The Nation Newspaper

Tag: Justice

  • Can the National Policy on Justice ensure efficient justice delivery?

    Can the National Policy on Justice ensure efficient justice delivery?

    The Federal Ministry of Justice, in collaboration with stakeholders in the justice delivery sector, adopted a National Policy on Justice (NPJ) in Abuja on August 10. The adoption is to address the age-long inefficiency in the sector. Eric Ikhilae examines the policy and its chances of success.

    The judiciary is the last hope of the common man. But there is a cloud of doubt on this claim in Nigeria. The justice delivery system has, over the years, been plagued with many challenges. Its ability to effectively serve the people has resulted in dwindled public confidence in the system’s capacity to deliver justice to the deprived.

    Undue delay in justice administration; lack of accountability and transparency; paucity of skilled manpower; weak institutional capacity; poor work ethics and application of outmoded laws,  among others, have been identified as core of the challenges bedevilling the institution.

     

    The road to a National Policy Justice

    On assumption of office as the Minister of Justice & Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), Abubakar Malami (SAN), realised the danger posed to democracy and good governance by the then prevailing state of affairs in the justice system. He immediately initiated moves to turn around the unenviable state.

    One of the early steps taken was the constitution of a technical committee, made up of law experts from the private and public sectors.

    The committee had the mandate to suggest ways the nation could ensure a wholesome reform of the various components of its justice sector for efficiency.

    At the conclusion of its assignment, the committee came up with what became the first draft of the National Policy on Justice (NPJ).

    The draft was subsequently scrutinised by the various stakeholders at the federal and state levels, with activities facilitated by the Federal Justice Sector Reform Coordinating Committee (FJSRCC).

    To further fine-tune the policy, an improved draft copy was distributed to participants during the technical sessions held for stakeholders at a three-day National Summit on Justice in Abuja, last week.

    The sessions, attended by major players in the justice sector, afforded participants the opportunity to engage in a final assessment of the draft policy and make further inputs.

    Participants at the session included: the Solicitor-General of the Federation, the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) of the Federation, states’ Attorneys-General, Solicitors-General and DPPs from the states and experts from the academia and Civil Society organisations (CSOs).

    The final copy of the policy was presented to stakeholders for adoption by the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Walter Onnoghen, who chaired the last day of the summit on August 10.

     

    The policy

    The 37-page document, a copy of which was sighted by The Nation, is divided into four parts. It addressed 17 themes, under which the various identified challenges of the sector were treated.

    The first part explains the need for the policy, which it said was driven by the need to ensure a uniformity of purpose among all institutions and players in the justice sector to address identified challenges and allow for efficiency.

    Part two identified the policy’s goal and objectives.

    According to proponents of this policy, its main goal is to ensure “a justice system that inspires confidence, keeps society secure and safe, and provides a conducive environment for smooth social interactions and a flourishing economy.”

    Its objectives include: to engender synergy and cooperation across the justice sector nationally – both at the national and state levels; promote independence and impartiality of the judiciary and ensure fair and speedy dispensation of justice and effective enforcement of court decisions.

    The policy also seeks to ensure openness, transparency and accountability in the justice sector and its capacity to curb corrupt practices and abuse of office; promote human rights and access to justice for all, particularly the poor, weak and vulnerable, and to promote correctional and restorative justice and alternative dispute resolution.

    It also seeks to maintain the role of the justice sector in enhancing national security, supporting fair, credible and violence-free elections and facilitating economic growth.

    The third part examines the identified challenges plaguing the sector and suggested ways of addressing the problems, which it addressed under 17 different themes.

    Part four spells out strategies for implementation, monitoring and evaluation.

    The policy clarified that it has no intention to supplant existing policies relating to specific institutions and justice administration process, like the National Judicial Policy, the National Policy on Prosecution and the National Security Policy, but to support and promote their objectives.

    Theme One, for instance, deals with “fair and expeditious dispensation of justice”, with the policy identifying prolonged delay, outmoded legislation, inadequate infrastructure and facilities shortage of skills and poor work ethics and major challenges.

    As a way out, the policy suggested a number of strategic interventions, including review of existing procedural laws, review of judgments enforcement procedures, enhanced monitoring of lawyers’ professional conduct and adoption of training plans by justice sector institutions.

    Under Theme Two, which treats the issue of “human rights protection” identified weakness in the implementation of the mandate of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), absence of mechanisms for the realisation of economic, social and cultural rights and the seeming general acceptance of impunity in the land as major hindrances to citizens’ rights protection in the country.

    As way of addressing this, the policy tasks the NHRC to, within the next three years, design and implement “a suitable review mechanism for encouraging and assessing compliance by the federal and state governments with the economic, social and cultural rights enshrined in the Constitution and international treaties.”

    It also suggested an enhanced funding and implementation of the National Action Plan for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights with the establishment of Human Rights Fund by the NHRC, to be funded by both the federal and state governments.

    To further enhance citizens’ rights protection, the policy tasked the Attorneys-General at federal and state levels to ensure enhanced enforcement of court’s judgment, particularly where it affect government agencies.

