Tag: Kwankwaso

  • Kwankwaso’s pebbles against Supreme Court Justices

    Kwankwaso’s pebbles against Supreme Court Justices

    For a fortnight now, the raging question ruminating through my mind is why a former governor, ex-minister of defence and a reputable politician of Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s stature will be caught on tape uttering words that impugn the character of justices of the country’s apex court. In a video posted on social media by one Saifullahi Hassan, designated as his media aide, Kwankwaso was seen making statement that diminishes the institution of the country’s Supreme Court.

    While bemoaning the defection of incumbent Kano State governor, Abba Yusuf, from New Nigeria Peoples Party(NNPP),  to the All Progressives Congress(APC), he spitefully projected Yusuf as an ingrate when he unconscionably declared; “he had forgotten that in 2019, I took him to the homes of all the supreme court judges in Nigeria to beg them. I and the governor met them in their villages and towns.”

    These words by Kwakwanso were uttered without deference to the cautionary admonition of Williams Shakespeare when he said: “Give thy thoughts no tongue.” The former Kano governor’s statement was laden with negative innuendos capable of projecting our apex court’s justices as easily amenable to the whims and caprices of powerful men of power, wealth and influence that are always found seeking undeserved judicial favours for themselves, allies or their political parties. Kwankwaso’s crassly denigrative revelation affirms him as one of the impudent leaders/national figures compromising and destroying institutions in the country.

    The general presumption is that not even the defence of an emotional turmoil of losing a political godson to his perceived political enemy, the ruling APC party is tenable a reason for Kwankwaso’s jettisoning of desired circumspection, being the irreducible minimum standard expected of a man of his political stature in both conduct and spoken words in the public space. His puerile squeal is no doubt capable of undermining the integrity of the nation’s apex court justices that are the repositories of judicial knowledge in our country.

    Kwankwaso’s gaffe and self touted intervention of visiting the “villages and towns of the justices,” was meant to ‘compromise’ the apex court. The world over, litigants with or without pending cases before the courts are not expected to pay discreet, nocturnal or daytime visits to respected judges on The Bench. Such a visit is considered an ethical taboo.

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    The world is changing with odious occurrences, particularly in this part of the world, while our leaders remain unflustered. Recently, an agitating scenery was openly exhibited by some of our Federal High Court judges that yours sincerely find really disgusting after watching it on television and on social media platforms. This relates to their so called patronising visit to Chief Nyesom Wike, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory(FCT). The judges delegation was led by their Chief Judge, Hon. Justice John Terhemba Tsoho, OFR.

    The chief judge, as leader of the team, was openly aired, soliciting in patronising manner, for Abuja land favours from the controversial minister. It is doubtful if the public would not doubt the outcome of any matter involving Wike that is brought before the judges now or in the near future. That visit, to say the least, was really repulsive as it has the potential of making the custodians of our Temple of Justice an object of avoidable scoffing in the public domain.

    While growing up as a kid in this country, judges are not only reclusive but are also largely venerated as a special human specie, carefully chosen, to discharge salient judicial assignments. Their roles are viewed by the populace as reserved only for men of truly unimpeachable character amongst us. But sadly so, whatever decadence is being witnessed in the judiciary today is only a reflection of our judges being a product of the rotten society where they emanated from.

    In contemporary times, things are changing as undue political and societal pressures are open-secretly being mounted on our judicial officers. We now live in a society that is experiencing abysmal moral decadence as mostly bad governance across levels of government is the order of the day. Rather than the promotion/pursuits of meaningful industrial and other productive ventures, we now have a system that gives impetus to the belief that the quickest and easiest way to acquire wealth or live a luxuriously good and easy life is either to be connected to government or to erroneously travel abroad which is now euphemistically branded as the JAPA syndrome.

    This condemnable mindset of getting rich without being productive and not taking a no for an answer have severe consequences on institutions of state -especially the judiciary. To cure this mischief, President Bola Tinubu, GCFR, recently increased significantly, the remuneration package of our judges to a truly living wage. Despite this, most of them still pander to negativities that project that important arm of government in bad light.

    The current Chief Justice of the Federation, Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, as head of the National Judicial Council, NJC, so far is trying her best to restore the soiled image of the judiciary. Not too long ago, thirty-four out of sixty-two lawyer-nominees for the Federal High Court were rejected because of integrity issues. This is just a tip of the iceberg as many believe in the incumbent CJN’s capacity and capability to recalibrate for the better, the judicial system in the country.

    Despite her ongoing commendable reform efforts, CJN Kekere-Ekun needs to contend with powerful politicians and other influence peddlers as she forges ahead. This is because the rat race to sustain or win power by these terrible breed of power-intoxicated people that challenges anything unfavourable to them even when fair, and the deluge of election petitions emanating therefrom, have put our judges on the spot, exposing them to unimaginable temptations in the process. One of the many unfortunate onslaughts on judges of our courts is the recent obloquy against judges of the apex court by Kwankwaso.

    So far, no single word has been spoken or written to debunk the grievously odious allegations against the sanctity of the nation’s judiciary by any of the serving justices of the apex court. But a retired justice of the court, Justice Musa Muhammad Dattijo, had audaciously pooh-poohed the incident by stating that he never met with Kwankwaso or Governor Yusuf anywhere or at anytime before and after retiring on October 27, 2023. “I speak for myself…My intervention is not intended to defend or indict anyone else….It is simply to clarify that I was not part of any such engagement,” the retired justice reportedly declared. Till now, Kwankwaso has remained on the mute mode rather than give further details for the observing public.

    In a country where the challenge of wrongdoings has become perilous and most times derided, Dattijo’s courage deserves commendation.

    The making of sweeping statements capable of denigrating the credibility of our apex court’s justices and by extension, the entire judicial system by anybody should be condemned. The nation’s grundnorm, explicitly guarantees freedom of speech and expression but with a proviso curtailing such right where uttered words risk harming the reputation of others or that of our public institutions.

