understand their proper role, there will be no progress.” According to him, a situation where appellate courts entertain interlocutory appeals – “the principal way scuttling cases” – despite the ACJA, will amount to “asking the lunatics to be in charge of the asylum.”

    Amend Constitution

    According to Prof Akinseye-George, the ACJA faces a challenge from those who argue that some of its provisions mandating speedy trial are inconsistent with the right of appeal under the 1999 Constitution. It has been recommended that such provisions be incorporated in the Constitution. “The Constitution gave you a right to appeal at every point. Why not use it?” Oditah asked sarcastically. “The system has inbuilt destructive mechanisms for undermining itself,” he said, adding that a review is necessary.

    Justice Evoh Chukwu of the Federal High Court said the Constitution should be amended to include a time-line for criminal trials, similar to election petitions. “Let us have a fixed time-line. We can say that every criminal case must end within six months and all interlocutory applications will be ruled on at the end of the case,” he said.

    A Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Chief Joe-Kyari Gadzama, said efforts must be made to synchronise the ACJA provisions with the Constitution so that no section risks being invalidated on the basis of inconsistency. He also wants a limit placed on cases that go on appeal. “In the UK, not all cases go on appeal,” he said.

    Strengthen investigation

    The Federal Government recognises that convictions cannot be secured without strong evidence based on thorough investigation. Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), Abubakar Malami (SAN), said: “The bane of the fight against corruption in Nigeria is no longer connected with inadequacy of penal laws, sanctions, or lack of institutional framework. Rather, attention must now be directed to strengthening the capacity of the enforcement agencies to apply this law (ACJA) to detect and prosecute offenders.”

    Justice Bello said prosecuting “white-collar” crimes effectively requires documentary evidence, hence the need for handwriting experts and more forensic laboratories. “We have only one or two forensic laboratories where handwriting analyses can be done,” he lamented. “There is nothing a sound prosecutor can do when he is presented with a shoddy investigative report. The same garbage will be presented before the judge and eventually it gets thrown out.”

    The criminal justice system, the chief judge said, must be well funded. “We (court management) had to buy vehicles for prisons to enable them bring suspects to court,” he recalled. Besides, Justice Bello said implementing certain aspects of the ACJA, such as community service, will require engaging probation officers.

    Justice Peter Kekemeke of the FCT High Court said more prosecutors are needed. “Prosecutors are overwhelmed with cases that they are unable to give maximum attention to each one,” he said. According to him, it is unusual to see tired prosecutors shuttling between courts while handling multiple cases. He said sometimes the prosecution is unable to remunerate witnesses, resulting in their unwillingness to turn up in court, thereby causing adjournments.

    Review procedure

    The current rules of procedure, lawyers say, dwell too much on technicalities and must be reviewed. Rather argue the substance of a case, lawyers spend time on arguments over due adherence to procedure, wasting precious time. A good case can also be rendered invalid if certain motions were served without a court’s leave, among others. Prof Oditah decried the fact that a case can be thrown out on the basis that a counsel argued an objection orally without filing a counter-affidavit. He faulted a situation where a case is frustrated at appellate courts because documents were not properly signed or stamped. He thinks such things could easily be corrected so that the case could move on.

    “Nigerian law is excessively and destructively procedural. What it reminds you is 18th, 19th century jurisprudence. There is no way we can make progress with a law that is as procedural as we have. How many cases are determined on substantive issues? What you have is misuse of procedure at the expense of substance,” Oditah said.

    An EFCC prosecutor, Chief Godwin Obla (SAN), said 396 of the ACJA should be amended to give a judge the discretion to quash a charge when he does not see a prima facie evidence on the face of the charge. He also wants a review of the complicated procedure in the Evidence Act. “We need to review our laws of evidence and procedure. We need to cut out a lot of the red tape in the administration of justice.”

    For instance, Obla said trial is delayed when defence lawyers raise objections to the admissibility of certain evidence tendered by the prosecution. “Imagine that I have three bags of evidence to tender. On each piece of evidence, a defence counsel can keep raising objection that proper foundation was not laid.” That, he said, can be used waste judicial time. He also faulted the practice of senior lawyers coming to court with over 30 lawyers and calling out their names while announcing appearance. “A lawyer comes to court with 30 lawyers and spends 30 minutes announcing their names. Why not just submit a list of names?” asked Obla.

    Enforce practice directions

    Practice directions, which have provisions for speedy trials, should be adequately enforced as the complement the ACJA, according to Prof Owasanoye. He cited instances. Order 1 of the Federal High Court (Criminal) Practice Directions, 2013, tells judges to minimise undue adjournments and delays and reduce the time spent on interlocutory issues. It advises the court and parties to ensure that hearings are not stalled due to lack of preparation. Order 6 says hearing of criminal cases shall be conducted on a day-to-day basis as far as the court’s schedule may permit.

    Order 7 of the Court of Appeal Practice Directions 2013 provides that it shall refuse to hear appeals arising from interlocutory decisions of High Courts where the appeal court is of the opinion that the grounds raised in the appeal are such that can conveniently be determined by way of an appeal arising from the final judgment of the court below. Also, instead of entertaining interlocutory appeals, the Court of Appeal may order the trial court “to accelerate hearing in the substantive suit.”

    For the Supreme Court, Order 7 of its Criminal Appeals Practice Directions 2013 provides: In the determination of appeals arising from interlocutory decisions of the Court of Appeal in all criminal appeals relating to the offences of terrorism, rape, kidnapping, corruption, money laundering, and human trafficking, the Court shall give priority to those matters and where possible, hear such matters on a day-to-day basis until final determination.

    Sort out jurisdictional logjam

    The case law, based on judicial decisions, provides that a court’s jurisdiction can be challenged at any stage during a proceeding. This, Oditah said, is subject to abuse. “The issue of jurisdiction can be raised at any stage. You see lawyers arguing that it is the livewire of a case and nothing can be built on nothing, in a case that is at an advanced stage. How can you curb corruption when you have built up such obstacles,” he asked.

    Curb indolence

    Laws and rules cannot be effectively enforced without willing judges to drive the process. For instance, some habitually sit late. A judge of the Federal High Court in Lagos is notorious for keeping lawyers waiting for hours, and for sitting late and rising early or intermittently. Others, however, are known for sitting promptly at 9am. A frontline lawyer, Chief Afe Babalola (SAN) said corruption in the judiciary and the incompetence of some lawyers and judges work against quick justice delivery.

    Stricter monitoring and stiffer sanctions are therefore needed to curb the judiciary of lazy judges. The Nigerian Bar Associations (NBA) president Augustine Alegeh (SAN) said a committee has been set up to monitor judges and report lazy, corrupt ones to the NJC.

    “In the case of judges you don’t know where incompetence ends and corruption begins,” Oditah said, adding that “judicial attitude” needs to change. “Many judges are so grossly undisciplined. In the UK, for over 20 years that I practices there, I’ve never heard of a judge not sitting because he went for a seminar. A lot of time is wasted when you turn up in court in Nigeria and the judge is not there. In some cases it happens when you travel from one state to another. I recall going for a case in Port Harcourt and was told that the judge had gone for ‘early Salah,’” he said.

    A life Bencher, Mrs Hairat Balogun, said judges need to be highly disciplined if they must “do justice even if heaven falls.” Sadly, she said, some judges do not handle proceedings with authority, while others exhibit laziness by adjourning even simple rulings. “Some judges don’t seem to be able to manage their courts,” she said.

    Improve case management

    An overly full docket is major cause of delay. Some judges have tens of cases listed for a day. Sometimes cases are adjourned because the list could not be exhausted. It is also not unusual to see a judge asking a prosecutor during a trial to hurry up or to conclude so that other cases could be heard. According to Prof Oditah, there is the need to strengthen judges’ cases management powers. He suggested that rather than fixing all cases for 9am and have lawyers sit in court for long hours, each lawyer could be assigned a particular time to be in court. To Oditah, it will not cost so much to inform lawyers ahead that a judge, due to other engagements, will not sit, or that their case may be taken, so they do not waste time coming to court. “We need to reform the way cases are listed. It is so chaotic. The way it is done, the court is dignified only in name because there is nothing dignified about how cases are managed,” Oditah said.

    Gadzama said it is wrong to make lawyers sit in court for hours listening to cases they are not interested in. He said cases should not be adjourned because a senior counsel is not in court. To him, with the frontloading of processes, a senior lawyer does not need to be in court for processes to be adopted. “Senior lawyers stalling cases for not being available should be discouraged. What do you have other lawyers in chambers for? Frontloading allows you to put all your arguments in writing, so you don’t even need to be there.”

    Insulate judges

    Should judges attend social functions? Some believe judges should not be at places where they can mix with potential litigants or lawyers who may bring cases before them. Unfortunately, some judges, Oditah said, cannot draw the line. “You can see a judge socialising even more than free people. You don’t even need to bribe them. He drank your Champaign, so he has to do something – so how can he refuse your ex-parte application for injunction?”

