Tag: LAW

  • Law  students hold week

    Law students hold week

    law Students Society (LSS) of the Olabisi Onabanjo University (OOU) in Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State has marked its yearly Law Week. Lectures and other academic engagements were suspended for the event, which last for five days.

    The event started on Monday with a health talk tagged: Sexually-Transmitted Disease (STD) and its effect on human. Dr Adedeji Adebayo, the guest speaker, said many young people were suffering different types of STDs.

    He said: “Statistics has it that, before age of 24, two out of three young people would have contacted STDs. If they are not properly treated, it could result to infertility and other critical health deficiencies.” The medical personnel condemned self-medications and people’s penchant to patronise unorthodox medical centres.

    On Tuesday, LSS organised a cultural day tagged: Let’s get it right: Our culture and you.  The law students were clad in various traditional attires.

    The event was graced by Ebumawe of Ago-Iwoye, Oba Abdulrasaq Adenuga; Vice-Chancellor (VC), Prof Saburi Adesanya, and veteran Nollywood actress, Mrs Joke Muyiwa, among others.

    The students honoured the monarch with an award in recognition of his contribution to the growth of culture. Some students were also honoured for promoting culture on the campus.

    Oba Adenuga appreciated the law students for the honour, describing the OUU students as catalyst for development of his kingdom.

    The valedictory was held for graduating students of the Faculty of Law. Legal luminaries, including the Permanent Secretary, Ogun State Ministry of Justice, Mrs Sola Sobayo, Chief Bisi Rodipe, Adesina Sofola SAN and Dean, Faculty of Law, Prof Olusesan Oluyide.

    Oluyide advised the outgoing students to imbibe positive attitude, urging them to promote the school values. Sofola, who was the guest lecturer, urged the graduating students to show perseverance and never give up.

    Priscilla Adebayo, who emerged the best graduating student, became emotional when she was honoured with an award for the feat. She enjoined her colleagues to be good ambassadors of the school.

    Other students, who got awards, included LSS president, Adewale Adefuye, Monday Nwodo, Adetola Adesokan, Itunu Odukoya and Fatia Oyedele.

    The event was rounded off with a dinner, where a former president of the LSSS, Akinwande Adedayo, spoke with the students about the law school. He urged them to study hard and understand their courses, rather than cramming textbooks.

    Speaking with CAMPUSLIFE, Adewale attributed the success of the event to God, urging his colleagues to always remember the faculty after leaving the school.

     

  • DSP and the law

    DSP and the law

    Alamieyeseigha was arrested at Heathrow Airport in September 2005 by the London Metropolitan Police on charges of money laundering in September 2005. About £1m cash was allegedly found in his London home. Another £1.8m ($3.2m) was found in his bank accounts. Rather than wait and clear his name at the trial, Alamieyeseigha escaped from London in December 2005 in a very dramatic manner. Some report had it that he disguised himself as a woman in his desperate bid to return to Nigeria.

    But back home, while serving him an unexpected notice of impeachment, the Bayelsa State House of Assembly accused him of offences including:

    *Maintaining foreign bank accounts while in office in the following banks: Barclays Bank Plc, London; National Westminster Bank, London; Royal Bank of Scotland; and Commerz Bank, London.

    *Corrupt enrichment of his relatives and cronies.

    *Criminal diversion and misappropriation of public funds to facilitate acquisition of shares in Bond Bank PLc by private placement.

    *Purchase of Chelsea Hotel, Abuja for the sum of Two billion naira and;

    *Acquisition of £ 10 Million worth of properties in London.

    Following his instigation by the Probe panel constituted to examine his case, Alamieyeseigha got a damning report that sealed his fate as he was found to have:

    *Brought the exalted office of the governor of Bayelsa State to disrepute, odium and ridicule by jumping a London bail and returning to Nigeria.

    * Become an International fugitive as the Scotland Yard may issued a warrant of arrest against him which embarrassed the people of Bayelsa.

    * By this ignominious conduct scandalized and embarrassed Bayelsans and indeed all Nigerians.

    *Jeopardized the safety and besmirched the reputation of Nigerians living in or visiting The United Kingdom.

    *Breached his oath to respect international law.