    Theme Eight examines ways of strengthening judicial independence and suggested the need for a mechanism by stakeholders, including representatives of the CSOs, for effective monitoring of the implementation of guideline for judicial appointment enacted by the National Judicial Council (NJC) in 2016.

    The policy saddles the NJC with the responsibility of leading the reform of the oversight system of the judiciary. The policy requires the NJC to, within the next six months, “set up a committee, with broad representation from the wider justice sector and civil society, to review the oversight mechanisms of the judiciary at all levels and recommend reform to ensure greater effectiveness, independence and transparency, including establishing and strengthening of regular inspection and reporting systems for all the lower courts.”

    To further strengthen judicial independence, the policy suggested an enhance security provisions for judicial officers.

    In this regard, it directs the Inspector-General of Police (IGP) to, within six months, “conduct an assessment of the security needs of the judiciary and in collaboration with other security and law enforcement agencies, take action to close the gaps.”

    Theme Nine identified the absence of joint leadership and common vision for progress, weak and outmoded framework of collaboration, and inadequate coordination among justice sector institutions as being responsible for the lack of synergy and cooperation across the justice sector.

    To enhance collaboration among these institutions, the policy requires that federal and state governments support their justice sector reform and coordination groups to meet periodically at the national level to encourage mutual support, dissemination of knowledge and sharing of lessons and best practices.

    It adds that “an annual national justice sector summit of all justice actors, institutions and stakeholders across the nation and at the federal and state levels will be organised and institutionalised to provide strategic leadership and direction to the sector and promote joint planning, monitoring and evaluation of its (the sector’s) development.”

    Theme 10 stresses the need for enhanced openness, transparency and accountability in the workings of judicial sector institutions.

    As part of measures to ensure this, the policy suggests the need for improved compliance with the Freedom of Information Act (FoIA), and the enactment of more anti-corruption legislation like the laws on whistle-blower protection, witness protection and proceeds of crime, among others.

    To allow for cooperation in the investigation and prosecution of corruption cases, the policy recommends collaboration at “leadership, management and operational levels” among the various investigating and prosecuting agencies.

    It also recommends the creation of specialised anti-corruption sub-division, to be manned by “competent judges of repute, “to expeditiously and impartially treat cases of corruption and abuse of office and promote efficiency and specialisation.”

    The policy equally suggests the establishment of anti-corruption agencies by states “to complement the work of the federal anti-corruption agencies and work with them in synergy and cooperation.”

    Theme 13 identified the importance of information and communication technology (ICT) in enhancing the speed of operations within the justice system. It advocates the need for enhanced deployment of ICT in the sector and improvement in the ICT skills of operators in the sector.

    Theme 14 draws a parallel between an efficient justice sector and national security. It recommends that the AGF and states’ AGs work jointly to evolve ways of ensuring a synergy between the security and justice sectors.

    This, it suggests, could be achieved where operators in the security sectors take into account the demands of the justice sector in the formulation of security policies and taking of security decisions.

    Theme 16 identified the strategic role of the justice sector in ensuring, growing and sustaining a fair, credible and violence free electoral process and suggested necessary strategic interventions required to ensure that the justice sector effectively plays this role.

    The policy recommends, among others, the implementation of some key innovative recommendations contained in the reports by Mohammed Uwais-led Electoral Committee of 2011 and Ken Nnamani-led Constitution and Electoral Reform Committee of 2017.

    Some of these recommendations include the suggestion for the unbundling of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), reform of the process of appointing INEC Chairman, reforming the electoral process to further accommodate the disabled and Diaspora Nigerians and need for improvement in the quality of trial in electoral cases.

    On implementation, the policy recommends the implementation of action plans, where each implementing institution and the federal and state Justice Sector Reform Teams (JSRTs) is required to, within the first six months of adoption of the policy, prepare an implementation plan of action relating to the interventions for which they are responsible.

    The policy stipulates that such plans should include baselines, periodic targets, timelines, budgets, allocation of specific responsibilities and other elements of good action plans, which should form a component of the overall justice sector plan of the federal and state governments.

    The NPJ places on the JSRT, with leadership from the federal and state Attorneys-General, the burden of disseminating the various provisions of the policy among all stakeholders, including relevant institutions of government, academic institutions, the civil society and the citizenry.

    The policy stipulates that the overall responsibility for the monitoring and periodic evaluation of its implementation lies with the Annual National Summit on Administration of Justice (ANSAJ).

    The summit is expected to be held every year to receive reports from the JSRTs and other implementing institutions, review progress and give leadership and direction. The NPJ stipulates that the FJSRCC, under the Federal Ministry of Justice, will serve as ANSAJ’s Secretariat.

     

    Assessment of the policy

    Presenting the final copy of the policy for adoption, Onnoghen described it as an initiative, whose time has come.

    Represented by Justice Mary Odili, a Supreme Court Justice, the CJN said the perennial delay in the judicial process could be effectively eliminated by streamlining rules of procedure in courts.

    The CJN noted that although it may be difficult to achieve uniformity of court procedure nationwide in view of existing differences in religion, culture and legal procedures, efforts should be directed at ensuring a system that guarantees fair play and equity.

    He said: “The common man should see the justice system as impartial. There should be improved justice dispensation, elimination of delays and reduction in cost of litigation.