    Stop abuse of nolle prosequi

    A disturbing trend is the abuse of the nolle prosequi provisions in Section 174(1)(c) of the 1999 constitution which empowers the AGF or prosecution to discontinue criminal trials.

    Although this power is to be used in the public interest, it has been used to frustrate high profile corruption cases against public interest.

    Build capacity

    Building the capacity of prosecutors, investigators and lawyers is crucial. A human rights group, the Access to Justice (A2J), after a study, found that ACJA, first passed by Lagos State in 2011, has not solved most of the problems it was designed to address. The research report said six years from when the reform changes were first enacted into law in 2007, and two years after the 2011 amendments, “the creative push for reform in Lagos State and the lofty goals and the outcomes envisaged by the legislation have not been achieved till this time.”

    Notable among the causes of the law’s failure is a pervasive ignorance of its relevant provisions by security agencies, especially the police. The study shows that only 29 per cent of police officers in Lagos were familiar with the ACJ Law 2011 (as amended) or have received any formal training on its provisions. The report says much unjustified time continues to be wasted between filing of information or charge against suspects and their eventual trial. In the intervening period, the suspects are “typically” left to languish under grueling detention or prison conditions, the study revealed.

    The study also found that many magistrates do not comply with the oversight safeguards enshrined in the ACJ Law concerning 60 days adjournments with respect to persons detained under remand orders. Provisions of the law on taking of confessional statements have been grossly ignored by the police and un-enforced by magistrates, the study said.

    According to the study, all those interviewed – police officers, inmates, lawyers – said the police do not make video recordings when obtaining statements from arrested persons, nor do they ensure that a lawyer is present. Magistrates interviewed unanimously reported that the police do not usually inform them of cases of persons who were arrested and kept in custody without being offered bail. Contrary to the law’s procedure on bail procedures, 75 per cent of lawyers and 89 per cent of prison inmates stated that the police do not release detained suspects on bail where it is impracticable to bring them to court within 24 hours. The report said nine percent of police men still maintain the practice of not accepting women as sureties when granting bail. A2J said more training was needed for an effective implementation of the ACJA.

    Review appointment process

    Legal experts have harped on the need to make judges’ appointment transparent rather than shrouding the process in secrecy. A professor of law, Oba Nsugbe (QC, SAN), said: “We need to make greater effort to completely demystify the system of judicial appointments in Nigeria from beginning to end…Uncovering information about how to go about it, upcoming vacancies, criteria for appointment, and the process of appointment was painstakingly difficult.

    “I interrogated various official websites for answers, read a number of publications, and spoke to people. The answers never seem complete or exhaustive. This needs to change. In so important an area, you can never find enough clear, systematic information about what each and every stage entails – exactly what is needed of the applicant, when, who will assess it, how it will be assessed, and against what criteria. There needs to be more transparency about appointment procedure,” Nsugbe said.

    The NJC last year released guidelines that provide for call for expression of interest by suitable candidates who wish to be appointed judges. An advertorial is to be placed on the website of state judicial service commissions, notice boards of courts and at NBA branches. But A2J alleged that the appointment of 25 new Federal High Court judges did not follow the guidelines.

    “This rule was clearly not followed in the current recruitment process. Our investigation reveals that no such call for expression of interest by suitable candidates was made. All that was placed on the website of the Federal High Court was a copy of the letter written to judges, heads of courts, AGF and the NBA inviting them to make recommendations of persons for consideration,” A2J’s Executive Director Joseph Otteh said. It was learnt that those appointed had prior knowledge of it before it was made public. They were contacted privately and most did not apply for it, a source said.

    For Oditah, ill-equipped judges cannot do justice. “You have got to articulate minimum standards for appointment of judges. That is why if you look at a judgment from the Supreme Court, you wonder if it is from the Magistrate Court. It is so bad that sometimes the Supreme Court writes judgments on applications you have earlier withdrawn! The system of lobbying for appointments must stop.”

    Discipline erring lawyers

    The NJC has sanctioned several judges for corruption and misconduct, but their lawyer-accomplices usually go scot-free. Prof Owasanoye criticised NBA for not disciplining some of its members who engage in wrongdoing. “The NJC disciplines a judge against whom a petition is written, but nothing is done to the lawyer who aided the wrongdoing,” he said.

    Experts say there is the need to strengthen the profession’s disciplinary procedure. Chief Anthony Idigbe (SAN), believes there should be an external regulator for the profession. According to him, self-regulation has failed. “We need an independent regulator for the legal profession,” he said, while urging the judiciary “to fight for” statutory regulation. Idigbe argued that the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC), for instance, may not be independent enough to impose sanctions on highly-placed lawyers because it is made up of jurists who may have vested interests or against whom a complaint is made.

    Also, some judges indulge Senior Advocates too much and allow them get away with wrong conduct. Some, according to Dr Babatunde Ajiba (SAN), are not good examples. He disagreed with a suggestion that SANs should monitor other lawyers in court. To him, SANs are not infallible and may need to be reported. “Unless we take it up and report wrong conduct, the problems will persist,” Ajibade said. Oditah added that senior lawyers’ excesses must be curbed. “There is an intolerable level of impunity with which the senior lawyers act. How can a senior lawyer frustrate a court proceeding on the basis that he is attending a seminar? You must have the ability to sanction such misconduct,” Prof Oditah said.

    Falana agreed that a lot of leeway is given to senior lawyers. “How can a junior lawyer go to court to ask for an adjournment because the senior lawyer who is supposed to lead him is unavailable? That was not the practice we met.”

    Another SAN, Mallam Yusuf Ali (SAN), said the profession is witnessing increasing reports of professional misconduct, corruption and sharp practices with the attendant negative consequences on the administration of justice. He said the LPDC in inherited 37 cases in 2013. Additional 16 new cases were filed that year. Last year, 13 cases were filed, while 17 have been filed so far this year. Ali suggested that the legal space should be sanitised to ensure that non-lawyers do not make illegal incursions into law practice. Lawyers who collude with non-professionals to undermine the profession should be seriously sanctioned, he said.

    According to him, rule of law and professional ethics should be taught as a core course in all universities. To him, undermining the rule of law should be considered a professional misconduct for which a lawyer can be sanctioned. NBA’s investigative powers, he said, should be strengthened and enhanced to be more effective. A database containing the names of lawyers who have been sanctioned for misconduct by the LPDC should be created and made easily accessible so that they will be identifiable, Ali suggested.

    “The LPDC should, in addition to any of the sanctions which it may impose, have the power to recommend in appropriate cases, that lawyers liable should be prosecuted if the act of misconduct amounts to a crime. The act of sweeping complaints under the carpet should be made misconduct under the Rules of Professional Conduct 2007. Anyone found engaging in such acts should also suffer the same fate like the person who has committed the misconduct,” Ali said.

    Put corrupt judges on trial

    According to the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Mahmud Mohammed, no fewer than 64 of the over 1,020 superior court judges have been sanctioned in the last five years for corruption and misconduct. None of the judges, however, was charged to court. Most were either compulsorily retired or dismissed. But a former Ogun State High Court judge, Justice Babasola Ogunade believes judges indicted for corruption should not be given soft landing. They should be tried. “Nobody is above the law,” he said.

    Other solutions

    Prof Owasanoye said concerted effort is required from stakeholders to rid the country of corruption. The National Assembly, he said, should give anti-corruption agencies first line charge funding and make them truly independent. Being financially hamstrung incapacitates them. He said since the legislature has enthroned best practices with the passage of ACJA 2015, judicial actors must no longer “live” in the past. The NJC, the CJN and judges should enforce existing practice directions as well as letter and spirit of ACJA on speedy trial of corruption cases. Owasanoye said they must also prevent transfer of trial judges.

    The AGF, he said, should never discontinue any corruption case as a policy. Anti-graft agencies, he said, should publish monthly update of high profile cases online; screen out lawyers with reputations for delaying case from prosecuting for them, and report cases of deliberate frustration of cases. He urged NBA to reform its disciplinary procedure and sanction lawyers who are notorious for using dilatory tactics to stymie criminal justice administration.

    The media and civil society, he said, should keep high profile cases on the radar; name and shame lawyers and judges who delay cases; advocate continuous reform, and make more use of social media for public education.

    Prof Akinseye-George said: “It is strongly recommended that the 1999 Constitution be amended such that all interlocutory appeals terminate at the Court of Appeal.” For effective implementation of the ACJA, he said provisions of Section 308 should be incorporated into the Constitution.

    “This is so that the criminal justice sector could be saved from unnecessary delays perpetuated through the abuse of interlocutory appeals. Meanwhile, the courts and the Supreme Court in particular should give effect to the intendment of the lawmakers by interpreting the Act in a manner that would promote speedy determination of cases without undue distraction and delay by interlocutory appeals,” Akinseye-George said.

    It is believed that a virile judiciary, which will truly be the last hope of the common man, can be achieved if the ACJA is effectively implemented, and if the necessary reforms are carried out.