    The Bayelsa State House of Assembly subsequently impeached him from office on December 8, 2005 after adopting the report of the seven-man impeachment panel set up by the Chief Justice of Bayelsa State, Emmanuel Igonarwari. He was found me guilty of gross misconduct.

    Continuing his brush with the law, he was arrested by Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), questioned, and charged with numerous money laundering and corruption offences.

    These included six charges of making false declaration of assets, and 23 charges of money laundering by my company. On December 13, 2005, the Federal Government filed a fresh 17-count charge against him at the Code of Conduct Tribunal sitting in Kaduna. He was accused of contrary to section 7 and punishable under section 23 of the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act. Cap. 56 LFN 1990 as incorporated under paragraph 11, part 1, fifth schedule of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, maintaining the following bank accounts, amongst other ones, while serving as Governor of Bayelsa State:

    1. Account number 10659347 with Barclays Bank Plc, United Kingdom with a balance of GBP203,753.34 as at 15th February 2005;
    2. Account number 3239940 with UBS Warburg AG, 1 Curzon Street, London, W1J 5HB with a balance of $2.5 million as at September 2005;
    3. Account number 338931 in the name of FALCON INC. with UBS Warburg AG, 1 Curzon Street, London, W1J 5HB;
    4. Account number 7341553/7341596 FOR us dollars with Barclays Bank Plc at International Banking Unit, 88 Dighemis Akritas Avenue 1644, Nicosla, Cyprus;
    5. Account number 7341588 for GB pounds Sterling with Barclays Bank Plc at International Banking Unit, 88 Dighemis Akrltas Avenue 1644, Nicosia, Cyprus ;
    6. Bank account number 5005220454-7 in Denmark with JYSKE Bank at Bseterbrogate, 9, DK-1780, Copeenhagen V with a balance of at $2.5 million;
    7. Bank account number 005482562491 with Bank of America United States of America in the name of Peter Aklamleyeseigh with a balance of $160,000.00

    He was also accused of falsely declaring his assets by refusing to declare the following properties upon his re-election in 2003:

    1. Property known as Water Gardens, London W2 2DG which I bought at GBP1.75 million in the name of my company known as Solomon & Peters Ltd;
    2. Property at 14 Mapesbury Road, London, NW2 4JB which you bought at GBP1.4 million;
    3. Property at 14 Jubilee Heights, School Uphill, London, NW2 2UQ, which you bought at GBP241,000;
    4. Property at No. 68-70, Regent’s Road, London, N3 bought at 3 million Pounds Sterling.

     

    His acquisition, while being the Governor of Bayelsa State between 29th May 1999 and 9th December 2005, of the following properties, also brought him into conflict with the law at some point:

    1. Chelsea Hotel Abuja worth of N2 Billion for which N1.5 Billion was paid;
    2. Two block of luxury flats at Plot 26 Bashir Dalhatu Close, Abacha Estate, Ikoyi worth of N45;
    3. Property at John Kadiya Street, off Jose Marti Crescent, Asokoro, Abuja worth N350; million;
    4. Six luxury duplexes at No. 1 Community, Road, off Allen Avenue, Ikeja, Lagos worth N200 million

    On June 29, 2011, the US federal district judge in the state of Massachusetts ordered that he should forfeit the sum of N60m ($401,931) to the United States Government. Along with the sum, he lost a property he bought in the state of Maryland, valued at N90m ($600,000). And in February 2006, the Asset Forfeiture Unit of the National Prosecuting Authority of South Africa secured a court order to confiscate his house at the Cape Town waterfront.

    The last of his run in with the law was the sudden extradition request sent to the Federal Government of Nigeria by the United Kingdom on the premise that he has an outstanding case of money laundering to answer in that country.

     

     

     

  • Law School class holds reunion

    Class of 1984 of The Nigerian Law School would  celebrate their 31st anniversary of being called to the Bar this week.

    The event tagged: ‘2015 NLS ’84 Grand Reunion’ kicks off at the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) tomorrow and ends on Sunday.

    According to a statement by the chairman, press and publicity subcommittee, Mrs Kehinde Apampa, a cocktail holds at the Chelsea Hotel tomorrow. This would be followed by a business session as well as dinner at Transcorp Hilton, Abuja, expected to be attended by Dr. Mamman Tahir (SAN) who was the class monitor.