    Kwankwaso’s oblique is therefore actionably careless and slanderous. Not even when his visits to the justices’ towns and villages yielded negative result since it was Mallam Abdullahi Ganduje that was eventually awarded the governorship judgment of Kano state in 2019 by the appellate court.

    Restating here that the judicial arm of government plays an important role in societal cohesion should be considered a litotes. This is because conflicts between individuals and institutions are inevitable and when they occur, parties involved need a neutral institution as a trusted arbiter to resolve such disputes. That is where the sacred duty of the judiciary and judicial officers come into play. Our politicians should leave the judiciary out of their condemnable shenanigans.

    The Kwankwaso oblique remarks through his self-centred visits to towns and villages of judges, is obviously antithetical to the legendary Lord Denning’s inimitable observation when he said: “Justice must be rooted in confidence, and confidence is destroyed when right-thinking people go away thinking that the judge is biased.” The flaunting of visitations to homes of judges by litigants with pending cases, like Kwankwaso did, merely diminishes the credibility of pronounced judgments which never happened in this case. In this particular instance, it is gratifying that the appellate court justices, notwithstanding Kwankwaso’s discreet visits, overlooked his visitation request by subsequently going ahead to award judgment against candidate Yusuf in 2019.

    The Kwankwaso-gate leaks should serve as a reminder to our judges to see especially our politicians as ‘caveat emptor’ that they must be kept at an arm’s length. Otherwise, the judiciary as an important institution for sustaining national cohesion and stability might become an object of mockery. Surely, incumbent CJN Kekere-Ekun will not allow this to happen.

    For other loquacious politicians in Kwankwaso’s shoes aspiring for statesmanship, that notable Latin writer, Publilius Syrus has words of advice for them where he said: “Let a fool hold his tongue and he will pass for a sage.”

    • Sanusi, former MD/CEO of Lagos State Signage & Advertisement Agency is currently managing partner at AMS RELIABLE SOLICITORS.(sms/whatsapp-07011117777).
  • ‘Kwankwaso still not our leader in Kano NNPP, national’

    ‘Kwankwaso still not our leader in Kano NNPP, national’

    The National Vice Chairman (Northwest) of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Alhaji Sani Danmasani, has said the party’s 2023 presidential candidate, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, is not its leader in Kano State and nationwide.

    Danmasani said this in a statement yesterday.

    He explained that the exit of Governor Abba Yusuf from the party did not mean that Kwankwaso, who had long been expelled from the NNPP alongside members of his Kwankwasiya Movement, were back into the fold.

    “Yusuf was one of our national leaders. Our Founder and Chairman, Board of Trustees, Dr. Boniface Aniebonam, is our leader, alongside the Dr. Agbo Major-led National Working Committee (NWC).

    “It is surprising that most of the media houses in Nigeria are still referring to Kwankwaso as the leader of the NNPP, a party he betrayed and is still trying to hijack as an expelled member.

    Read Also: Kwankwaso: Karma not betrayal at work

    “We have several advanced material evidences to educate and enlighten media practitioners that Kwankwaso and others, including Dr. Ahmed Ajuji, Elder Buba Galadima, have been expelled from the NNPP.

    “Aside from the decision of the party through internal disciplinary measures to have expelled them, the Abia State High Court and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court in Abuja confirmed their expulsion legally,” Danmasani said.

    According to him, the Abuja Court issued an enrolment order, restraining the INEC from dealing and transacting any business with Kwankwaso and the Ajuji-led NWC, pending outcome of an ongoing Judicial Review.

    “The issue of INEC server holding their names is a mere administrative lapse.

    “The upload of Major and Mr. Oginni Olaposi (National Secretary) will be done as soon as INEC finishes with its administrative procedures and the judiciary review,” the NNPP chieftain stated.

    He noted that INEC as a regulatory body do not determine who became a member of a political party or its leadership .

    “An order of the court must be obeyed except set aside by a superior court.

    “We hope that the media will help and stop referring to Kwankwaso as the leader of the NNPP.

    “This clarification has become necessary to ensure that our sister political parties are not confused or deceived in this period of political negotiations and realignments.

    “We, therefore, wish to encourage politicians with honour and integrity to feel free to join us and stop being scared of assumed differences as they would be resolved soon,” Danmasani added.

  • Yusuf’s defection, Kwankwaso and the 2027 Kano election 

    Yusuf’s defection, Kwankwaso and the 2027 Kano election 

    • By Tunde Rahman

    Kano State, the bastion of progressive politics in Northern Nigeria, is going through a turbulent time. This turbulence has caused a tectonic shift in the state’s political map. Mallam Abba Kabir Yusuf, nicknamed Abba Gida-Gida by his numerous supporters, the only governor elected on the platform of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) and a key lieutenant and protégé of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso – leader of both the party and the Kawankwasiyya Movement – quit the NNPP and the movement. His departure is a big blow to Kwankwaso and the Kwankwasiyya Movement. The seismic shift perhaps presents the biggest challenge to the godfather’s hegemony.

    For Kwankwaso, former Minister of Defence in the President Obasanjo’s administration, the disappointment is difficult to mask. He has described Monday, January 26, 2026, the day Abba Gida-Gida formally enlisted in the governing All Progressives Congress, as one that should be marked in the world as a day of ‘betrayal’.

    Cloak-and-dagger politics has never been the exception in Kano’s political culture. Over the years and across several republics, Kano has witnessed bitter disagreements among its political leaders that engendered acrimonious parting of ways. 

    In the Second Republic, the late Abubakar Rimi’s disagreement with his mentor, Malam Aminu Kano, led to a rift that split down the line Aminu Kano’s People’s Redemption Party that brought him to power as governor in 1979. Rimi eventually pitched his tent with the defunct Nigeria Peoples Party, founded by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, to seek re-election in 1983.  Sabo BakinZuwo, propped by PRP to contest the Kano governorship election in 1983, would later defeat his opponent, Alhaji Aminu Wali of the National Party of Nigeria, in a closely contested election. However, his tenure was short-lived. The military coup of December 31, 1983, removed him from office.