     

  • How to revive  the judiciary (2)

    How to revive the judiciary (2)

    Also needing urgent solution is the weak prosecutorial machinery, which Owasanoye said cannot to meet current challenges, as well as poor investigation. Also to stopped is the “disappearance” or compromise of evidence, and the practice of suddenly transferring judges or key investigators to far-flung divisions in the middle of trials. Frequent change of counsel by accused is also used as a delay tactic, while some judges grant adjournments requests for flimsy reasons.

    According to Owasanoye, once a case gets into hibernation, an accused is empowered to blackmail the criminal justice process; clean up the crime trail; negotiate with or frustrate prosecution; peddle political influence to pressure prosecution or the court; influence or frustrate the court; or an accused may secure political appointment or even win election in the interim. The professor of law said automatic grant of bail for corruption cases followed by release of passport encourages accused to delay cases. Also, refusal to accept reforms made through various practice directions even before the ACJA contributes to delays. The appellate courts toleration of delay tactics used by “senior lawyers” is also a factor.

    Most courts are burdened with antiquated physical and legal infrastructure that renders them extremely slow and inefficient. Lack of courtroom technology is also a challenge. Most judges still write in long hand. In some states, lack of adequate number of courtrooms force judges to share spaces, alternating sitting times. This leads to unsecured storage of court documents, leading to “loss” of case files, and provides room for corruption. Lack of adequate institutional reforms and modernisation; low investment in information and communication technology; lack of political will and commitment to a better society; use of archaic and outdated laws, procedures and processes that are riddled with loopholes are some of the problems the judiciary is faced with.

    For instance, the 42-year-old Lagos Division of the Federal High Court on Oyinkan Abayomi Drive, Ikoyi is struggling to cope with the ever increasing number of cases filed. It is a tale of daily agony for lawyers, litigants and other court users. To secure a seat, one must arrive at least an hour before the 9am resumption time. For those who are able to get into the courtroom at all, it is best to remain until court rises for the day. It is not unusual to see lawyers standing in court for hours. Finding a space to stand is also a privilege.

    Some of the courtrooms are so small that the docks and the witness boxes have been converted into file shelves. Accused persons now stand outside the dock. Lawyers have to fight their ways through crowded corridors into the courtrooms. And due to extremely fully dockets, most times judges unable take all the cases listed for the day. The situation is worse when Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SAN)  have several cases to argue. They alone can spend more than half the day on less than three cases.

    As a way out, a nine-storey courthouse is undergoing construction at Bourdillon, Ikoyi, Lagos.  The project, which began in 2012, is billed to be delivered next year. But, due to what is believed to be poor funding, the project is moving at snail’s speed. Judiciary funding has witnessed a decline since 2010, from N95 billion in that year to N85 billion in 2011. It was N75 billion in 2012 and dropped again in 2013 to N67 billion. The NJC was allocated N70billion in the 2016 budget by President Muhammadu Buhari.

    Way forward

    The purpose of the ACJA may be defeated if other aspects of the justice delivery system is not urgently reformed and changes made.

    Appellate courts’ role

    To make the ACJA work, lawyers believe appeallate courts must back the lower courts and not give wrong signals. A professor of law, Fidelis Oditah (QC, SAN), speaking at the PAAC/CSLS workshop, said: “Appellate courts must support the lower courts. Unless they understand their proper role, there will be no progress.” According to him, a situation where appellate courts entertain interlocutory appeals – “the principal way scuttling cases” – despite the ACJA, will amount to “asking the lunatics to be in charge of the asylum.”

    Amend Constitution

    According to Prof Akinseye-George, the ACJA faces a challenge from those who argue that some of its provisions mandating speedy trial are inconsistent with the right of appeal under the 1999 Constitution. It has been recommended that such provisions be incorporated in the Constitution. “The Constitution gave you a right to appeal at every point. Why not use it?” Oditah asked sarcastically. “The system has inbuilt destructive mechanisms for undermining itself,” he said, adding that a review is necessary.

    Justice Evoh Chukwu of the Federal High Court said the Constitution should be amended to include a time-line for criminal trials, similar to election petitions. “Let us have a fixed time-line. We can say that every criminal case must end within six months and all interlocutory applications will be ruled on at the end of the case,” he said.

    A Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Chief Joe-Kyari Gadzama, said efforts must be made to synchronise the ACJA provisions with the Constitution so that no section risks being invalidated on the basis of inconsistency. He also wants a limit placed on cases that go on appeal. “In the UK, not all cases go on appeal,” he said.

    Strengthen investigation

    The Federal Government recognises that convictions cannot be secured without strong evidence based on thorough investigation. Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), Abubakar Malami (SAN), said: “The bane of the fight against corruption in Nigeria is no longer connected with inadequacy of penal laws, sanctions, or lack of institutional framework. Rather, attention must now be directed to strengthening the capacity of the enforcement agencies to apply this law (ACJA) to detect and prosecute offenders.”

    Justice Bello said prosecuting “white-collar” crimes effectively requires documentary evidence, hence the need for handwriting experts and more forensic laboratories. “We have only one or two forensic laboratories where handwriting analyses can be done,” he lamented. “There is nothing a sound prosecutor can do when he is presented with a shoddy investigative report. The same garbage will be presented before the judge and eventually it gets thrown out.”

    The criminal justice system, the chief judge said, must be well funded. “We (court management) had to buy vehicles for prisons to enable them bring suspects to court,” he recalled. Besides, Justice Bello said implementing certain aspects of the ACJA, such as community service, will require engaging probation officers.

    Justice Peter Kekemeke of the FCT High Court said more prosecutors are needed. “Prosecutors are overwhelmed with cases that they are unable to give maximum attention to each one,” he said. According to him, it is unusual to see tired prosecutors shuttling between courts while handling multiple cases. He said sometimes the prosecution is unable to remunerate witnesses, resulting in their unwillingness to turn up in court, thereby causing adjournments.

    Review procedure

    The current rules of procedure, lawyers say, dwell too much on technicalities and must be reviewed. Rather argue the substance of a case, lawyers spend time on arguments over due adherence to procedure, wasting precious time. A good case can also be rendered invalid if certain motions were served without a court’s leave, among others. Prof Oditah decried the fact that a case can be thrown out on the basis that a counsel argued an objection orally without filing a counter-affidavit. He faulted a situation where a case is frustrated at appellate courts because documents were not properly signed or stamped. He thinks such things could easily be corrected so that the case could move on.

    “Nigerian law is excessively and destructively procedural. What it reminds you is 18th, 19th century jurisprudence. There is no way we can make progress with a law that is as procedural as we have. How many cases are determined on substantive issues? What you have is misuse of procedure at the expense of substance,” Oditah said.

    An EFCC prosecutor, Chief Godwin Obla (SAN), said 396 of the ACJA should be amended to give a judge the discretion to quash a charge when he does not see a prima facie evidence on the face of the charge. He also wants a review of the complicated procedure in the Evidence Act. “We need to review our laws of evidence and procedure. We need to cut out a lot of the red tape in the administration of justice.”

    For instance, Obla said trial is delayed when defence lawyers raise objections to the admissibility of certain evidence tendered by the prosecution. “Imagine that I have three bags of evidence to tender. On each piece of evidence, a defence counsel can keep raising objection that proper foundation was not laid.” That, he said, can be used waste judicial time. He also faulted the practice of senior lawyers coming to court with over 30 lawyers and calling out their names while announcing appearance. “A lawyer comes to court with 30 lawyers and spends 30 minutes announcing their names. Why not just submit a list of names?” asked Obla.

    Enforce practice directions

    Practice directions, which have provisions for speedy trials, should be adequately enforced as the complement the ACJA, according to Prof Owasanoye. He cited instances. Order 1 of the Federal High Court (Criminal) Practice Directions, 2013, tells judges to minimise undue adjournments and delays and reduce the time spent on interlocutory issues. It advises the court and parties to ensure that hearings are not stalled due to lack of preparation. Order 6 says hearing of criminal cases shall be conducted on a day-to-day basis as far as the court’s schedule may permit.

    Order 7 of the Court of Appeal Practice Directions 2013 provides that it shall refuse to hear appeals arising from interlocutory decisions of High Courts where the appeal court is of the opinion that the grounds raised in the appeal are such that can conveniently be determined by way of an appeal arising from the final judgment of the court below. Also, instead of entertaining interlocutory appeals, the Court of Appeal may order the trial court “to accelerate hearing in the substantive suit.”

    For the Supreme Court, Order 7 of its Criminal Appeals Practice Directions 2013 provides: In the determination of appeals arising from interlocutory decisions of the Court of Appeal in all criminal appeals relating to the offences of terrorism, rape, kidnapping, corruption, money laundering, and human trafficking, the Court shall give priority to those matters and where possible, hear such matters on a day-to-day basis until final determination.