    “The gathering will provide a unique opportunity to our members to celebrate, rub minds and discuss latest legal education around the world. The event is also an opportunity to chart a roadmap for the organisation,” Apampa said.

    The event would also feature an award to some members of the set. They include: Hon Justice Chima Centus Nweze (JSC), Hon. Justice Theresa Orji Abadua (JCA), Hon. Justice Mohammed Danjuma (JCA), and Hon. Justice Olufemi Akeju (JCA).

     

  • Buhari on Saraki’s trial: law will take its course

    Buhari on Saraki’s trial: law will take its course

    Uproar in Senate as 83 lawmakers back leadership

    President Muhammadu Buhari will not  interfere in the ongoing trial of Senate President Bukola Saraki.

    He will allow the court process to run its course, the President said yesterday in New York.

    Saraki is facing trial before the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) for alleged false assets declaration. The tribunal has fixed October 21-23 to hear the matter.

    Saraki’s supporters are said to be pleading with emirs and other prominent citizens to put in a word for the Senate president. But Buhari told our correspondent in an interview that it would be an impeachable offence if he intervened.

    Here are exerpts from the interview:

    The Senate president is facing alleged false assets declaration allegations but you’ve been aloof from the case. What is your position on the issue?

    “What has the President got to do with it as a person? The case is in court. Do Nigerians expect me to tell the Chief Justice to tell whichever court that they shouldn’t try the Senate president?

    “Do Nigerians know about the constitution of their own country? The judiciary, the legislature and the executive have got their own roles within the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Then, how do they expect me to interfere? I can be successfully impeached if I do it.

    Today in Abuja, at least 82 senators passed a vote of confidence on the Senate President. That is a significant number of senators. However, Nigerians will like to know, as the president, how confident are you in the senate president?

    That would depend on the outcome of the court’s decision.

    Are you on speaking terms with the Senate president?

    There are some appointments, which the Senate has to approve. And I can’t remember how many letters I personally wrote to him, because this is constitutional. There are people I want to work with, I cannot work with them unless the National Assembly approves. So I’ve been writing to the Senate President and to the leader of the House (of Representatives). This is constitutional.

    What do you have to say on the media’s review of your first three months in office?

    “The media is too inquisitive for my liking (laughing).

    “They ask too many questions, and I agonise over this with my adviser on media that especially our own press in Nigeria, why can’t they do more of investigative journalism? “There are a lot of things the media can do without harassing the president. For example,  my assets declaration. I’ve declared my assets four times since the first time I got a political appointment. Why can’t the press go and find out about the previous times? Instead they’re making headlines about my assets.

    It’s been circulating that you’ve been recovering some of the money stolen by corrupt Nigerians from the treasury. How true is this and how much have you recovered?

    I can’t give you figures now, because of the legal implications. It’s much easier to talk about what we’re doing according to documents. For example, every ship that is loading Nigerian crude from our terminals is supposed to record how much it has taken and on behalf of who is lifting it in terms of customer, including whether the crude oil belongs to the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation or it belongs to our partners, like Shell, Mobil, Chevron and so on. And then we ask where are they going? Including the facts of the documents like when it was sold and which account the money was going. We have gone quite far and a number of countries have cooperated with us. In fact, again we try to get more facts from Lloyd’s of London, that is the famous shipping line insurance brokers. Because some people would take petroleum from terminals, and then change the receipt, change its direction, and put the money into individual accounts. So we want those documents in our hands so we can successfully prosecute those who have been stealing Nigerian crude. We can’t mention the details because it may compromise the legal processes, but definitely, we have done a lot of work and very soon the processes of prosecution will start.

    Uproar in Senate

    There was disquiet in the Senate yesterday over a vote of confidence passed on Senate President Abubakar Bukola Saraki and other members of the leadership of the upper chamber.

    The confidence vote, supported by 83 senators – 48 Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and 35 All Progressives Congress (APC) senator-sparked a protest on the floor of the chamber.

    Some Senators almost exchanged blows but for the quick intervention of others who stood between the combatants.

    The sponsor-in-chief of the motion was Senator David Umaru (Niger East). Senator Ahmed Rufai Yerima (Zamfara West) seconded.