    It has been no different in the Fourth Republic. Dr Umar Ganduje had a bittersweet relationship with his political friend and principal, Rabiu Kwankwaso, leading to the two parting ways. Such was their initial bond that, even after Ganduje served as Kwankwaso’s deputy during his first governorship term from 1999 to 2003, he tapped him again as deputy when he returned as governor for a second term in 2011, after the eight years of Alhaji Ibrahim Shekarau. 

    Defection is normal and part of Nigeria’s politics. The question arising from today’s wave of defections is whether the motive is ideological or for political survival and whether defection is motivated by conflicting political ideas, as was the case in the earlier period referenced, particularly in the case of Rimi and Aminu Kano. 

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    Abba Gida-Gida says his decision to defect to the APC was not self-serving, but was made in the interest of the people of the state to align with the party at the centre and drive more development to Kano. 

    “Our return to APC is anchored on the need to work closely with President Bola Tinubu to advance social welfare, infrastructure and inclusive economic development in Kano. This decision was not driven by personal ambition, but by stability, progress and well-being of Kano people,” he had said during his declaration.

    Governor Yusuf seemed at pains to leave the NNPP and part ways with his political leader. It’s instructive that, despite the widespread talk of his defection, it took him quite a while and a few postponements before he eventually joined the APC and pitched his tent with the Ganduje political camp he defeated in the 2023 Kano governorship election. 

    On January 20, 2026, when Governor Yusuf came to the Presidential Villa for a strategic meeting with President Tinubu, apart from addressing his defection concerns, one other issue that dominated discussions was his plea to the President to renew discussions and negotiations with Kwankwaso, persuade him to re-join APC and consider the possibility of working with him. 

    However, as correctly reported by a national newspaper over the weekend, Kwankwaso appears inflexible and unrealistic in his demands and conditions for enlisting in the governing party, allegedly seeking commitments for the 2031 presidential position – five years away!

    Kwankwaso was thrown into shock and disbelief by Abba Gida-Gida’s defection. Still reeling from shock days after, he swore that Yusuf would regret his decision. His tough stance should be understandable. Governor Yusuf is his son-in-law, former Commissioner for Transport and one of his closest associates.

    The battle line now seems clearly drawn between the godfather and the godson. Can Kwankwaso recover from the shock of what he called treachery by a man he helped into office as governor? Can the former minister regain his stranglehold on Kano politics and his awesome control of the levers of power in the state? What does Governor Yusuf’s defection portend for his re-election? I will attempt to answer these critical questions shortly.

    One crucial point is the fact that Abba Gida-Gida defected from a position of strength. He crossed over to APC with a formidable arsenal: eight National Assembly members, 22 state assembly members and 44 local council chairmen. The APC has also given him an automatic ticket to contest for re-election in 2027. 

    Leading APC gubernatorial aspirants in the state, notably Deputy Senate President Jibrin Barau, have already dropped their ambitions, opting to support the governor in 2027. This is a significant decision, particularly by Barau, who had been quite resolute in his preparation for the governorship race, and a demonstration of his humility and loyalty to party leadership. 

    Will Abba Gida-Gida suffer the same fate in next year’s election as late Abubakar Rimi in 1983? It is yet uncertain. 

    As indicated earlier, Governor Yusuf has strong supporters in his corner, and his administration is said to be truly pro-people in its governance programmes and infrastructure projects. In his home-base of Gwale Local Government and Kano Central Senatorial District, Abba Gida-Gida, a member of a royal family, is well-liked and has a strong following, even though Senator Rufai Hanga of NNPP, who represents the senatorial zone in the National Assembly, had refused to defect with him.

    Senator Barau undoubtedly has a formidable presence in his Kano North, along with Hon. Abubakar Kabir Abubakar Bichi, Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Appropriations, who is from Hagagawa Village. Also for APC in this zone are former deputy governor in the state and former Minister of State for Housing, Abdullahi Gwarzo, and APC deputy govenorship candidate in the last election, Murtala Sule Garo. APC is strong enough there to secure Kano North for Abba Gida-Gida, while Senator Kawu Sumaila, who had earlier in April 2025 defected from NNPP to APC, may do a similar thing for the governor in Kano South, among other things.

    A lot, however, will depend on how Governor Yusuf carries on from now till the election, in terms of his relationship with the Kano people and the seriousness of the leaders both in Kano and Abuja, who are with him, to deliver him. There is also the issue of who Kwankwaso’s NNPP will present to slug it out with Abba Gida-Gida, who is yet unknown. That choice too will be a key factor in the election. 

    Meanwhile, Kwankwaso has begun a recalibration of his fractured NNPP and the Kwankwasiyya Movement. 

    Fortunately for him, Yusuf’s deputy, Samaila Gwarzo, has refused to join the governor in the defection to the APC. However, his fate hangs in the balance as the governor and his associates mull his impeachment. The governor has an overwhelming majority in the House to carry this through.

    Also, some commissioners and a few top functionaries have resigned from Abba Gida-Gida’s government to demonstrate their loyalty to Kwankwaso. This will give initial comfort and strength in his efforts to rebuild his broken political group. 

    In summary,  though seemingly down now, Kwankwaso cannot be ruled out in Kano’s political equation. It will amount to political naivety to contemplate otherwise.

    …ahman is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Special Duties.

  • Yusuf’s defection, Kwankwaso and the 2027 Kano election

    Yusuf’s defection, Kwankwaso and the 2027 Kano election

    • By Tunde Rahman

    Kano State, the bastion of progressive politics in Northern Nigeria, is going through a turbulent time. This turbulence has caused a tectonic shift in the state’s political map. Mallam Abba Kabir Yusuf, nicknamed Abba Gida-Gida by his numerous supporters, the only governor elected on the platform of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) and a key lieutenant and protégé of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso – leader of both the party and the Kawankwasiyya Movement – quit the NNPP and the movement. His departure is a big blow to Kwankwaso and the Kwankwasiyya Movement. The seismic shift perhaps presents the biggest challenge to the godfather’s hegemony.