    Sort out jurisdictional logjam

    The case law, based on judicial decisions, provides that a court’s jurisdiction can be challenged at any stage during a proceeding. This, Oditah said, is subject to abuse. “The issue of jurisdiction can be raised at any stage. You see lawyers arguing that it is the livewire of a case and nothing can be built on nothing, in a case that is at an advanced stage. How can you curb corruption when you have built up such obstacles,” he asked.

    Curb indolence

    Laws and rules cannot be effectively enforced without willing judges to drive the process. For instance, some habitually sit late. A judge of the Federal High Court in Lagos is notorious for keeping lawyers waiting for hours, and for sitting late and rising early or intermittently. Others, however, are known for sitting promptly at 9am. A frontline lawyer, Chief Afe Babalola (SAN) said corruption in the judiciary and the incompetence of some lawyers and judges work against quick justice delivery.

    Stricter monitoring and stiffer sanctions are therefore needed to curb the judiciary of lazy judges. The Nigerian Bar Associations (NBA) president Augustine Alegeh (SAN) said a committee has been set up to monitor judges and report lazy, corrupt ones to the NJC.

    “In the case of judges you don’t know where incompetence ends and corruption begins,” Oditah said, adding that “judicial attitude” needs to change. “Many judges are so grossly undisciplined. In the UK, for over 20 years that I practices there, I’ve never heard of a judge not sitting because he went for a seminar. A lot of time is wasted when you turn up in court in Nigeria and the judge is not there. In some cases it happens when you travel from one state to another. I recall going for a case in Port Harcourt and was told that the judge had gone for ‘early Salah,’” he said.

    A life Bencher, Mrs Hairat Balogun, said judges need to be highly disciplined if they must “do justice even if heaven falls.” Sadly, she said, some judges do not handle proceedings with authority, while others exhibit laziness by adjourning even simple rulings. “Some judges don’t seem to be able to manage their courts,” she said.

    Improve case management

    An overly full docket is major cause of delay. Some judges have tens of cases listed for a day. Sometimes cases are adjourned because the list could not be exhausted. It is also not unusual to see a judge asking a prosecutor during a trial to hurry up or to conclude so that other cases could be heard. According to Prof Oditah, there is the need to strengthen judges’ cases management powers. He suggested that rather than fixing all cases for 9am and have lawyers sit in court for long hours, each lawyer could be assigned a particular time to be in court. To Oditah, it will not cost so much to inform lawyers ahead that a judge, due to other engagements, will not sit, or that their case may be taken, so they do not waste time coming to court. “We need to reform the way cases are listed. It is so chaotic. The way it is done, the court is dignified only in name because there is nothing dignified about how cases are managed,” Oditah said.

    Gadzama said it is wrong to make lawyers sit in court for hours listening to cases they are not interested in. He said cases should not be adjourned because a senior counsel is not in court. To him, with the frontloading of processes, a senior lawyer does not need to be in court for processes to be adopted. “Senior lawyers stalling cases for not being available should be discouraged. What do you have other lawyers in chambers for? Frontloading allows you to put all your arguments in writing, so you don’t even need to be there.”

    Insulate judges

    Should judges attend social functions? Some believe judges should not be at places where they can mix with potential litigants or lawyers who may bring cases before them. Unfortunately, some judges, Oditah said, cannot draw the line. “You can see a judge socialising even more than free people. You don’t even need to bribe them. He drank your Champaign, so he has to do something – so how can he refuse your ex-parte application for injunction?”

    Stop abuse of nolle prosequi

    A disturbing trend is the abuse of the nolle prosequi provisions in Section 174(1)(c) of the 1999 constitution which empowers the AGF or prosecution to discontinue criminal trials.

    Although this power is to be used in the public interest, it has been used to frustrate high profile corruption cases against public interest.

    Build capacity

    Building the capacity of prosecutors, investigators and lawyers is crucial. A human rights group, the Access to Justice (A2J), after a study, found that ACJA, first passed by Lagos State in 2011, has not solved most of the problems it was designed to address. The research report said six years from when the reform changes were first enacted into law in 2007, and two years after the 2011 amendments, “the creative push for reform in Lagos State and the lofty goals and the outcomes envisaged by the legislation have not been achieved till this time.”

    Notable among the causes of the law’s failure is a pervasive ignorance of its relevant provisions by security agencies, especially the police. The study shows that only 29 per cent of police officers in Lagos were familiar with the ACJ Law 2011 (as amended) or have received any formal training on its provisions. The report says much unjustified time continues to be wasted between filing of information or charge against suspects and their eventual trial. In the intervening period, the suspects are “typically” left to languish under grueling detention or prison conditions, the study revealed.

    The study also found that many magistrates do not comply with the oversight safeguards enshrined in the ACJ Law concerning 60 days adjournments with respect to persons detained under remand orders. Provisions of the law on taking of confessional statements have been grossly ignored by the police and un-enforced by magistrates, the study said.

    According to the study, all those interviewed – police officers, inmates, lawyers – said the police do not make video recordings when obtaining statements from arrested persons, nor do they ensure that a lawyer is present. Magistrates interviewed unanimously reported that the police do not usually inform them of cases of persons who were arrested and kept in custody without being offered bail. Contrary to the law’s procedure on bail procedures, 75 per cent of lawyers and 89 per cent of prison inmates stated that the police do not release detained suspects on bail where it is impracticable to bring them to court within 24 hours. The report said nine percent of police men still maintain the practice of not accepting women as sureties when granting bail. A2J said more training was needed for an effective implementation of the ACJA.

    Review appointment process

    Legal experts have harped on the need to make judges’ appointment transparent rather than shrouding the process in secrecy. A professor of law, Oba Nsugbe (QC, SAN), said: “We need to make greater effort to completely demystify the system of judicial appointments in Nigeria from beginning to end…Uncovering information about how to go about it, upcoming vacancies, criteria for appointment, and the process of appointment was painstakingly difficult.

    “I interrogated various official websites for answers, read a number of publications, and spoke to people. The answers never seem complete or exhaustive. This needs to change. In so important an area, you can never find enough clear, systematic information about what each and every stage entails – exactly what is needed of the applicant, when, who will assess it, how it will be assessed, and against what criteria. There needs to be more transparency about appointment procedure,” Nsugbe said.

    The NJC last year released guidelines that provide for call for expression of interest by suitable candidates who wish to be appointed judges. An advertorial is to be placed on the website of state judicial service commissions, notice boards of courts and at NBA branches. But A2J alleged that the appointment of 25 new Federal High Court judges did not follow the guidelines.

    “This rule was clearly not followed in the current recruitment process. Our investigation reveals that no such call for expression of interest by suitable candidates was made. All that was placed on the website of the Federal High Court was a copy of the letter written to judges, heads of courts, AGF and the NBA inviting them to make recommendations of persons for consideration,” A2J’s Executive Director Joseph Otteh said. It was learnt that those appointed had prior knowledge of it before it was made public. They were contacted privately and most did not apply for it, a source said.

    For Oditah, ill-equipped judges cannot do justice. “You have got to articulate minimum standards for appointment of judges. That is why if you look at a judgment from the Supreme Court, you wonder if it is from the Magistrate Court. It is so bad that sometimes the Supreme Court writes judgments on applications you have earlier withdrawn! The system of lobbying for appointments must stop.”

    Discipline erring lawyers

    The NJC has sanctioned several judges for corruption and misconduct, but their lawyer-accomplices usually go scot-free. Prof Owasanoye criticised NBA for not disciplining some of its members who engage in wrongdoing. “The NJC disciplines a judge against whom a petition is written, but nothing is done to the lawyer who aided the wrongdoing,” he said.

    Experts say there is the need to strengthen the profession’s disciplinary procedure. Chief Anthony Idigbe (SAN), believes there should be an external regulator for the profession. According to him, self-regulation has failed. “We need an independent regulator for the legal profession,” he said, while urging the judiciary “to fight for” statutory regulation. Idigbe argued that the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC), for instance, may not be independent enough to impose sanctions on highly-placed lawyers because it is made up of jurists who may have vested interests or against whom a complaint is made.

    Also, some judges indulge Senior Advocates too much and allow them get away with wrong conduct. Some, according to Dr Babatunde Ajiba (SAN), are not good examples. He disagreed with a suggestion that SANs should monitor other lawyers in court. To him, SANs are not infallible and may need to be reported. “Unless we take it up and report wrong conduct, the problems will persist,” Ajibade said. Oditah added that senior lawyers’ excesses must be curbed. “There is an intolerable level of impunity with which the senior lawyers act. How can a senior lawyer frustrate a court proceeding on the basis that he is attending a seminar? You must have the ability to sanction such misconduct,” Prof Oditah said.

    Falana agreed that a lot of leeway is given to senior lawyers. “How can a junior lawyer go to court to ask for an adjournment because the senior lawyer who is supposed to lead him is unavailable? That was not the practice we met.”