    “It is hoped that the policy will achieve this goal of building consensus among justice sector institutions and practitioners for the purpose of addressing collectively, the major challenges facing the justice delivery system in the country.”

    Senate President Bukola Saraki pitched tent with Nigerians on their agitation that the justice administration system must be urgently reformed to enable it cope with current day challenges.

    Represented by Senator David Umoru, the Senate President observed: “Cciminals have become smarter with technology, there is an upsurge in terrorism and crimes, hitherto unimagined like the senseless and brutal kidnapping of Nigerians, was a crime never envisaged in the past.

    “It is my clear belief that in order to restore confidence amongst Nigerians in our justice system, judicial reforms need to be institutionalised. It must be constantly reviewed to reflect the constant dynamics of the society.

    “It should not be treated like a one off project or a talk show, but a workable template must be adhered to. The success of an effective judicial system is measured not only by the number of cases that it manages to dispose of, but also, and more importantly, by the amount of litigation which is avoided because the rights and obligations of parties are ascertainable in advance.

    “Ensuring effective access to justice is one of the most important issues facing our justice system today”, Saraki said.

    Malami, whose speech was read by the Solicitor -General of the Federation (SGF), Taiwo Abidogun, explained that the national justice policy is intended to provide a blueprint that outlines the various reforms desirable in the justice sector to engender smooth, fair, just and transparent administration of justice in the country.

    He added:  “The policy will provide the needed professional guidance for all justice sector institutions in the discharge of their duties and the attainment of an effective and efficient administration of justice.”

    The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) President, Abubakar Mahmoud (SAN), hailed the initiative, describing it as a necessary policy.

    He said his association was currently working on ways to ensure necessary reforms within the legal profession for the benefit of all.

     

    Doubt over NPJ’s success

    Some lawyers have however expressed scepticism about the success of the policy.  Dr. Timothy Ugajah and Abdulazeez Mumuni said that much as the policy was welcomed, the problem lies with the implementation as has been the tradition with past governments.

    Ugajah noted that most of the policy’s provisions, though commendable, appear vague and not implementable.

    He wondered how the Federal Government that was yet to fully implement the Child Rights Act, enacted many years ago, can compel the states to adopt the law and implement it in full, as recommended under Theme Four.

    Mumuni, who noted that time, was of the essence, expressed doubt if the present administration will commit itself to the provisions of the policy within its remaining term of office. His reservations were drawn from the fact that successive governments hardly adopt continuity.

    He said: “For example, the policy talks about the setting up of a central fund, to be managed by the ANSAJ Secretariat, to take care of the expenses connected with the annual summit, monitoring and evaluation of the policy’s implementation, and other management functions of the secretariat.

    “It also stipulates that the policy will be fully reviewed after five years from the date of adoption. But, I ask, will these lofty dreams not die with this administration, where it fails to earn a re-election?”

  • Justice for ‘Aluu Four’

    •Four years after, killers of Uniport students sentenced

    Perhaps the innocent souls of Ugonna Obuzor, Toku Lloyd, Tekena Elkannah and Chiadika Biringa, all students of University of Port Harcourt, Port Harcourt, Rivers State, who were gruesomely murdered in Aluu, in the state in 2012, on the false allegation that they were robbers will now find rest, with the judgment of the High Court of Port Harcourt, which convicted three of the seven persons charged with their murder. Also, their families will be partially assuaged by the conviction of the three, who participated in what is known  in the country as ‘jungle justice’.

    That despicable act involved the mob taking the laws into their hands, by executing suspects in a most inhuman manner. In the case of the ‘Aluu Four’, the young men who had gone to collect a debt, were branded robbers, beaten up and roasted alive. Despite their protestation of innocence, the mob visited them with a cruel and violent murder. Even more tragic was the confirmation that several security agents failed to stop the murderers.

    This tragedy is as much a vote of no confidence in the criminal justice system, as it is a manifestation of our failed values which allow ordinary citizens turn to murderers, at the slightest opportunity. As we asked not long ago, what could make passers-by willfully turn to killers, without any sense of compassion for their fellow citizens? What type of base instincts would push citizens to visit systemic cruelty on their fellow citizens, without a single whimper for mercy and fairness by some; or is the entire society involved in this free fall of values?

    One major cause of this malice against all, by all, is our inefficient criminal justice system. The first culprit in that appalling system is the poor investigative and forensic capacity of our police. There is the common believe that when a crime occurs and the police are called in to apprehend the suspects and investigate, they usually truncate the process, for less than altruistic reasons. In the public eye, the commonest incentive for that cause of action is corruption.

    We agree that while corruption is a major incentive for the poor performance of the Nigerian police, there is also the issue of poor human and technical capacity. Something as ordinary as the data of persons and the fingerprints of those within a community which the police in other jurisdictions take for granted in the investigation of crimes, is a luxury in our country. There is also the issue of poor remuneration as well as the obtrusive interference by the privileged anytime they feel threatened.

    The next possible cause of loss of confidence in the criminal justice system is our courts. The worst manifestation is the huge number of awaiting trial persons, across the prisons. Unlike in more efficient jurisdictions, the trial of the ‘Aluu Four’ lasted for over four years. Yet we witnessed not long ago, as in a soap opera, the swift daily trials of OJ Simpson and Oscar Pistorous in the United States and South Africa, respectively. In each case, the trial moved on very expediently with the world enthralled by the respective criminal justice system.