    For Kwankwaso, former Minister of Defence in the President Obasanjo’s administration, the disappointment is difficult to mask. He has described Monday, January 26, 2026, the day Abba Gida-Gida formally enlisted in the governing All Progressives Congress, as one that should be marked in the world as a day of ‘betrayal’.

    Cloak-and-dagger politics has never been the exception in Kano’s political culture. Over the years and across several republics, Kano has witnessed bitter disagreements among its political leaders that engendered acrimonious parting of ways. In the Second Republic, the late Abubakar Rimi’s disagreement with his mentor, Malam Aminu Kano, led to a rift that split down the line Aminu Kano’s People’s Redemption Party that brought him to power as governor in 1979. Rimi eventually pitched his tent with the defunct Nigeria Peoples Party, founded by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, to seek re-election in 1983.  Sabo BakinZuwo, propped by PRP to contest the Kano governorship election in 1983, would later defeat his opponent, Alhaji Aminu Wali of the National Party of Nigeria, in a closely contested election. However, his tenure was short-lived. The military coup of December 31, 1983, removed him from office.

    It has been no different in the Fourth Republic. Dr Umar Ganduje had a bittersweet relationship with his political friend and principal, Rabiu Kwankwaso, leading to the two parting ways. Such was their initial bond that, even after Ganduje served as Kwankwaso’s deputy during his first governorship term from 1999 to 2003, he tapped him again as deputy when he returned as governor for a second term in 2011, after the eight years of Alhaji Ibrahim Shekarau.

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    Defection is normal and part of Nigeria’s politics. The question arising from today’s wave of defections is whether the motive is ideological or for political survival and whether defection is motivated by conflicting political ideas, as was the case in the earlier period referenced, particularly in the case of Rimi and Aminu Kano.

    Abba Gida-Gida says his decision to defect to the APC was not self-serving, but was made in the interest of the people of the state to align with the party at the centre and drive more development to Kano. “Our return to APC is anchored on the need to work closely with President Bola Tinubu to advance social welfare, infrastructure and inclusive economic development in Kano. This decision was not driven by personal ambition, but by stability, progress and well-being of Kano people,” he had said during his declaration.

    Governor Yusuf seemed at pains to leave the NNPP and part ways with his political leader. It’s instructive that, despite the widespread talk of his defection, it took him quite a while and a few postponements before he eventually joined the APC and pitched his tent with the Ganduje political camp he defeated in the 2023 Kano governorship election.

    On January 20, 2026, when Governor Yusuf came to the Presidential Villa for a strategic meeting with President Tinubu, apart from addressing his defection concerns, one other issue that dominated discussions was his plea to the President to renew discussions and negotiations with Kwankwaso, persuade him to re-join APC and consider the possibility of working with him.

    However, as correctly reported by a national newspaper over the weekend, Kwankwaso appears inflexible and unrealistic in his demands and conditions for enlisting in the governing party, allegedly seeking commitments for the 2031 presidential position – five years away!

    Kwankwaso was thrown into shock and disbelief by Abba Gida-Gida’s defection. Still reeling from shock days after, he swore that Yusuf would regret his decision. His tough stance should be understandable. Governor Yusuf is his son-in-law, former Commissioner for Transport and one of his closest associates.

    The battle line now seems clearly drawn between the godfather and the godson. Can Kwankwaso recover from the shock of what he called treachery by a man he helped into office as governor? Can the former minister regain his stranglehold on Kano politics and his awesome control of the levers of power in the state? What does Governor Yusuf’s defection portend for his re-election? I will attempt to answer these critical questions shortly.

    One crucial point is the fact that Abba Gida-Gida defected from a position of strength. He crossed over to APC with a formidable arsenal: eight National Assembly members, 22 state assembly members and 44 local council chairmen. The APC has also given him an automatic ticket to contest for re-election in 2027. Leading APC gubernatorial aspirants in the state, notably Deputy Senate President Jibrin Barau, have already dropped their ambitions, opting to support the governor in 2027. This is a significant decision, particularly by Barau, who had been quite resolute in his preparation for the governorship race, and a demonstration of his humility and loyalty to party leadership.

    Will Abba Gida-Gida suffer the same fate in next year’s election as late Abubakar Rimi in 1983? It is yet uncertain.

    As indicated earlier, Governor Yusuf has strong supporters in his corner, and his administration is said to be truly pro-people in its governance programmes and infrastructure projects. In his home-base of Gwale Local Government and Kano Central Senatorial District, Abba Gida-Gida, a member of a royal family, is well-liked and has a strong following, even though Senator Rufai Hanga of NNPP, who represents the senatorial zone in the National Assembly, had refused to defect with him.

    Senator Barau undoubtedly has a formidable presence in his Kano North, along with Hon. Abubakar Kabir Abubakar Bichi, Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Appropriations, who is from Hagagawa Village. Also for APC in this zone are former deputy governor in the state and former Minister of State for Housing, Abdullahi Gwarzo, and APC deputy govenorship candidate in the last election, Murtala Sule Garo. APC is strong enough there to secure Kano North for Abba Gida-Gida, while Senator Kawu Sumaila, who had earlier in April 2025 defected from NNPP to APC, may do a similar thing for the governor in Kano South, among other things.

    A lot, however, will depend on how Governor Yusuf carries on from now till the election, in terms of his relationship with the Kano people and the seriousness of the leaders both in Kano and Abuja, who are with him, to deliver him. There is also the issue of who Kwankwaso’s NNPP will present to slug it out with Abba Gida-Gida, who is yet unknown. That choice too will be a key factor in the election.

    Meanwhile, Kwankwaso has begun a recalibration of his fractured NNPP and the Kwankwasiyya Movement.

    Fortunately for him, Yusuf’s deputy, Samaila Gwarzo, has refused to join the governor in the defection to the APC. However, his fate hangs in the balance as the governor and his associates mull his impeachment. The governor has an overwhelming majority in the House to carry this through.

    Also, some commissioners and a few top functionaries have resigned from Abba Gida-Gida’s government to demonstrate their loyalty to Kwankwaso. This will give initial comfort and strength in his efforts to rebuild his broken political group.