    Another SAN, Mallam Yusuf Ali (SAN), said the profession is witnessing increasing reports of professional misconduct, corruption and sharp practices with the attendant negative consequences on the administration of justice. He said the LPDC in inherited 37 cases in 2013. Additional 16 new cases were filed that year. Last year, 13 cases were filed, while 17 have been filed so far this year. Ali suggested that the legal space should be sanitised to ensure that non-lawyers do not make illegal incursions into law practice. Lawyers who collude with non-professionals to undermine the profession should be seriously sanctioned, he said.

    According to him, rule of law and professional ethics should be taught as a core course in all universities. To him, undermining the rule of law should be considered a professional misconduct for which a lawyer can be sanctioned. NBA’s investigative powers, he said, should be strengthened and enhanced to be more effective. A database containing the names of lawyers who have been sanctioned for misconduct by the LPDC should be created and made easily accessible so that they will be identifiable, Ali suggested.

    “The LPDC should, in addition to any of the sanctions which it may impose, have the power to recommend in appropriate cases, that lawyers liable should be prosecuted if the act of misconduct amounts to a crime. The act of sweeping complaints under the carpet should be made misconduct under the Rules of Professional Conduct 2007. Anyone found engaging in such acts should also suffer the same fate like the person who has committed the misconduct,” Ali said.

    Put corrupt judges on trial

    According to the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Mahmud Mohammed, no fewer than 64 of the over 1,020 superior court judges have been sanctioned in the last five years for corruption and misconduct. None of the judges, however, was charged to court. Most were either compulsorily retired or dismissed. But a former Ogun State High Court judge, Justice Babasola Ogunade believes judges indicted for corruption should not be given soft landing. They should be tried. “Nobody is above the law,” he said.

    Other solutions

    Prof Owasanoye said concerted effort is required from stakeholders to rid the country of corruption. The National Assembly, he said, should give anti-corruption agencies first line charge funding and make them truly independent. Being financially hamstrung incapacitates them. He said since the legislature has enthroned best practices with the passage of ACJA 2015, judicial actors must no longer “live” in the past. The NJC, the CJN and judges should enforce existing practice directions as well as letter and spirit of ACJA on speedy trial of corruption cases. Owasanoye said they must also prevent transfer of trial judges.

    The AGF, he said, should never discontinue any corruption case as a policy. Anti-graft agencies, he said, should publish monthly update of high profile cases online; screen out lawyers with reputations for delaying case from prosecuting for them, and report cases of deliberate frustration of cases. He urged NBA to reform its disciplinary procedure and sanction lawyers who are notorious for using dilatory tactics to stymie criminal justice administration.

    The media and civil society, he said, should keep high profile cases on the radar; name and shame lawyers and judges who delay cases; advocate continuous reform, and make more use of social media for public education.

    Prof Akinseye-George said: “It is strongly recommended that the 1999 Constitution be amended such that all interlocutory appeals terminate at the Court of Appeal.” For effective implementation of the ACJA, he said provisions of Section 308 should be incorporated into the Constitution.

    “This is so that the criminal justice sector could be saved from unnecessary delays perpetuated through the abuse of interlocutory appeals. Meanwhile, the courts and the Supreme Court in particular should give effect to the intendment of the lawmakers by interpreting the Act in a manner that would promote speedy determination of cases without undue distraction and delay by interlocutory appeals,” Akinseye-George said.

    It is believed that a virile judiciary, which will truly be the last hope of the common man, can be achieved if the ACJA is effectively implemented, and if the necessary reforms are carried out.

     

  • How to revive the judiciary

    How to revive the judiciary

    The government, it appears, has found the will to fight corruption and impunity, which have held Nigeria back––no thanks to intractable delays in bringing culprits to justice, especially in high profile criminal cases. The Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 has been hailed as a revolutionary intervention. Despite the law’s noble objectives, other factors, including archaic procedure, weak institutions and regulatory failure, can prove debilitating to the anti-corruption crusade if not quickly addressed. JOSEPH JIBUEZE writes that the judiciary is still in dire need of fundamental reforms.

    Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo (SAN) is not unaware of the fact that Nigeria  ranks low in all development, transparency and governance surveys and indexes due to systemic corruption and impunity. This is why he is bothered that since the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was established in 2002, only eight high profile cases have been successfully concluded, in spite of the monumental sleaze cripping the system. Of the eight cases, one was overturned by the Supreme Court on technical grounds, meaning only seven major convictions have been secured after trial in 13 years. “We must do more,” was the Vice-President’s conclusion.

    The Administration of Criminal Justice Act, signed into law on May 13, has, therefore, been hailed as a revolutionary intervention to end delays in criminal trials. But the judiciary is still bedeviled by other debilitating issues that can frustrate the law’s successful implementation.

    Osinbajo, speaking at a workshop on Sections 306 and 396 of the ACJA and Delay of Corruption Cases, organised by the Centre for Socio-Legal Studies (CSLS) and the Presidential Advisory Committee on Corruption (PAAC) in Abuja, identified breach of ethical rules by lawyers, overcrowded courts, compromised judicial officers, ill-equipped investigators and prosecutors, among others, as factors that can frustrate the Act. Represented by PAAC chairman Prof Itsay Sagay (SAN), the Vice-President said the ACJA has provisions which ensure that impunity of public officials, private profiteers and others who rob the nation of its wealth is brought to an end. That is, if the law is effectively implemented.

    How corruption cases are frustrated

    According to PAAC’s Executive Secretary Prof. Bolaji Owasanoye, prior to the enactment of the ACJA, frustration of high profile cases followed a similar script. A grand arrest of a politically exposed person is made, accompanied by wide media coverage and outrage. The person is arraigned by a law enforcement agency. Usually, a long list of charges is preferred against the accused in multiple counts. Bail is automatically requested and is usually granted. The court will order that the accused person’s International Passport be seized.

    Whether or not bail succeeds, the defence counsel will challenge the court’s jurisdiction to adjudicate the case. If the judge assumes jurisdiction, the defence will appeal and ask for a stay of proceedings. Where the judge refuses to grant a stay, the defence counsel will accuse the judge of bias and write a petition demanding that the case be transferred to another judge. An accused can also change counsel, and the new lawyer will ask for an adjournment to enable him study the casefile having just received it.

    After a while, the accused will apply for the release of his International Passport to enable him travel abroad for medical treatmentafter presenting medical “evidence” that he suffers from a chronic ailment. Having obtained the leave, he may not travel immediately, until a few days to the day the case is to come up for hearing. Due to his absence, there inevitably will be an adjournment. Once free the accused begins a campaign of political persecution, while defense counsel continues with dilatory tactics to delay case.

    With time, witnesses become disillusioned, scared, uncooperative or unavailable. The prosecution gets fatigued or become distracted by new cases. Public and media apathy follow as the case goes into hibernation. The trial judge may retire, transferred to another division or elevated to a higher court, deliberately or coincidentally, and the accused persons will be re-arraigned before another judge.

    The process of bail and challenge of jurisdiction will be repeated. Eventually case may be struck out for want of prosecution, or a pliant judge may grant stay of proceedings pending outcome of an interlocutory appeal which may go up to the Supreme Court. Thus, the case hangs in abeyance for close to 10 years, by which time evidence must have been muddled up and witnesses no longer available. In the meantime, the accused could have won an election and assumed a new public office.

    Some ‘frustrated’ cases

    Some high profile cases have been stalled through injunctions. The case of former Rivers State Governor, Dr. Peter Odili, stands out because unlike others, he was never arraigned. In March 2007, he obtained a remarkable Federal High Court injunction restraining the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) from investigating his tenure. Soon after he left office, he secured a “perpetual injunction” that permanently restrained the EFCC from “arresting, detaining and arraigning” him on the basis of his tenure as governor. Justice Ibrahim Buba of the Federal High Court, who made the order, added that the EFCC had no power “in any manner, howsoever, to investigate the account or financial affairs of a state government”. In March 2008, “for the avoidance of doubt”, Justice Buba issued an order that the EFCC could not “arrest, detain, arraign and/or prosecute (Odili) on the basis of its alleged investigations into the affairs of Rivers State” during Odili’s tenure. The judge declared that the “purported findings” of the EFCC’s investigations were “invalid, unlawful, unconstitutional, null and void.”

    There is also the recent case of former Aviation Minister, Princess Stella Oduah. Justice Mohammed Yunusa of the Federal High Court in Lagos, on August 26, restrained anti-graft agencies, including the EFCC, from questioning or arresting her over the purchase of two BMW bulletproof vehicles for N255million by the Nigeria Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA), until her suit is determined.

    In September 2004, British authorities in London arrested one-time Plateau State Governor Joshua Dariye on allegations of money laundering and seized about £90,000 in cash from him. Dariye allegedly skipped bail and returned to Nigeria to resume office. An English court sentenced Dariye’s associate to three years in prison in April 2007 for laundering more than £1.4 million of public funds found to have allegedly been stolen by the governor. At the expiration of Dariye’s tenure, the EFCC charged him with 14 counts of money laundering. But more than seven years after he left office, the case is still pending.