    Yesterday’s vote of confidence on the leadership of the Senate was the second in two months, the first being on July 28, when the senators adopted confidence vote as a sign of solidarity with the Senate President and members of the Senate leadership.

    Business and Rules Committee Chairman Senator Babajide Omoworare (Osun East) may have unwittingly sparked the protest when he dissociated himself from the vote of confidence.

    Omoworare, whose name was number 11 on the list of supporters of the motion, sought and was granted permission by Saraki to make some observations on the motion.

    The Osun State APC lawmaker, to the consternation of the promoters of the motion, said he was not consulted before his name was smuggled into the list of supporters of the confidence vote.

    He insisted that his name be struck out of the list since he knew nothing about the motion.

    He added that as chairman, Senate Business and Rules, he should have known about the motion “but because it came under a motion of urgent national importance”, he had no issue with the presentation.

    He, however, said that his name should be removed from the list of sponsors of the motion.

    After the confidence vote had been moved and adopted, the Senate President gave Senator Kabiru Marafa (Zamfara Central) the floor to speak.

    Before Saraki gave the nod to Umaru to present his motion,  Marafa was itching to speak. He raised his hand several times.

    The Senate President who may have gauged Marafa’s mindset ignored him and gave Umaru the floor to make his presentation.

    Marafa waited but when Saraki allowed him to speak, he came under Senate Order 53 (5), which says “Reference shall not be made to any matter on which a judicial decision is pending—”.

    He was apparently referring to the welcome address by Saraki where the Senate President referred copiously to his ongoing trial at the Code of Conduct Tribunal.

    But the Senate President asked Marafa to read Order 53(6), which states: “It shall be out of Order to attempt to reconsider any specific question upon which the Senate has come to a conclusion during the current session except upon a substantive motion for rescission.”

    Instead of reading Order 53(6), Marafa chose to read Order 53(8), which says: “No Senator shall impute improper motives to any other Senator.”

    The Senate President promptly ruled Marafa out of order and asked him to sit down, but Marafa persisted.

    He protested profusely but the Senate president ignored him.

    As Umaru read his prayers, Marafa was heard shouting “nay! Nay! Nay!” to all the prayers.

    His was a lone voice that did not make any difference.

    But Senator Isah Hamma Misau (Bauchi Central) could not stomach what he called Marafa’s “overbearing behavior”.

    Misau, a strong supporter of Saraki, sprang from his seat and attempted to call Marafa to order, but failed.

    He rained unprinted words on Marafa, who responded in like manner. The situation degenerated.

    Senators massed around the duo who were already charging at each other.

    Proceedings were halted for over 20 minutes as the altercation persisted.

    Marafa felt his right as a senator was being breached. He became almost uncontrollable, until he was led away from the floor.

    Umaru, in his lead debate, noted that the provisions of the 1999 Constitution as amended guaranteed the separation of powers and the independence of the legislature.

    He said the legislative arm of government remained the mainstay  of democratic governance, liberty, freedom, fair hearing, checks and balances and, above all, the protection of human rights of the citizenry.

    Umaru said that the Senate was determined to focus on matters of national interest and importance to the ordinary people of Nigeria and other issues that will enhance  their safety, livelihood, social and political wellbeing.

    He added that the Senate was determined to continue to perform its constitutional responsibilities in defence of democracy and the rule of law for the betterment and development of the country.

    He noted  “with dismay, the attempt and continued interference in the internal affairs of the Senate by detractors and media propaganda against Senators, the Senate and its leadership by selfish politicians”.

    Umaru said “considering the ongoing unwarranted embarrassment and aspersions being cast on the Senate and its leadership”, the Senate shall not allow itself  to be “distracted, deterred or succumb to cheap blackmail in the course of carrying out its constitutional responsibilities by any individual or group of people under any pretence or guise for personal political interest.”

    He prayed the Senate to resolve to pass a vote of confidence in the Senate President; the Deputy Senate President, Senator Ike Ekweremadu, and the entire leadership of the Senate as presently constituted.

    The prayers were adopted. Senator Marafa showed open disapproval of the prayers.

    Umaru also prayed the Senate to resolve to call on Nigerians, groups and political associations not to allow themselves to be used by any person or persons to harass, intimidate or blackmail the Senate, Senators and its leadership.