    In summary,  though seemingly down now, Kwankwaso cannot be ruled out in Kano’s political equation. It will amount to political naivety to contemplate otherwise.

    •Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Special Duties.

  • Kwankwaso: Karma not betrayal at work

    Kwankwaso: Karma not betrayal at work

    • By Abba Dukawa

    Sir: The public fallout between Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf (AKY)’s and his political mentor mirrors familiar fractures from Rabiu Kwankwaso’s past, notably his bitter split with Abdullahi Ganduje. Once again, a protégé has chosen a different path. The question is whether AKY’s move represents calculated independence or a strategic checkmate in a long political chess game.

    Governor Abba Yusuf’s defection to the APC has reignited a debate in Kano politics: was it a betrayal of Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s trust, or the inevitable outcome of political pragmatism? To some observers, it looks less like treachery and more like poetic justice—a lesson Kwankwaso himself has long taught others.

    Political independence is the ability to govern based on personal conviction and the interests of the electorate. Blind loyalty, by contrast, subordinates public interest to the will of a godfather. One is autonomy; the other is submission.

    In a subdued and emotional interview with BBC Hausa—his first since AKY’s exit from the NNPP—Kwankwaso expressed deep hurt, describing the defection as an unimaginable act of betrayal. He insisted Kano remains NNPP territory and warned that Abba would face consequences, accusing him of “handing over Kano’s mandate to the Gandujiyya camp.”

    Kwankwaso claimed the issues leading to the defection could have been resolved through dialogue and repeatedly questioned what went wrong and who was to blame. Yet his continued public lament only reinforces a perception of desperation, as though he fears losing something more than political relevance.

    While his emotional appeal may resonate with loyalists, Kwankwaso is hardly alone in having felt betrayed in Kano’s turbulent political history. Ironically, many accuse him of the very conduct he now condemns.

    Kwankwaso’s political ascent in 1999 was aided by figures such as Abubakar Rimi, Hamisu Musa, and Musa Gwadabe. Once in power, he dismantled the structures that supported him, side-lining these benefactors and rendering them politically irrelevant. None truly recovered from that fallout.

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    History appears to be repeating itself. A leader who once thrived on alliances has repeatedly abandoned them after consolidating power. Ali Sani Madaki has openly accused Kwankwaso of hypocrisy, arguing that someone with such a record lacks the moral authority to lecture others on loyalty or betrayal.

    This pattern extended beyond Kano. In 2019, Kwankwaso was accused of distancing himself from Atiku Abubakar after securing his own political interests in the state—an act many viewed as a serious breach of trust.

    Compounding this is Kwankwaso’s long history of party switching: from PDP to APC, back to PDP, and now NNPP. These moves, often driven by personal ambition, weaken his credibility when criticizing defections by others—especially when his political protégé followed him through many of those same transitions.

    Governor Abba Yusuf’s silence since leaving the NNPP speaks volumes. While he denies being under anyone’s control, few dispute that Kwankwaso shaped his political career. AKY’s loyalty was once unwavering—sometimes to the point of personal sacrifice and public humiliation.

    Yet history shows that loyalty to Kwankwaso rarely guarantees lasting trust. Many who once defended him eventually fell out after warning of his autocratic and self-centred leadership style. Figures like Rabiu Suleiman Bichi and Professor Hafiz Abubakar—who even resigned as Deputy Governor to demonstrate loyalty—raised these concerns long before they became widely acknowledged.

    Kwankwaso would be wise to stop issuing coded messages that could provoke damaging disclosures. The stakes are high.

    Ultimately, the decline of Kwankwaso’s political dynasty is not the result of external opposition but internal decay. A movement built on control rather than mutual respect cannot endure. The ladder that lifted him was kicked away rung by rung—not by enemies, but by the memories of those who felt used, discarded, and betrayed.

    What we are witnessing today may not be betrayal at all—but karma, long delayed, finally coming full circle.

    In the final analysis, leaders are judged by their outcomes, not just their platforms. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s decision engages the present and invests in the future – it’s not about rejecting the past. When intentions are clear and service is key, change is a step forward, not a betrayal.

    •Abba Dukawa,

    Abuja.

  • Godfathers, godsons and Kano politics

    Godfathers, godsons and Kano politics

    With all the drama he could muster, an embittered Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso recently declared January 23, 2026, the day his erstwhile protégé, Kano State Governor, Abba Yusuf, did the unthinkable by resigning from the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) to join the All Progressives Congress (APC), ‘World Day of Betrayal!’

    Not many could have predicted that such a day would come given the close ties between the two men. Yusuf started out as the one-time Kano governor’s Personal Assistant. Kwankwaso would go on to appoint him Commissioner of the important Ministry of Works.

    Such was the bond of loyalty between them that back in 2014, Yusuf who was then an APC member gladly relinquished his senatorial ticket for his mentor to go to the National Assembly and remain politically relevant. A man who was capable of such selflessness now suddenly finds himself being profiled as treacherous.

    But the connections weren’t just official or political, they were also familial. Like many, I had in the past recycled the incorrect information about Yusuf being married to Kwankwaso’s daughter. This isn’t true. The incumbent governor has two wives and one of them is from his erstwhile godfather’s extended family – but is not his biological daughter.

    Perhaps what makes the parting so galling for some is Yusuf’s choice of new friends – many of them his former boss’ associates now turned bitter foes. He spent much of the last two years in a vicious war of words with his predecessor, Abdullahi Ganduje. In fact, one of his first acts in office as governor was the demolition of structures and monuments worth billions of naira built by the former administration.

    On Monday, the fellow he so bitterly reviled was the one raising his hands in endorsement before a cheering throng at the Kano Government House when Yusuf formally registered as APC member. Such is politics; no permanent friend or foe, only permanent interests.

    Over the last two years, close associates of the governor had been nudging him to break free from the suffocating control of his long time boss and ‘be his own man.’ He definitely reached the point where he found such calls irresistible.