    Of course there is the issue of a stressed populace, many of whom are on the fringe of insanity, perambulating without any mission. For instance, a recent study gave a damning report about the abuse of drugs by drivers of small buses. Many walking about are worse off. Now, with the combination of recession and social vices, the level of depravity in our society is fearful. So, we urge governments at all levels, to tweak our criminal justice system as well as restore the economy to gift us a more humane society.

  • Aluu Four: Justice at last

    The video was as gory as they come when it was posted on social media uncensored. You have to be very bold and have a “thick skin” to watch it to the end. I could only watch for a few seconds. Four undergraduates from the University of Port-Harcourt, Biringa Chiadika Lordson, 20, Ugonna Kelechi Obusor, 18, Mike Lloyd Toku, 19, and Tekena Erikena, 20, were murdered in cold blood at Omuokiri village, Aluu community, in the Ikwerre Local Government Area of Rivers State.

    I was actually writing my piece on the Mubi massacre – another painful event – when the Aluu news broke.  The “crime” of these young men – who were murdered on Friday 5 October 2012 in their prime – was an alleged theft of a laptop computer and Blackberry phone. I dedicated my column to the painful event on October 18 2012. At last, justice has been served and the families can now put the unforgettable event behind them and the souls of the departed can finally rest in peace. On Monday, a High Court sitting in Rivers found three persons guilty of the murder of four students who were lynched in the most brutal way imaginable.

    The court, presided over by Justice Letam Nyordee, also discharged and acquitted four others. According to the Judge, the prosecution failed to prove its case of murder against the 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th accused persons beyond every reasonable doubt. He, however, found the 1st to 3rd defendants guilty of murder.

    As I watched the video clip against my will in 2012, the question that popped in my mind was which of them “stole” the laptop and phone? Or was it the four of them that jointly “stole” the gadgets? These questions were necessary because listening to the background conversation points to the notion that it may be something other than the “stealing” of a laptop and phone. It was therefore not out of place to feel despondent.

    What makes this story unbelievable and shocking was the fact that it was filmed; some of the “spectators” that witnessed the gory incident could be seen with their mobile phones recording every bit of the spectacle. In a premeditated and calculated act, the Aluu 4, as they were later known, were stripped naked, marched through town, beaten to a pulp and set ablaze by the mob.

    I later read an account of the sister of one of the victims which I found instructive; she alleged that while her brother and his friends were being killed, three policemen had reportedly arrived and had, instead of intervening to save the lives of the “accused persons,” urged the mob to “burn them alive.”

    There was obviously nothing that the mob, the policemen and those filming with their mobile phone saw as untoward or dastardly in taking human lives which they could never give. It must have appeared very “normal” as the mob jeered, ululated and savoured what they had witnessed and regarded as a good spectacle to spice the start of their weekend! This was nothing short of the collective loss of our common humanity.

    This barbaric and highly condemnable act that is reminiscent of the Stone Age came only a few days after the Mubi killings where several students of three tertiary institutions were killed. The killings – and other extra judicial killings – raised, and continue to raise, serious concerns over off-campus residences for undergraduates. Would these undergraduates have been so gruesomely murdered if they had residences within the four walls of the ivory tower?

    The emergence and growth of commercial off-campus students’ hostels across mainly Nigerian public universities towns are recent but significant phenomena stimulated by student population explosion and prevailing lull in on-campus Students’ housing development. In the past, students’ hostels were traditionally and almost exclusively on-campus. With time, however, student population explosion and paradigm shift in university on-campus accommodation policy combined to give rise to spontaneous development of commercial off-campus Students’ hostel in university towns across the country.

    This development is further compounded by the growing shortage of funds in the university system. The government, over the years, has not been meeting the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) recommendation of 26% of the total budget allocation to education sector. Little wonder some have called for the declaration of a state of emergency in the sector.

    The paucity of fund available to the university system has been responsible for declining library, accommodation, social and laboratory facilities in recent years. This, in no small measure, makes the governance in the university system a herculean task. As a stop gap, private developers and home owners in university towns rose to the occasion and started providing houses to fill the shortfall with its attendant repercussions.

    Since almost all of the off-campus residences are not seen as the extension of the universities, most became safe haven for criminal activities both from undergraduates and those associated with them. Some of the incidences of cult activities that take place emanates from such off-campus residences where security is often lax. In addition to the question I posed earlier, I’d like to add: Given our present predicament of shortage of on-campus residences, is there anything university authorities can do to closely monitor these off-campus residences and see how they can be viewed as an unofficial extension of the campus?