    The prayer was also adopted. Marafa said “nay” to the prayer.

    It was after the adoption of the prayers that the altercation between Marafa and Misau heightened.

    Deputy Senate President Ekweremadu later apologised to Nigerians and the Senate for the disquiet.

    Speaking on the vote of confidence, Chairman, Senate ad-hoc committee on Media and publicity, Senator Dino Melaye, said that 83 senators endorsed the leadership of the Senate was the expression of confidence the lawmakers reposed on their leadership.

    He said that the Senate would not be distracted “by people with inordinate ambition”.

    Melaye said Ekweremadu apologized to Nigerians and the Senate for “the unbecoming attitude of Senator Marafa”.

    He described Marafa’s behavious as “regrettable, condemnable and unacceptable” saying that “we assure Nigerians that this will be the last time the Senate will condone such a behavour”.

    Melaye added “If it happens again, it will be met with the full weight of the Senate – in line with Senate Standing Rules.”

  • In the eye of the law

    AT LAST, Senate President Dr Bukola Abubakar Saraki had his day in court last Tuesday after his unsuccessful attempts to stop his trial. He did virtually everything to stop the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) from trying him for the 13-count charge of false and anticipatory declaration of assets preferred against him by the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB). To Saraki, the charge was not properly brought because it was not filed on the instruction of the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF).

    It was a technical issue and many lawyers are wont to rely on technicalities, if that will help their case. Saraki took offence to the charge against him because it was not initiated by the AGF as stipulated by the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act. Knowing full well that there is no substantive AGF, the Saraki legal team thought it had found a loophole to knock out the case without the Senate President being formally charged – that is to take his plea while standing in the dock.

    All the Saraki team wanted to avoid was seeing the proverbial African big man in the dock. Big deal? No, it is not. The law is no respecter of persons. The law says that an accused must take his plea from the dock, no matter his status. Saraki may not have had things his own way, but the development is good for our democracy. It shows that those in power can no longer see themselves as being above the law.  Let us look at aspects of this judicial rigmarole.  Last Thursday, Saraki through his lawyer, Mahmud Magaji (SAN),  urged Justice Ahmed Mohammed of the Federal High Court, Abuja to stop his trial slated to begin the next day. The judge refused, directing the respondents – CCT, Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) and Office of Attorney-General of the Federation to appear before him on Monday to show cause why Saraki’s prayer for interim injunction should not be granted.

    On Friday, the matter took a dramatic turn when CCT Chairman Justice Danladi Umar issued a bench warrant for Saraki’s arrest because of his absence in court. Justice Umar rebuffed all entreaties by Saraki’s lead counsel Mr Joseph Daudu (SAN) not to order his client’s arrest, promising to bring him to court on Monday. Daudu, who said he was also challenging the tribunal’s power to try his client before the Federal High Court, urged Justice Umar to be cautious about how he handles the case because of its political implication. This is the problem with this case. The defence seems to believe that the charge against Saraki has political undertone. Saraki shares similar sentiment. He has been dishing out statements to the effect that he is being persecuted and trying to link his travail with how he emerged as Senate President last June 9. These are two different issues. Saraki may have his differences with the leadership of his party – the All Progressives Congress (APC) – but those are political matters, which should be sorted out at that level. I find it hard to believe that the party leadership could have within just four months got the CCB to investigate Saraki and file a charge against him for false and anticipatory asset declaration.  I do not think  CCB could have concluded the investigation into this Saraki case in such record time.

    The charge covers the period when Saraki first declared his assets in 2003 and his last declaration in 2011. In all, he was said to have made four declarations. Could the CCB have investigated all these within four months and move swiftly to charge him to court? What those claiming that Saraki is being witch-hunted should know is that the offence for which he is charged is not statute barred. The CCB or any organ so authorised could decide to bring a charge against him even 20 years after he might have left office if it so wished. What if all these years EFCC had been investigating the matter to enable it present a watertight case against him? I am not commending CCB for moving against Saraki; no far from it. What I am saying is that we should not impute motives to what the commission is doing because Saraki is at the receiving end. I strongly believe that CCB  should have acted before now, not only in the Saraki case, but in similar other matters that may even involve many of those who escorted him to the tribunal on Tuesday.