    Despite the best efforts to portray the fracture in the Kwankwasiyya family as the ultimate betrayal, such splits are not unheard of in Kano politics. This is a state where power is rarely transferred without a fight. From the First Republic till date, politics here has been shaped by recurring battles between godfathers and godsons they helped to office.

    Time and again, powerful patrons have anointed successors, only to turn into their bitterest enemies once those successors acquired power, autonomy, and their own following.

    Yusuf broke with Kwankwaso but before him Ganduje also went down the same path as he tried to prise himself from the controlling grip of his former boss. Kwankwaso having handed power to Ganduje in 2015, was confident that loyalty would endure. Instead, his successor asserted independence with ruthless efficiency. What followed was an all-out political war that polarised Kano and split families, communities, and institutions.

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    By the time the dust settled, Ganduje had not only defeated his godfather politically but had also redefined the state’s power structure. Yet the irony is unmistakable: he soon began to play the godfather role, exerting influence over party structures and political appointments, only to face resistance from emerging forces and shifting alliances.

    This pattern is neither accidental nor new. It is rooted in Kano’s long tradition of mass politics, its highly mobilised electorate, and influence of its larger-than-life personalities who see power not merely as public trust but as personal property.

    The story started in the First Republic with the rivalry between Mallam Aminu Kano and his former allies. He was not a godfather in the crude, transactional sense common today, but an ideological mobiliser who built a mass movement around the talakawa. Yet even then, Kano politics showed early signs of what would later become a defining feature: intense internal schisms that sooner than later ripped apart any pretence to loyalty.

    By the Second Republic, the godfather–godson template had become clearer. Then Governor Abubakar Rimi split from Aminu Kano in 1981 due to ideological, generational, and strategy disagreements within the People’s Redemption Party (PRP). The younger, more eloquent and charismatic man, leading the radical “Santsi” faction, clashed with Kano’s “Tabo” wing over his technocratic cabinet.

    Rimi’s attempt to diminish the influence of Emir of Kano, Ado Bayero, by creating four new emirates in 1981, caused a severe rift with Kano, who felt the actions were disrespectful to tradition.

    That radical step mirrored what Ganduje did in the twilight of his governorship when he tried to cut Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi to size by creating four new emirates.

    Kwankwaso, himself, emerged as governor under the banner of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), helped by an alliance of heavyweights in the state. Once in office, he moved swiftly to dismantle the influence of those who helped him rise. What followed was a bruising intra-elite war that reshaped Kano politics for years.

    He would later become the textbook godfather he once rebelled against under his Kwankwasiyya movement. But like most godfather projects, it eventually ran into the same familiar problem: succession.

    What makes Kano different from many other states is not the existence of godfathers – they exist everywhere in Nigeria – but the consistency and intensity of godson rebellion. In this state, godsons rarely remain subordinate for long. Once they taste power and build grassroots legitimacy, they push back.

    Kano’s voters, unlike those in many other states, have repeatedly shown a willingness to punish perceived political arrogance – whether from godfathers or godsons. When Rimi’s differences with Aminu Kano became irreconcilable, he resigned as governor and defected to the then Nigerian People’s Party (NPP) to contest the 1983 election. He was handily beaten by the PRP candidate, Alhaji Sabo Barkin Zuwo.

    With the politics of the state in such a flux at the moment, it’s hard to say who the voters will back following the intriguing realignment of forces that has taken place. What is evident is that Yusuf has gutted his erstwhile NNPP home, taking with him a huge chunk of the structure from top to bottom.

    What is being created is potentially quite formidable given that he’s joining forces with a largely united APC machine that had strengthen itself over the last one year with defectors from across the political spectrum in the state.

    For his part, Kwankwaso faces a painful rebuilding process with many of his most influential and resourceful foot soldiers now in the rival camp. His options are painfully limited given that he would be going to any table of negotiations with a very weak hand.

    He cannot really turn to the African Democratic Congress (ADC) which is looking more and more by the day like the Atiku Democratic Congress. Even the much speculated link up with Peter Obi in an as-yet-to-be identified platform looks more like a fairy tale that may never become reality.

    In 2023, with his machine intact and motivated, Kwankwaso and his NNPP pulled a massive 953,179 votes at the presidential election. Then candidate Bola Tinubu and APC came second with 513,846; Atiku Abubakar and PDP managed 118,445 votes, while Obi’s Labour Party only garnered a measly 30,089 votes.

    It’s hard to see how with barely 12 months to the next general elections, the wounded former governor is able muster anywhere near one million votes in Kano either for himself or for any other ticket he may decide to support. What is clear is that the 2027 election in the state, driven by either voter anger or indifference, may well produce a lopsided outcome in favour of one side as fallout of recent developments. 

  • Kwankwaso’s son resigns as Sports commissioner

    Kwankwaso’s son resigns as Sports commissioner

    Kano State Commissioner for Youth and Sports Development, Mustapha Rabiu Kwankwaso, the son of the leader of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, has resigned his appointment and membership of the Kano State Executive Council.

    Mustapha’s resignation followed his father’s disapproval of Governor Abba Yusuf’s defection to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    The Kwankwaso junior announced his resignation in a letter on Monday, stating that the decision to bring to an end his tenure in the cabinet of Governor Abba Yusuf was with a “heavy heart.”

    He expressed deep appreciation to Governor Yusuf for the opportunity to serve the state, describing his time in office as “rewarding and impactful.”

    Read Also: BREAKING: Kano Governor Abba Yusuf officially joins APC

    “I want to express my deepest gratitude to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf for the opportunity to serve the great people of Kano State. I have cherished the experiences and lessons gained while serving, and I appreciate the trust placed in me,” he stated.

    Kwankwaso also offered prayers for the continued welfare of young people in the state, urging sustained attention to youth empowerment and sports development programmes.

    He wrote, “As I resign, I pray that the youth of Kano State will continue to receive the attention and support they deserve. I hope for the best for our sports development programmes and initiatives, and I am confident that they will flourish in the years to come.”