    I strongly believe that the probability of the incidences happening on any campus in Nigeria is slim. No matter the gravity of the “crime” one or two voices of reason would have been able to calm the nerves of any blood thirsty mob on campus. I would like to see a situation where Vice Chancellors take it upon themselves to open constant channels of communication with communities that host large proportion of their students. Measures should also be put in place to regularly gauge the student-host community relationship to nib similar incidences in the bud.    But in the midst of this, we should not be lost to us that what we read and watched in the past was not an isolated incident; we see it happening to date. Stories abound on how of six-inch nails are driven into the head of alleged thieves caught in action; I’ve also heard from witnesses how thieves and pick pockets were summarily executed in major cities in Nigeria. So, rather than crucify the entire Aluu community, it cannot be said that extra-judicial executions are the cultural or behavioural preserve of any part of this country. There are still good people in Aluu.    This notwithstanding, the horrible video of the killing – and other current killings – in a country with a government and security agencies is a big shame to Nigeria. The judge said that much in his ruling. It is a painful confirmation that human life is of little or no value in the country. It also shows that all those responsible for security and administration of that area did not play the role expected of them. The excuse given by former IGP Abubakar that “Attempts made by the police patrol team to take over the suspects were met with stiff opposition from the mob, who chased the team with stones” is both absurd and preposterous.

    As we flashback, it is really painful that life has simply lost its sanctity. Unfortunately, this is the sad lesson that Nigerians, including the youths, are taking away from the mindless killings going on in the country. This type of barefaced, extra-judicial murder will not happen in any country with conscience. But, in a country where people assume they can get away with crime, no matter how serious; incidents like Aluu are bound to occur. It is high time that everyone who desires to see the good of this country and stem the steady slide toward bestiality stand up and be counted.

  • Lawyer, group harp on justice

    A lawyer Dr. Anthony Orunkoya has said there cannot be development without justice and equality in Nigeria.

    He spoke at the summit organised by the NBM Africa in Accra, Ghana.

    He said except justice and equality were fought for, some political leaders would continue to hold the masses hostage with oppressive laws and policies.

    He said the group has the capacity to bring about socio-political and economic development, praising it for championing enlightenment programmes against vices, such as child trafficking to bring about change and development in Africa.

    As part of the summit, participants at the event also visited some historical sites in Ghana.

    During the visit, the group’s President, Felix Edore Kupa, said:  “Cape Coast is the capital of the Central Region in southern Ghana. It’s known for its role in the transatlantic slave trade. Overlooking the Gulf of Guinea, Cape Coast Castle is a large whitewashed fort built by the Swedish in the 17th century.’’

    Also during the event, NBM held the non-violence March for Justice and Peace protest in Ghana.

    Its Regional Head, West, Gerald Azonobo, said the protest was against mental slavery, neo-colonialism, nepotism, terrorism, societal ills and to direct the African mind to Black consciousness and civilisation, freedom and justice.

    He said: “Members assembled with the company of the Ghana police, who provided their security vans and escort motorcycles with banners that read “No To Economic Imbalance”, “Racism is Terrorism”, “No to Violence,” Say Yes To Non- Violence & Social Change”, Say No To Segregation”, “Equal Rights and Social Justice”, “Freedom and Justice” “ Say No To Disease” “Say No To Rape” “Love and Unity”, “Equality  is Your Right”, among others.

    “The march slowly proceeded with members in their black T-shirt with ‘Advocacy and action’, Urgency of now incribed in front and NBM of Africa Western Region at the back while the movement band with their sound system thumped amid cries to ”Remember Cape Coast and Africa that were transported from the Elmina Castle Cape Coast on slave trade.

    ”A string of cars began to form behind us and flyers were distributed to onlookers and motorists while members interacted with lookers in the city of Dodow.  As we went, emebers distributed flyers same words on our T-shirts written on them.

    ‘’Strangers joined the fray by stepping out of the bars and off the sidewalks. Bewildered faces greeted the march along with shouts, pumped fists, jumping up and down and excited honks, ‘’ he said.

  • Justice for Rann 97

    •The Federal Government should, without delay, compensate the 97 citizens injured in the Rann accidental bombing

    On January 17, a terrible collateral damage occurred in the ongoing war against terrorism. On that day in Rann, Kala Balge Local Government Area of Borno State, the Nigerian Air Force mistakenly bombed the internally displaced persons (IDP) camp there.

    When the smoke cleared, 234 victims lay dead. Another two, mortally wounded survivors, died later in hospital. Another 97 survived: not in one piece, but with different levels of injuries.

    It was a black day, indeed, in a nation’s fight against terror. Those IDPs, fleeing the Boko Haram terror machine, left the safety of their homes and the comfort of their loved ones. But they ended up perishing in the Rann IDP camp, a supposed haven — and from friendly fire! Sad.

    A sad nation accepted the military’s explanation that the disaster was an accident. That made a lot of sense, for a government that was fulfilling its electoral pledge to vanquish the Boko Haram menace could not logically turn around to bombing the same citizens, for whose security, it was battling Boko Haram.

    To further underscore perceived government’s sincerity and good faith, a panel was set up to investigate the catastrophe, so as to guard against any future mishap. That was nice and well.  What is neither nice nor well, however, was that the panel finished its work; and submitted its report and recommendations since April. Yet, neither the report nor its recommendation had been made public.

    That is not good enough. Indeed, it is very bad, for it gives an already harried and harassed public the sad impression that perhaps there was something else, beyond human error, behind that sad accident.