    A Nasarawa State governor, Senator Abdullahi Adamu, was arrested in February 2010 by the EFCC for alleged embezzlement of public funds. On March 3, 2010, he was arraigned along with 18 others on a 149-count charge of fraud involving over N15 billion, but the case has been stalled due to an interlocutory appeal.

    Former Gombe State Governor, Senator Danjuma Goje and four others, were first arraigned on October 17, 2011 on alleged conspiracy, fraud and money laundering charges. He allegedly embezzled N52 billion public funds. The case is still pending.

    Prior to his current trial at the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), Senate President Bukola Saraki had been a subject of investigations by the Special Fraud Unit of the Police, following allegations of a loan scam. The loans were allegedly secured by Saraki between 2004 and 2009 when he was Kwara State governor. Saraki had sued the Inspector-General of Police. In the suit marked FHC/ABJ/CS/231/, he sought to restrain the SFU from investigating an allegation of N9 billion fraud leveled against him. He subsequently filed a fresh suit seeking to stop the police from prosecuting him, which is still pending.

    On  July 27, 2007, a former Abia State governor Orji Uzor Kalu was arraigned before an Abuja High Court on a 107-count charge of money laundering, official corruption and criminal diversion of public funds in excess of N5 billion to Slok Airlines. Kalu pleaded not guilty to the charges. An interlocutory appeal has stalled the case.

    In July 2007, former Taraba State Governor Rev Jolly Nyame was arraigned on a 41-court charge. He was alleged to have embezzled N1.3 billion. Trial commenced in his case, but is yet to be concluded eight years down the line.

    Former Jigawa State Governor Saminu Turaki was arraigned on a 32-count charge of stealing about N36 billion over an eight-year period. The case was reportedly transferred to his home state and is said to be pending at a Federal High Court in Jigawa.

    A former Adamawa governor Boni Haruna was arraigned before a Federal High court sitting in Abuja on an amended 28-count charge of embezzling the sum of N16million. The case is still pending.

    A former Ogun State Governor, Gbenga Daniel, was charged by the EFCC with mismanaging state funds. The commission docked him at the Ogun State High Court, Abeokuta, on a 38-count charge of fraudulent conversion of land, failure to declare assets, stealing and corruptly acquiring properties. In September 2013, a principal prosecution witness in the trial, Tunde Oladunjoye, withdrew from testifying in the case after allegedly accusing the EFCC of shoddy prosecution. The case has not been decided.

    A former Chairman of the House of Representatives Ad-hoc Committee on Fuel Subsidy, Farouk Lawan and its Secretary Boniface Emenalo, were charged with collecting $620,000 as bribe from oil magnate Femi Otedola. They were arraigned on February 1, 2013 at the Federal Capital Territory High Court in Gudu, Abuja. Their trial started under Justice Mudasiru Oniyangi, who was soon elevated to the Court of Appeal. After the loss of several months, the case was re-assigned to Justice Adebukola Banjoko on June 11 to begin afresh. On November 18, Justice Banjoko withdrew from the case, which is still pending.

    A former Chairman of House Committee on Power, Ndudi Elumelu, and 29 others were charged by the EFCC before the Abuja Federal High Court over allegation of defrauding the Federal Government of N5.2 billion earmarked for rural electricity projects. The case is still pending.

    Shortly after his impeachment in 2006, Ekiti State governor, Mr. Peter Fayose, was charged over allegations of financial misappropriation between 2003 and 2006. Contrary to reports, the EFCC said it has not dropped the case, which the anti-graft agency said, will resume after the governor’s tour of duty.

    ACJA to the rescue

    To end such delays, sections 306 and 396 of the ACJA provide for speedy trials. Section 306 says: An application for stay of proceedings in respect of a criminal matter before the court shall not be entertained.

    Section 396 (2) provides that any objection shall only be considered along with the substantive issues and a ruling thereon made at the time of delivery of judgment. It provides in sub-section three that trial shall proceed from day to day until the conclusion of the trial. No party is entitled to more than five adjournments, and the interval between each adjournment shall not exceed 14 working days.

    The Act empowers the judge to sanction any who causes undue delays. Sub-section six provides: In all circumstances, the court may award reasonable costs in order to discourage frivolous adjournments.

    If a judge is elevated to the Court of Appeal, he must first conclude the trial. Sub-section seven says: A judge of the High Court who has been elevated to the Court of Appeal shall have dispensation to continue to sit as a High Court judge only for the purpose of concluding any part-heard criminal matter pending before him at the time of his elevation and shall conclude the same within a reasonable time.

    “These two sections are quite apt and will help us in reducing delays in trial of high profile cases,” says Justice Abubakar Talba of the Federal Capital Territory High Court.

    A professor of law and President, Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, Yemi Akinseye-George (SAN), whose organisation played a key role in developing ACJA’s innovative provisions and in the advocacy that saw the legislation become law, said the ACJA responds to Nigeria’s dire need for a new legislation that will transform the criminal justice system.

    According to Akinseye-George, before the ACJA was enacted, criminal procedure was governed by the Criminal Procedure Act (CPA) and the Criminal Procedure Code (CPC). The ACJA merges the two principal legislations and is intended to apply uniformly in all federal courts. All states are expected to domesticate the Act.

    The main purposes of the ACJA, he said, include to promote efficient management of criminal justice institutions and speedy dispensation of justice, protect the society from crime, and protect the rights and defendants’ and victims’ interests. It has provisions on unlawful arrests, notification of cause of arrest, humane treatment of an arrested person and prohibition of arrest over civil cases, recording of arrest, establishment of a Police Central Criminal Registry, electronic recording of confessional statements, monthly report by police to supervising magistrate, quarterly report of arrests to the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), oral bail application in non-capital cases, women as sureties, only lawyers as prosecutors and professional bondspersons.

    The Act provides for an Administration of Criminal Justice Monitoring Committee with powers to consider all returns made to the Chief Judge for the purpose of ensuring expeditious disposal of cases. Section 376 provides a time limit for the issuance of legal advice by the Directorate of Public Prosecution (DPP), which before now was not done promptly. It states that the AGF shall, within 14 days of receiving a case file, issue and serve a legal advice indicating whether or not there is a prima facie case against a defendant. There are provisions on witness protection. Section 232 of the Act permits witnesses in some offences to give evidence in camera, such as rape, terrorism, offences relating to Economic and Financial Crimes, trafficking in persons, among others.

    Section 319 empowers a court to order the convict to pay compensation to a crime victim. The court may also order the defendant to defray expenses incurred in the prosecution. An innocent purchaser who gives up stolen property also deserves compensation under the Act. A convict will also be ordered to pay medical expenses of an victim.

    Not all convicts end up in prison under the ACJA. Sections 453, 460 and 468 provide for suspended sentence, community service, parole and probation so as to reduce prison congestion and prevent those who committed certain offences from mixing with hardened, coldblooded criminals.

    A law teacher, Wahab Shittu, described the ACJA as “a revolutionary intervention in our justice delivery system that would impact on the quality of justice and avoid delays in the adjudicatory process in Nigeria.”

    He added: “It can be said with justification that the ACJA is the hottest law in the country right now…Delay is one of the key objectives the Act seeks to address and it has resolved it, in principle at least. Thus, prolonged delays of trial may remain a thing of the past. It can be said with sufficient measure of justification that the ACJA is a bold and innovative intervention in the administration of criminal justice system which raises hope of speedy disposal of criminal cases by the judiciary, thereby forestalling a prospect of jungle justice and pervasive impunity which now rules the land.”

    How to make Act work

    The ACJA came under a major test when the Supreme Court suspended Saraki’s trial at the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) on November 12. Justice John Fabiyi (now retired), who led a five-man panel, asked the CCT to “tarry awhile” and await the Supreme Court’s decision on the appeal. Some senior lawyers faulted the decision, insisting it negates provisions of the ACJA.

    Saraki had appealed an October 30 Court of Appeal judgment, which validated CCT’s decision to assume jurisdiction in his trial on a 13-count charge of false assets declaration.

    Activist-lawyer Femi Falana (SAN) described the Supreme Court ruling as “controversial” and “erroneous”. His words: “It is unfathomable that the Supreme Court decided to return the country to the status quo ante in a rather brazen and bizarre manner. In view of the ouster clause contained in section 306 of the AJCA, the CCT ought not to have delivered its ruling in respect of the preliminary objections filed by Dr. Saraki. The ruling should have been read together with the judgment after the conclusion of the trial. It was the premature ruling of the Tribunal which led to the filing of an interlocutory appeal in the matter.

    “Instead of declining jurisdiction to entertain the interlocutory appeal which has been abolished by the AJCA, the Court of Appeal ordered a suspension of the trial at the CCT to await its decision. Although the Court of Appeal eventually dismissed the appeal, the trial of the substantive case at the CCT has been further halted by the Supreme Court which has granted another stay of proceedings pending the hearing of the interlocutory appeal filed before it by the accused person.