    Kwankwaso further prayed for continued peace and progress in the state, asking God to bless Kano State and its people, while wishing the Yusuf government success in its efforts.

  • Kano govt to supporters: Don’t insult Kwankwaso

    Kano govt to supporters: Don’t insult Kwankwaso

    • Gov appoints Bakwana new Political Adviser

    • Kwankwasiyya groups give conditions to dump NNPP

    • Yusuf resigned from Kwankwasiya Movement, not NNPP – Founder

    The Kano State Government yesterday asked supporters of Governor Abba Yusuf to resist the temptation of making inflammatory remarks or insulting the leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement, Rabiu Kwankwaso, following the dumping of the party by the governor and his allies.

    The Director General, Media and Publicity, Government House, Kano, Bature Tofa, warned that any such acts would not be tolerated by the government.

    Tofa spoke during the distribution of motorcycles to residents at the Open Space Theatre, Government House.

     “We will not accept indiscipline or insults against the leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. Anybody who engages in such behaviour will face the consequences. We will not accept it,” he said.

    He urged supporters of the governor to exercise restraint and maturity, particularly amid heightened political tension following recent political realignments in the state.

    Government, he said, remained committed to sustaining peace and unity among its supporters, stressing that political differences should not degenerate into personal attacks or abusive conduct.

    The governor’s resignation from the NNPP has sparked a debate within and outside the state with some people supporting his action and some others berating him or Kwankwaso.

    The Governor yesterday named a new Political Adviser as he began the process of reengineering his government following his resignation from the NNPP on Friday.

    Alhaji Mustapha Buhari Bakwana replaces Sunusi Surajo Kwankwaso who declined to follow the governor out of the party.

    Yusuf praised Bakwana for his political savvy and support for the administration.

    The appointment was announced at the Kano Government House during a ceremony where 800 motorcycles were handed out to journalists and social media influencers.

    “His (Sunusi’s) loyalty is still with the leader of the NNPP Rabiu Kwankwaso,” a source told The Nation yesterday.

    The governor’s spokesman Sanusi Bature in a statement on his Facebook wall had said “Gov. Yusuf fires Sunusi Surajo Kwankwaso and replaced him with Mustapha Bakwana.”

    The said Bakwana’s appointment was based on his commitment, loyalty and contributions to the administration’s growth.

    READ ALSO: Gov Abba Yusuf’s convoluted defection

    He expressed confidence that Bakwana would strengthen government policies and political engagements.

    The governor said Bakwana’s loyalty and contributions to the government’s growth will be key to strengthening policies and engagement.

    “His experience and commitment earned him the appointment,” Yusuf said.

    The motorcycles, distributed to boost media coverage of government activities, were part of Yusuf’s push to partner with journalists and influencers in promoting governance and democratic values.

    Governor Yusuf noted the media’s critical partnership in governance, informing the public, and deepening democratic values.

    He appealed to beneficiaries to support his administration by objectively projecting its achievements and policies, stressing the importance of collaboration for development goals.

    Beneficiaries praised Governor Yusuf’s commitment to supporting media practitioners and social media influencers.

    Abubakar Sanusi from Fagge Local Government Area lauded the governor for identifying with social media influencers, saying they would mobilise residents to highlight projects executed by the administration.

    Kwankwasiyya groups give conditions to dump NNPP

    Some Kwankwasiyya youth groups in Kano State said yesterday that they would support the governor in his latest move only on the condition that he would address alleged marginalisation and lack of youth inclusion in governance.

    Representatives of the groups said while they were not against his resignation from the NNPP, they were not impressed by youths’  “exclusion from governance” since his emergence.

    Their spokesman, Aminu Abdullahi, popularly known as Alhaji Warkal, said they would move with the governor “if the government genuinely carries the youths along and gives them a sense of belonging.”

    Abdullahi claimed that many young people who worked for the success of the Kwankwasiyya movement and the NNPP during the 2023 elections were  abandoned after victory was achieved.

    He said: “These youths sacrificed their time, energy and resources to bring the government into power. But after that, they were not involved in programmes, consultations or opportunities that concern them.

    “You don’t expect young people to follow blindly when they are not embedded in governance. Youth engagement is key to reducing crime and social tension.”

    Yusuf resigned from Kwankwasiya Movement, not NNPP – Founder

    Founder of NNPP, Dr Boniface Aniebonam said Governor Yusuf did not resign from the party but from the Kwankwasiya Movement, led by Dr. Kwankwaso.

    Aniebonam in a statement said the resignation letter from the governor was not addressed to the NNPP authentic National Working Committee (NWC) led by Dr Major Agbo nor the state chairman or the ward secretary but to a member of the Kwankwasiya movement in Diso-Chiranchi Ward in Gwale Local Government Area of the state.

    “The NNPP NWC does not recognise the Kwankwasiya movement’s ward chairman as chairman of the party.

    The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) recalls that the Kano state governor was said to have resigned from the NNPP, alongside 21 members of the State House of Assembly, eight members of the House of Representatives and 44 local government chairmen in the state.

    The resignation was disclosed in a statement issued on Friday by the governor’s spokesperson, Sunusi Tofa.

    Yusuf, in a letter addressed to the Chairman of Diso-Chiranchi Ward of the NNPP in Gwale Local Government Area, formally communicated his decision to leave the party with effect from Friday, January 23.

    “I write with a deep sense of gratitude to formally notify the leadership of the New Nigeria People’s Party of my decision to resign my membership of the party, with effect from Friday, 23rd January, 2026,” the governor stated.

    Aniebonam, however, stated that the resignation of Yusuf and other political office holders of the party was not known to him as NNPP leader, founder and Chairman of its Board of Trustees.

    “The NNPP lifted the governor’s suspension from its membership and directed that he took responsibility of its leadership, being the highest elected officer of the party.

    “You will recall that the Abia State High Court and Federal Capital Territory High Court judgment directed INEC to recognise and handover NNPP administration to the Aniebonam led board of trustees of the party.