    Newspaper reports talk of the report being submitted to the Defence Headquarters. Since then, it appears to have vanished. That is not good at all. A government sensitive to the plight of its citizens cannot afford to lug that unfortunate impression of, for whatever reason, it is not coming clean on such a terrible public grief. The government’s bureaucracy cannot afford to swallow such explosive documents.

    That is why the Federal Government should direct the military authorities to make public the report. Whoever deserves blame should be blamed. But that is not even the point. The main point is that the report should form part of the nation’s institutional memory to avert such disasters in the future. That is what pro-active countries do.

    But beyond institutional memory is the urgent need for justice for the victims. Indeed, it is scandalous, if not outright callous, that six months after the bombing, the 97 surviving victims have not been compensated.

    That is simply outrageous given the sad profile of the victims — internal refugees that have fled their communities as a result of Boko Haram terror. After all of that, they have become victims of a freak bombing, that could well disable many of them for life. And after all of these, they still have to wait, months, for compensation.

    The situation is even more compounded, given that these are lowly citizens who possess neither the means nor the sophistication to sue for what is rightly theirs. If the chain is as strong as its weakest links, the government should be prompter in rushing to the defence of that category of helpless citizens. On that score, the Federal Government has failed so far.

    But it doesn’t have to fail forever, on that account. That is why the authorities should hasten to compensate these victims. It is their right to be so treated. It is the government’s bounded duty to treat them so — with fairness, courtesy and equity.

    Let’s bring justice and succor to the Rann 97. It is in the interest of our common humanity to do so.

  • Anti-graft war, law, morality and justice

    SIR; That Nigeria ranks high among the most corrupt nations of the world is no more news. The tree of corruption planted shortly after independence has developed to an IROKO tree with deep seated roots bearing robust but poisonous fruits found all over the country in decayed infrastructure, collapsed educational and health facilities, unemployment, youth restlessness among others.

    The present administration led by President Muhammadu Buhari made war against corruption a hallmark of its manifesto. The battle has been taken to the doorstep of the past administration with mind-boggling revelations of treasury looting. Politicians and public servants have been found with massive wealth in bank statements and property beyond known income. Monies in local and foreign currencies have been found hidden in unthinkable places.

    In developed countries which we constantly refer to as models, corruption has become a moral issue and the burden of name and shame make it degrading to move near anything like it.

    Unlike what it was Nigeria when citizens honour and respect family names, parents were known to have rejected money and gifts from wards whose income could not justify such gestures. Corruption has progressively become a passion and fashion that some parents practically push their children to crave for illicit wealth. More worrisome is the shameful acts of communities and tribal groups who gather to celebrate kinsmen indicted or jailed for corrupt enrichment.

    The battle line in the anti-graft war is between morality, law and justice. The law we inherited from colonial masters that jailed offenders in UK and convicts a poor man in Nigeria is bent in favour of the rich who secures bail on compassionate ground, gets a long adjournment and eventually acquitted on no case submission based on technicalities of law. The victim is the nation and her citizens. Justice perverted is an encouragement to engage in crime.

    The society from households, communities, schools and worship centres must rise and unite in the fight against the challenges and evils that corruption constitutes. Acting President, Prof Yemi Osinbajo enthused that worshipcentres should reject money from thefaithful whose source is unknown.

    President Buhari has justified his election in the fight corruption.Contrary to cries of witch-hunting, corruption war cannot be won on federal character, ethnic or religious considerations. Every finger found in the pot of corruption must be called to account .

    The present economic situation presents an opportunity to say – NO MORE Corruption in Nigeria.

     

    • Remi Oyebamiji,

    Lagos.

  • Evans: Let justice roll

    SIR: For a man curiously trailed and variously studied for a period of seven years by security agencies without results, the gang leader must be a leader of sorts. He must have studied secrecy and practiced it successfully without hitches. He must have dipped himself in clandestine operations, while immersing himself in a tactical science.

    For a man so feared by the high and mighty in this magnitude across the wealthy class across the federation, the gang leader must have had souls lost for his name sake even though he said the otherwise. Also, a number of our security agents must have been buried for his combined operations of ‘crocodiles and python dance’ put together.

    He coordinated several kidnapping operations and controlled seven gangs while directing them accordingly. He made use of several cell phones and superintended over high-level-kidnapping deals across the federation with impunity.

    He moved from one house location to another, spending his ill-gotten resources the way it pleased him without fear or favour. He then lived like the rest of us, while enjoying freedom like the birds of the air he was. He cruised around in his one-stop-shop-high technical cars to the admiration of many.

    His life of opulence and extreme popularity was to say the least, stupendous. While he owned houses valued for hundreds of millions in Lagos, he also had them in hundreds of millions again, in far away Ghana. A man generally valued at N5billion by the Nigerian police must not be joking here.

    Today, while Chukwudidume  Onuamadike. Aka Evans, cools off in the comfort of security’s custody along with his six accomplices, Nigerians have a lot of lessons to draw from the life of abundance, luxury and affluence enjoyed by the peoples nightmare.

    We must today, accept the saying that ‘all that glitters is not gold’ while also alluding to the sayings of William Shakespeare when he opined thus: “the early though the laurel grows, it withers quicker than the rose”.