    “However, it is sad to note that in granting the order of stay of proceedings, the Supreme Court ignored the provisions of sections 306 and 396 of the ACJA . It was not a case of oversight or lack of knowledge of the existence of the AJCA on the part of the Court, but a deliberate judicial decision to turn back the hand of the clock in the ongoing battle against corruption and impunity in the land.”

    Prof Sagay and other senior lawyers, including Chief Adegboyega Awomolo (SAN), first female SAN, Chief Folake Solanke, said the Supreme Court should have allowed the case to go on.

    Sagay said: “The new Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 has completely eliminated any application or grant of stay of actions or proceedings in criminal trials; it prohibits it. So, what the Supreme Court has done is illegal and it is shocking that the Supreme Court would indulge in illegalities.”

    Awomolo said: “I would have preferred that the Supreme Court allowed the trial to go to conclusion because the law has provided that all preliminary objections shall be taken and decided together in the judgment of the court.” Solanke said: “I am in agreement with Mr. Femi Falana. I am on the same page with Mr. Femi Falana.”

    However, activist lawyer Chief Mike Ozekhome (SAN) said Section 306 of the ACJA applies only to the trial court, and not to appellate courts. “What is before the apex court is an appeal from the decision of the Court of Appeal in respect of the jurisdiction of the CCT. From the plain wording of section 306, the ACJA does not apply to the Supreme Court or any other appellate court for that matter, but to the CCT,” he stated.

    To the make the ACJA effective, it was resolved at the PAAC/CSLS workshop that the Act must be given purposive interpretation and application by the courts so that cases are adjudicated with the urgency required.

    Chief Judge of FCT High Court, Justice Ishaq Bello, who chaired the committee that drafted the ACJA, said not granting stay of proceedings will eliminate frivolous applications. According to him, a judge ordinarily should not entertain applications seeking to quash a charge before an arraignment, because “a judge is seized of a charge only after plea has been taken.” He added: “A judge cannot rule on the quashing of a charge without plea, because without it the case is still at the gate.”

    The courts were enjoined to give literal interpretation and full effect to sections 306 and 396 to avoid unnecessary and frivolous interlocutory applications, and to adopt the wasted costs mechanism to deter counsel from seeking frivolous adjournments.

    Legal experts recommended that the judiciary should develop a strong national judicial policy which should prohibit the abuse of interlocutory applications and injunctions, while appellate courts must not entertain interlocutory appeals in defiance of the clear provisions of the ACJA. They said the ACJA needs to be amended include sanctions for non-compliance with its provisions. They urged the Federal Government to initiate an amendment of the 1999 Constitution to incorporate the provisions of Section 306 of the ACJA. The resolution, signed by Prof Akinseye-George, recommended that all stakeholders must collaborate to implement the ACJA in order to restore the lost glory of the criminal justice system. Still, the judiciary needs further reform.

    Needed reforms

    Other factors, if not urgently addressed, can make the ACJA’s implementation ineffective. These include: negative role of defense counsel and use of other delay tactics such as abuse of bail and requests for adjournment through false medical requests; and the fact that the judicial process tolerates influential accused persons to endlessly rigmarole the criminal justice system. According to Prof Owasanoye, some lawyers and judges “conspire” to frustrate, rather than advance criminal justice administration. Poor funding of law enforcement agencies, as well as operational weakness must also be addressed.

    To be continued

  • Eta: Judiciary on trial over Akwa Ibom polls

    Eta: Judiciary on trial over Akwa Ibom polls

    The National Vice-Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Southsouth, Prince Hilliard Eta, has said the report by Sahara Reporters on judicial decisions on the Akwa Ibom elections has vindicated his stand that judges that handled the cases were compromised.

    Eta stressed that he was referring to decided cases from the Akwa Ibom polls, and not the pending appeal on the governorship election.

    He explained that the judicial decisions on the election cases in were curious in the light of the fact that the European Union, the American government, the African Union and local election monitors agreed that there were no elections in both Akwa Ibom and Rivers states, only for the courts to cancel all the disputed elections but one in Rivers while upholding all the election cases in Akwa Ibom. “I am of the strong opinion that what accounts for the differential judicial outcome on the Siamese election fraud cases in Rivers and Akwa Ibom is corruption,” the APC South-South national vice-chairman said.

    Lamenting that the judiciary has reduced Nigeria to a laughing stock before the international community, Eta drew attention to specific cases”. He added: “In Akwa Ibom North West Senatorial District (Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District), where both the election tribunal and the Court of Appeal upheld the election of the Senate Minority Leader, Chief Godswill Akpabio, the number of votes cast in the election, which stood at 450,000, according to INEC records, far exceeded the number of registered voters in the district, which stood at 205,000 voters. Yet the courts overlooked this clear case of over voting, contrary to section 53 of the Electoral Act 2010, as amended. In the case of the governorship election petition, the tribunal also refused to take into account the case of over voting where 1,222,836 votes were recorded by Akwa Ibom State INEC as against INEC headquarters Card Reader data that show that only 437,128 voters were accredited to cast ballot in the governorship election.

    “The courts equally overlooked the critical fact that Senator Akpabio was not presented by his party for election in Akwa Ibom North West Senatorial District, where he was declared elected, only to  rationalise that the nomination of Akpabio for election in a different senatorial district other than where he was declared winner was a minor error outweighed by the curious view of the courts that the voters knew whom they voted for even if he was not validly nominated for the election.”

    Eta compared the case of Akpabio v. Okori of the APC to the decision of the governorship tribunal in Taraba State, where it was decided that the PDP candidate for the election, who is now the state governor, could not be returned elected because he was not validly nominated by his party due to a similar irregularity in his nomination process. Votes for the PDP candidate in the election were regarded as wasted votes because he was not validly noted. Why was the law applied differently in the case of Akwa Ibom North Senatorial District? Eta asked.

    He called on the judiciary to uphold the rule of law and save the nation’s democracy from fatal judicial abuse. He also called on the federal government to institute a full scale probe into the corruption of election petition judges in Akwa Ibom State, given detailed information on specific cases from open sources.

  • ‘PDP has compromised Judiciary on Akwa Ibom election’

    ‘PDP has compromised Judiciary on Akwa Ibom election’

    The National Vice Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) (Southsouth), Prince Hilliard Eta, yesterday said  the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has compromised the Judiciary on Akwa Ibom State governorship election litigation.

    He said the verdicts of the tribunal and the Appeal Court contradicted reports of foreign observers on the election, adding that it smacked of foul play.

    The APC chieftain urged the judges to defend democracy and the rule of law.

    He said the situation gave the impression that justice was for the highest bidder.

    Eta spoke on phone with our correspondent on the ruling of the tribunals and the Appeal Court, following the litigation that arose from the governorship and National Assembly elections.

    He said: “The Judiciary has compromised seriously on the Akwa Ibom governorship polls. After the election, the international community, the foreign observers from the United States and the European Union (EU) gave a damning verdict on the elections in Rivers and Akwa Ibom states. People were expecting the elections to be cancelled…”

  • Buhari seeks urgent reforms in judiciary

    Buhari seeks urgent reforms in judiciary

    •CJN insists on enhanced judicial independence

    President Muhammadu Buhari yesterday told the judiciary to get ready for the challenges of combating impunity and corruption as well as revamping the economy.

    Buhari, who called for urgent reforms in the judicial sector, noted that the challenges of corruption and delay in trial process form major hindrance to government’s efforts at retrieving stolen wealth and punishing those who abuse public trust.

    The President said it would be difficult for the government to effectively tackle corruption and encourage investments, unless the judiciary addresses its identified challenges and shortcomings.

    He identified some of such challenges as including judicial corruption, integrity questions surrounding the conduct of some judges, delays in the administration of justice process, the burden of relying on outdated rules and legislation in a fast modernising society, infrastructure inadequacy, weakness in the appointment process of judicial officers and the performance of judges.

    Buhari spoke in Abuja yesterday during the opening session of this year’s All Nigeria Judges’ Conference.

    He was represented by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo (SAN).

    The conference being held at the National Judicial Institute (NJI) will end on Friday.

    The President, who assured of a “constructive relationship” between the three arms of government, said his administration would ensure the independence of the judiciary both in finance and the performance of its duties.

    “It is abundantly clear that democracy and the democratic tradition cannot thrive, and indeed will not, if the Judiciary fails to perform its roles with truth, justice and courage.

    “While it is undeniable that the judiciary continues to make incremental progress in playing its constitutional role, it is still the consensus of observers that overall levels of judicial service delivery still leave much to be desired. Urgent reforms therefore, remain imperative in several areas.

    “Unfortunately, in recent years, perhaps more than ever before, allegations of judicial corruption have become more strident and frequent. Some of the available surveys on public perception of the judiciary clearly show that the Judiciary is losing the trust and esteem of the Nigerian population.