    The Federal capital territory high court equally issued an enrolment order, restraining INEC from dealing and transacting any business with the Kwankwasiya movement.

    “The NNPP is a registered political party whereas the Kwankwasiya movement was a pressure group in the party, and the Memorandum of Association with it was terminated, and the entire defunct NWC, led by Dr Ahmed Ajuji expelled for anti patty activities after the 2023 presidential elections.

    “Yusuf and others in the legislative arm of Kano State won elections under the platform of NNPP with Logo of Basket of Fruits and not Kwankwasiya insignia of book and red colour.”

    Aniebonam described the delay by INEC to update its records and upload Dr Agbo Major and Mr Oginni Olaposi led NWC as mere administrative lapses.

    “This has nothing to do with judgments of the courts which must be obeyed. Accordingly, the ongoing judicial review at the FCT High Court is to compel INEC to update its records.

    “The reasons for Yusuf’s resignation are noted, but what is certain is that the NNPP has no issues with the governor and personal decisions he wishes to make.

    “We blame the tragedy of members in Kano wanting to opt out on the high handedness of Kwankwaso, which is highly regretted.”

    Aniebonam urged members in Kano State and nationwide to remain calm and more committed as the party looked forward to more wins in the 2027 elections.

    Yusuf pulled out of the NNPP with eight members of the House of Representatives, 21 members of the State House of Assembly and 44 local government chairmen.

    Their destination is the All Progressives Congress (APC).

  • Kwankwaso: The man and his politics

    Kwankwaso: The man and his politics

    • By Abu Mahmud

    Sir: Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, national leader of the NNPP, has openly stated that he would only defect to another party if offered the presidential or vice-presidential ticket for 2027. Kwankwaso argues that his decades-long political career entitles him to such consideration, insisting that his supporters would accept nothing less.

    Kwankwaso commands a loyal base in Kano, where he is celebrated as a champion of the masses. Beyond that stronghold, however, his career is marked by serial defections—PDP, APC, NNPP—each aligned with personal calculations rather than consistent principles. Supporters call this pragmatism; critics call it political nomadism.

    Recent developments in Kano have punctured the myth of Kwankwaso’s invincibility. The political rupture within the state has exposed a reality long obscured by propaganda: his influence depends heavily on state power. Without control of institutional machinery, his dominance diminishes. Electoral results reinforce this limitation. In the last presidential election, Atiku Abubakar secured over seven million votes, Peter Obi over six million, while Kwankwaso garnered just 1.14 million—nearly all from Kano.

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    Governor Abba Yusuf’s anticipated defection to the APC further signals a shift in Kano’s political landscape. While the Kwankwasiyya movement remains relevant, its grip on state power is weakening. As his influence wanes, he increasingly portrays himself as a victim of betrayal, rallying supporters with narratives that elevate personal loyalty above political evolution.

    In a political manoeuvre aimed at his own survival, a report claimed that the former NNPP presidential candidate formally asked Chief Bisi Akande to help arrange a direct meeting with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu so he could personally negotiate his defection. Akande reportedly refused, stressing that he could not sidestep the party’s established structures, and instead directed Kwankwaso to the official high‑level committee that handles negotiations with prominent politicians seeking to join the party.

    Even though he’s anxious about his political future, he can’t bring himself to tell the youths—whose blind loyalty he still counts on—why the people who stood with him from 1999 onward have walked away. What’s glaringly absent from his story is any reckoning with his own habit of discarding the allies who built his career: Senator Hamisu Musa, Musa Gwadabe, Abubakar Rimi—all side-lined after they helped him rise. Political independence isn’t betrayal; it’s a legitimate pursuit.

    When Abdullahi Ganduje parted ways with Kwankwaso, he endured ridicule and abuse.

    In my view, Kwankwaso and his blindsided supporters should at least appreciate Abba Gida‑Gida’s restraint in not publicly airing the unpleasant experiences that surrounded his rise to governor under the NNPP. Even though the Kwankwaso–Abba clash is, at its core, politics in its truest form—a search for solutions and self‑determination, there remains a clear distinction between betrayal, the pursuit of solutions, and the quest for independence from total submission.

    •Abu Mahmud,

    Hadejia Road Kano.

  • Discourses on Kwankwaso’s Kano

    Discourses on Kwankwaso’s Kano

    Last year, this column predicted the parting of ways between Kano’s Governor Abba Yusuf and his mentor and godfather Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, a former governor himself. Both politicians have now acrimoniously reached a point of no return in their relationship. The governor has virtually defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC), tired of his mentor’s dithering, while Dr Kwankwaso has been left stranded in the litigious New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), angry with his mentee for his impatience and flirtation with the enemy. For more than one year, Dr Kwankwaso negotiated with APC leaders to facilitate his defection, but every time the ruling party met his terms, he shifted the goalpost. Vexed and irritated, the APC separately courted an already disaffected Mr Yusuf who was anxious to avoid the legal pitfalls in the NNPP that threatened his reelection. It turned out that the governor couldn’t wait any longer, while his mentor could afford all the time in the world. The explosion that followed in the last two weeks between the somnolent mentor and his agitated mentee was predictable and inevitable, as this column anticipated in October 2024.

    Read Also: Defence Minister to States: Stop negotiating with bandits

    One more prediction can be ventured on the Kano affair: Dr Kwankwaso has been left holding the short end of the stick, and Mr Yusuf is left with all the advantage. Having tarried so long in trying to negotiate a deal worthy of his stature, the Kwankwasiyya leader will now have to fight for his political life with little chance of stalemating the war or emerging victorious. He faces the unpalatable choice of either migrating to the African Democratic Congress (ADC), where there are covert and cowardly talks of unhorsing the immovable former vice president Atiku Abubakar, or of staying put at the forlorned NNPP. Whatever he does, he faces a veritable Hobson’s choice.  To return to the APC suitor is to follow his mentee to the new watering hole while simultaneously losing face. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is out of the picture, while the ADC, now seething with plots and dreams of utopia, will test his forbearance to its limit. Enjoy the following 2024 discourses that presaged the Kwankwaso debacle.