    We must also accept the fact that ‘nothing’, I mean ‘nothing is hidden’ and can be hidden ‘under the sun’.  That is to say, for every good thing done under the planet earth, there is a reward, just as there is a retribution for every evil done.

    For Evans and company, the die is cast. It is the end of the river for notoriety; an end too, to a phase.

    Kudos to the Nigerian police for keeping faith with Evans trail: For our own force to be on the pursuit of an elusive abductor for the period of seven years without losing an eye, without blinking first, they deserve our praise.

    This is a clear departure from the normal police job in Nigeria, where investigations are muddled and politicized, and then, dumped in the waste bin of the agency with no signs of retrieval or recollections.

    This is a shift, and a shift in a paradigm. The police therefore, must critically dialogue and examine Evans  in a manner that will enable him empty all the antics of kidnapping, especially the ones that assisted and helped him in sustaining his business for seven years as a way of aiding the agency to curtail and contain the scourge.

    They should also ensure that he get his desired and disgraceful punishment as a way of deterring others from indulging in such evil. Because, it is only justice served, I mean well served, especially now it is hot, that will make Nigerians have a sigh of relief over his atrocities.

     

    • Gwiyi Solomon,

     Abuja.

  • Group seeks justice for Otodo Gbame residents

    A group, the Nigerian Slum/Informal Settlement Federation, yesterday demanded justice for all those evicted from Otodo Gbame community, including the late Daniel

    A statement signed by the group’s executives – Akinrolabu Samuel, Bimbo Oshobe and Sani Mohammed, alleged that Aya was shot in the neck by policemen and Elijah a 42-year-old fisherman, was shot death the morning before Otodo Gbame’s demolition.

    It condemned the loss of lives and forced displacement of over 30,000.

    The statement said: “We condemn and call on others to join us in condemning the violence, impunity, and brazen disregard for the rule of law being demonstrated by the Lagos State Government, which is incongruous with a democratic society and the aspiration to be a global leader among megacities.

    “A true global megacity cannot be successfully built on the blood of the urban poor. A true global megacity must be inclusive and harness the talents of all its residents to bring development to all. We must all stand with Otodo Gbame to ensure they see justice and ensure a return to the rule of law to enable us build Lagos as an inclusive megacity we can all be proud to call home.”

  • MERCY AIGBE LEADS MARCH FOR NOLLYWOOD CELEBS IN SEARCH OF JUSTICE

    MERCY AIGBE LEADS MARCH FOR NOLLYWOOD CELEBS IN SEARCH OF JUSTICE

    RECENTLY, when actress, Mercy Aigbe sought justice for the violence she allegedly suffered in the hands of her estranged husband, Lanre Gentry, the news was greeted with mixed feelings. This is rightly so because most of the times, victims of domestic violence, perhaps out of the trauma they have been subjected to, prefer to just walk away, leaving all the bitterness behind.

    That the Nigerian society has taken a firm stand against violence against women is not in doubt. For instance,  recently, when a soldier, Sulaiman Olamilekun, assaulted Nollywood actress, Ebere Ohakwe, aka Jewel Infinity, justice was swift.

    The Nigerian Army was quick to sentence him to 28 days imprisonment with hard labour for battering the actress.

    However, it is a different ball game when it comes to domestic violence. Although victims are beginning to find their voice, seeking justice still appears a mirage. Below are some of Nigerian actresses who claimed to have suffered physical abuse in the hands of their spouses but never sought for justice let alone getting one.

    ……………………………………..

    Katherine Obiang

    Actress and TV presenter, Katherine Obiang was once married to Who Wants to Be a Millionaire host, Frank Edoho. The actress recounted her ordeal during the stormy years of her marriage; “Just to dare to argue with your husband is like a challenge in your home. The woman is challenging the man and tempers flay and then you snap, then there is a slap. He says ‘I am sorry it is a mistake’ then says ‘sorry I won’t do it again,’ then he does it again, again and again.”

    Monalisa Chinda

    Monalisa Chinda is also an actress and TV host who was once married to Segun Dejo Richards. She has always spoken up against domestic violence ever since. In December, 2014, she lent her voice to the campaign against domestic violence at the Pearls Conference in Abuja. In a series of tweets, Monalisa revealed that she was once a victim of domestic violence. She also encouraged ladies to avoid abusive relationships.

    “I was once a victim of domestic violence but survived and even stronger. So yes, you can. ‘I say NO to domestic violence and you should as well,” she tweeted.

    Chika Ike

    When actress Chika Ike walked away from her marriage of five years, it was for various reasons. She was to later reveal that the deciding factor for her was a recurring incidence of physical abuse.

    She said of the incidence; “It’s been really hard for me to come out straight and talk about this because sometimes, I pinch myself to wake up and not believe that I was a victim of domestic violence.

    “I’ve been through a lot in my life, faced a lot of challenges but this is one topic I’ve tried so hard to avoid and have been waiting for the right time but I have come to a resolve that there’s really no right time because every second of the day, lives are being lost due to domestic violence.

    “I was a victim of domestic violence in my marriage and that was the singular reason I left my marriage, aside other reasons.”

    Tonto Dikeh

    In a no-holds-barred interview, controversial actress, Tonto Dikeh, recently opened the eyes of the world to the series of physical abuse she allegedly suffered in the hands of her husband, Churchill Oladunni.