    “This is dangerous indeed for our fledgling democracy. Democracy and the fundamental, freedoms and rights and assurances for the protection of private and public rights rely entirely on a Judiciary, whose integrity is unimpeachable.”

    He noted that the delay experienced in the nation’s justice delivery system was a disincentive to investment because the ability to enforce contractual obligations and resolve disputes form essential considerations for intending investors.

    The President, who called for the eradication of the practice of appealing interlocutory decisions, also suggested a reduction in the workload of the Supreme Court as a way of curbing delay.

    He said the reform needed by the Judiciary must extend to the reviews of laws, institutions, processes and procedures that inhibit speedy justice delivery.

    Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) Justice Mahmud Mohammed cautioned judges against abusing their discretional powers.

    He warned that cases of abuse of such powers would be penalised.

    He urged the Executive to respect the independence of the judiciary, particularly in the area of finance by releasing as at when due, their budgetary allocations.

    The CJN noted that the Judiciary has effective assisted in stabilising the polity despite public concern about its performance.

    The Administrator of the NJI, Justice Rosaline Bozimo, said the conference was intended for the judges to review their performances in the past year and strategise for better performance in the new legal year.

  • Between corruption and the judiciary, which is Nigeria’s worse enemy?

    Without a shred of doubt, the Nigerian judiciary has been more of a foe than a friend; it is too consumed with financial consideration which is the reason we have cases going on for decades in our courts.

      “I sincerely believe that the president as the Head of State and Chief Executive of the Federation, by virtue of Section 130 of the constitution, has the power to express concern and call on the CJN to explain what happened. “He can do this through the Office of the Attorney-General of the Federation as the chief law officer of the state. In his capacity, the president as the chief executive can, through the AGF, direct the Federal Judicial Service Commission or the National Judicial Council, both as federal executive bodies under the Third Schedule to the Constitution, to query all the justices of the Supreme Court involved in this scandalous illegality.” – Lagos-based lawyer Johnson Esezoobo

    Much as I do not subscribe to  Lawyer Esezoobo’s anger-induced  views which form  the epigram to this piece, I haven’t  the slightest doubt that  some elements within the Nigerian judiciary must silently be thanking their stars that President Muhammadu Buhari did not come,  this time around, as a military head of state. When last Sunday I quoted Femi  Falana, SAN, ad nauseam, detailing how some members of the bar and the bench are doing everything to  undermine the president’s anti-corruption war, little did I know that worse was to come. For in the space of a few days, the Supreme Court showed very clearly that the Nigerian judiciary is not ‘ad idem’ with the president when he says corruption is capable of killing Nigeria. Nigerian courts have no qualms, whatever, giving succour to anybody standing trial on corruption charges as in the Ibori case, easily demonstrating how hollow the Nigerian judiciary really is.  But with sections 306 and 309 of the New Administration of Criminal Justice Act still live in our books, the Supreme Court decision staying proceedings in the Saraki case before the Code of Conduct Tribunal must take the cake in judicial infamy. It became worse, when Mike Ozekhome, an otherwise respected Senior Advocate, flew into unpardonable sophistry, claiming that though applicable at the lower courts, the administration of criminal justice act does not apply at the Supreme Court as if Nigerian courts operate different laws.  It doesn’t get more worrisome.  When I remember how fetchingly Professor Biodun Jeyifo celebrated the Act in his column in The Nation on Sunday of  23 August, 2015, even  bringing Falana in to validate his position,  I could not help conclude that  newspaper columnists , in our clime, most probably labour in vain.  All the same, could he have also had the Supreme Court  judges in mind when he wrote as follows in that article: “. . . this concluding essay in our series on effective prosecutions versus probes as weapons in the war against corruption in our country will focus on the Administration of Justice Act of 2015. Most Nigerians, including lawyers, seem either to be totally unaware of the existence of this Act or if they are aware of its existence, do not seem to have a grasp of what it would take to make it work”.  Did our Lord Justices become seized of it only when the likes of highly regarded  Chief Folake Solanke,SAN, Professor Itse Sagay, SAN, Chief Adegboyega Awomolo, SAN,  Mr Femi Falana, SN, Jiti Ogunye and Malachy began to vent their spleen on the Apex Court?   For space constraint, I quote only Professor  Sagay: “The new Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 has completely eliminated any application or grant of stay of actions or proceedings in criminal trials; it prohibits it. So, what the Supreme Court has done is illegal and it is shocking that the Supreme Court would indulge in illegalities. “It is a complete affront to the law that is binding on them (S’Court) and it is a bad example to the rest of the judiciary and the country. There is no question about that.”Now, we have to call on them to revoke their own illegality and that is a more difficult thing because pride will make it difficult for them to accept that what they have done is an affront to the law. But that is the only thing that has to be done’.

    Nigerians were certainly not surprised when the Punch reported in its Thursday, 19 November, 2015 edition that the Chief Justice of Nigeria may be disbanding that panel of Supreme Court Judges. It got so bad even Esozoobor thinks the president should play the role of an overseer over the judiciary – a complete anathema. But who can blame him?

    I think it is apposite, for a thorough understanding of how the judiciary continues to undermine  the president’s  anti-corruption war, that I conclude this piece  with Femi Falana’s views, again,  as I captured  them  on these pages last Sunday. Said Falana: “The menace of corruption is compounded by the impunity of the ruling class. It is, therefore, pertinent to join issues with the lawyers who are being used to frustrate the anti-corruption war. Although the NBA condemns corruption in both the bar and the bench, it is public knowledge that some senior lawyers have since been recruited to frustrate the prosecution of corrupt elements in the society. The president’s appeal to lawyers to help in the fight has since fallen on deaf ears as these senior lawyers are determined to frustrate the trial of corruption cases. In the past three months, several interim and interlocutory orders have been issued by the federal and state high courts which have prevented the anti-graft agencies from prosecuting certain highly placed individuals accused of involvement in corrupt practices and other economic and financial crimes. In fact, a judge in the Federal High Court has granted not less than 10 of such orders. I also know of a State High Court judge who has ordered the police not to charge some indicted murder suspects to court. From the information at my disposal, these illegal orders were procured by some senior lawyers contrary to the settled position of the law. Granting of interlocutory injunctions to restrain the police or anti-graft agencies from investigating allegations of corruption and other criminal offences is illegal, and unconstitutional, as no court has the power to turn any person into an outlaw in a country which operates under the rule of law. In Fajemirokun v. CCB Nig. Ltd. (2009) 21 WRN 10 the

    Supreme Court held: “In view of section 35(1)(c)(2)(3)(4)(5) and (6) and Section 36(1)- (12) of the 1999 Constitution which provide adequate safeguard for  the arrest of any person suspected of having committed an  offence, investigation of the allegation, and the prosecution of the  offender, no person has the constitutional right to be shielded  against criminal investigation by a judicial fiat or order.”

    In the same vein in the case of Dododo v. Economic and Financial Crimes Commission & Ors. (2013) 1 NWLR ( PT 1336) 468 at 510 the Court of Appeal held: “The EFCC and the ICPC enjoy the status of the powers vested in  the police that encompasses the duty to examine a complaint or petition, investigate and prosecute, if necessary, and that when a petition or complaint is made the statutory body, their duty to look  at the complaint cannot be suppressed.”  In spite of the clear pronouncements of the appellate courts to the effect no court can confer immunity on criminal suspects, high court judges have continued to frustrate the anti-graft agencies from arresting, investigating and prosecuting influential persons accused of involvement in serious cases of corruption, fraud and other economic crimes. No doubt, the lawyers involved in the charade are promoting corruption and subverting the rule of law under the guise of protecting the fundamental rights of their clients”.

    It is a shame that it is the same group of lawyers you find going the rounds, shopping for courts in all parts of the country, eagerly looking for unprincipled members of their fraternity who would do their bidding. I cannot forget in a hurry, both the late Mr. Justice Kayose Esho, and Aare Afe Babalola once saying, at the end of a meeting of the Institute of Arbitrators, a few years ago that many lawyers have become billionaires through bribes related to election matters. PMB’s anti-corruption war would go nowhere unless the Nigerian judiciary puts Nigeria first. Without a shred of doubt, the Nigerian judiciary has been more of a foe than a friend; it is too consumed with financial consideration which is the reason we have cases going on for decades in our courts. Nigerians must call their bluff.

  • Olanusi: Judiciary’ll reinstate me

    Olanusi: Judiciary’ll reinstate me

    Former Ondo State Deputy Governor Alli Olanusi has said the judiciary will reverse his “illegal” impeachment.

    He said this after hosting the All Progressives Congress (APC) women leaders from across the state.

    They were led by the State Women leader, Mrs Omolara Atiba.

    Olanusi, a member of the APC Board of Trustees (BOT), said he has confidence in the judiciary.

    “The influenced judgment will not have a way within the judiciary, especially with the current “change” revolution.”

    The Asiwaju of Supare-Akoko sued for unity among APC members to facilitate victory in the 2016 governorship election.