    The mother of one revealed that her estranged husband, Churchill, really humiliated her, claiming that the Nigerian Embassy in Ghana has nude photos and videos of her when she ran to them during one of their fights.

    The actress also showed photographs of injuries she allegedly sustained in the hands of her husband.

    Georgina Onuoha

    Georgina Onuoha is one vocal actress who has an opinion on almost any given topic. So it came as no surprise when she shared on Instagram the experience of a woman who claimed to have been molested, beaten and humiliated by her husband.

    She also gave some marital advice; “I can imagine her state of mind and what she went through. I for one would have said this same prayers 6 years ago with so much hate in my heart and can count many others who will equally be saying same prayers. But grace, mercy and forgiveness surpass the pain of wickedness. I succumbed to God’s grace and strength.

    “May God touch every soul going through pain, give them the grace to forgive and wish them well. Forgiveness is not for the other person, but rather for your own peace of mind and sanity. May God heal us all.”

    Ayo Adesanya

    Beautiful actress, Ayo Adesanya describes her marriage to her former husband and actor, Goriola Hassan as a loving relationship which was fun until the beatings started and got worse.

    In an interview on Moments with MO on Ebony TV, the actress talked about her domestic violence experience.

    Recounting her experience, she said that she couldn’t let go because the same man touches her lovingly, caters to her needs and calls her baby. She describes the experience as confusing.

    She also urged women to watch out for men who shove them here and there.

    Hadiza Adzay

    Although she is not an entertainer, Hadiza Adzay, the estranged wife of musician Zaki Adzay, said that she suffered bouts of physical abuse during her union with the singer.

    “He slapped me on the face so (and said) ‘get up you must abort this pregnancy today. Now that I am married to you, you want to hook me with pregnancy because I am a celebrity.’ Then there was a wardrobe in our room so I put my tummy in there and then he continued beating me. He had some folic acid in his hand and said I should swallow it and abort the pregnancy. When he gave me I said he should allow me take water, thank God the door was open so I ran away,” she recounted.

    Mercy Aigbe-Gentry

    With her husband now remanded in Kirikiri Prison on a three-count charge of domestic violence, assault, and threat to life, pending the outcome of a trial which commenced during the week, Mercy Aigbe might just have positioned herself as the poster girl for justice among celebrity victims of domestic violence.

    According to information, Lanre Gentry was granted bail in the sum of N500, 000 with two sureties in the like sum.

    The couple have been married for seven years and the union produced a son.

  • Bring them to justice, quickly

    Bring them to justice, quickly

    •No sober Nigerian will contest the proposition that the electoral system is severely compromised

    An indication of just how compromised the system has become can be seen in the report of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission’s (EFCC) investigations into the conduct of the 2015 general elections, and in an internal inquiry carried out by the election umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    The one resulted in the suspension of 205 serving and retired election officials and staff based on evidence linking them to election malpractices.  The other reported that 80 other officials, including a former National Commissioner with INEC, five former Resident Electoral Commissioners, one of them since deceased, had been referred to the Presidency and the EFCC for further investigation.

    The INEC report also placed in the gallery of election villains a non-governmental organisation supposedly representing civil society. The organisation, identified as the West African Network of Election Observers and composed of retired INEC officials, served as a conduit for funneling bribes to election officials with the aim of “influencing” the outcome of the 2015 general elections.”

    Anodyne phrasing will serve no useful purpose here. In plain language, the bribes were designed to facilitate, once again, the process through which losers are turned into winners   and winners are turned into losers.

    Of the N23 billion the EFCC said was corruptly employed in a bid to rig the election, INEC reported that roughly N3.5 billion went to its officials in 16 states.

    The picture that emerges from the EFCC and INEC reports is of massive corruption, perpetrated or condoned by some of the very officials entrusted with protecting and preserving the sanctity of the ballot. It is of a piece with the moral derangement that led top military officers to steal funds meant for purchasing arms to fight the Boko Haram insurgency.

    Those who accept corrupt money to falsify election results are stealing the voices of the electorate, their most potent weapon for asserting their citizenship rights and claiming their privileges. These obtainers are just as morally degenerate as the top military officers who embezzle funds earmarked for counter-insurgency operations.

    The one is just as subversive of national survival as the other.

    The EFCC and INEC deserve commendation for bringing to light the dark side of an electoral system that has thrived unchecked for so long, enthroning in the process a cruel phenomenon  of voting without choosing, and making a mockery of democracy and the time and energy and resources invested in its cultivation.

    Election officials in 20 states and Abuja remained faithful by and large to the code of behaviour they are enjoined to uphold. By his personal example, INEC chair, Professor Attahiru Jega inspired faith in the conduct and outcome of the 2015 poll, judged by accredited local and foreign observers to have reflected the preference of the electorate.

    Whether former President Goodluck Jonathan conceded voluntarily or was driven to concede                    by pressures he could not override, it has to be acknowledged that doing so was a singular act of statesmanship for which he will be remembered.

    It remains to bring the suspects to justice without delay, based on iron-clad evidence of electoral malfeasance. It is time to drive it home that ballot rigging has no place in Nigeria and will not be tolerated.