    What is happening today is good if we are serious about building a new Nigeria, which will hold its head high in the comity of nations. To build that Nigeria, we must clean our country from the top. Did Saraki commit the offences in the charge against him or not? This is the question that should engage the minds of his lawyers because at the end of the day that is what the tribunal will look at in determining whether he is guilty or not.  The tribunal will not look at their political shibboleth because that is not the issue before it. As Saraki said before pleading not guilty to the charge, ‘’we are all before the world and not just before Nigeria and we ought to be seen how we conform to due process’’.

    It is noteworthy that he submitted himself to the rule of law by appearing before the tribunal (whether willingly or unwillingly that does not matter). As the nation’s chief lawmaker, he has no choice than to so act. By virtue of his position, Saraki should not only lead by example, he must also be seen leading by example. May it not be said of him that as Senate president, he used his office to trample upon the judiciary, the third arm of government.

    Adieu, Mama

    WHEN the sage, Chief Obafemi Jeremiah Awolowo, died in 1987, many did not give his ‘’jewel of inestimable value’’, Hannah Idowu Dideolu (HID), any chance to live long. They feared that she would not be able to bear the loss of her husband. But she lived for 28 years thereafter. Mama lived to the ripe, old  age of 99. She was looking forward to her 100th birthday on November 25 when she died last Saturday. She was a true mother and a woman of valour who stood by the legendary Awo through thick and thin. I was touched by her statement on the loss of her son, Oluwole, in 2013. When former President Goodluck Jonathan visited her in her Ikenne, Ogun State country home, mama lamented that in her old age, she is witnessing the death of some of her children. Wole Awolowo died shortly after her sister, Mrs Ayo Soyode, passed on. Rest in the Lord’s bosom, mama.

    Free Falae now!

    IT WAS Chief Olu Falae’s birthday last Monday, a day when he should be in the midst of friends and family members sharing the joy of the occasion. But what did he get? Some bad boys abducted the septuagenarian on his farm at Ilado village in Akure North Local Government Area of Ondo State. The kidnappers first demanded N100 million ransom to be paid within 24 hours. They have cut the ransom to N90 million. What do these people want from this 77-year-old man? What will they lose by releasing him today?

     

     

  • Airtel pushes for law against social media abuse

    Airtel Nigeria has made a case for a law to regulate the use of social media platforms.The mobile giant’s point is the country, arguing that such a regulation will not only deter the invasion of people’s privacy but deter people from making spurious allegations and posting such on the internet.

    The telco is seeking amendment to the relevant laws regarding libel, arguing that regulations will help prevent activities of perverts and other groups with ill intentions across the digital sphere.

    Its Chief Executive Officer/Managing Director, Segun Ogunsanya, however, advised business leaders to be innovative and deliberate in their use of technology, e-commerce and social media, stressing that an innovative approach in leveraging technology will help create real value for critical stakeholders of organisations and others along the value chain.

    Ogunsanya, who spoke at the 45th Annual Accountants’ Conference organised by the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN) in Abuja, said Airtel has pioneered this approach with the roll-out of its Catapult-a-Start-up programme, a unique initiative designed to empower exceptional and innovative application developers in Nigeria.

    He noted that the programme has provided a good example of how a company can combine innovation with monetisaation, adding that, under the initiative, the telco has empowered and transformed many lives with groundbreaking mobile application services.

    According to Ogunsanya, these innovative digital platforms are helping to resolve many issues around diesel delivery, boosting students’ performance at important examinations, empowering job seekers, aiding e-commerce and cementing relationships, among others.

    Specifically, he listed mobile application services such as Yuzah, a real time delivery platform that allows the ordering of diesel in minutes; PassNG, an educational service that enables students prepare for important examinations and PushCV, a service equipped to prepare job seekers for opportunities.

    Other apps developed under the Airtel Catapult-a-Start-Up include advertising app, a mobile application that converts mobile phones to a highly efficient and effective advertising platform; MatchUp, a home grown social network that connects people, with strong focus on locality and users’ preferences; Alarm App, an app that alerts users in case of danger and Airtel insurance, a programme that offers middle and low-income earners the opportunity and access to life and hospital insurance.

    Ogunsanya, who spoke on Innovative business models: Leveraging technology, e-Commerce and social Media, however, urged circumspection in the use of social media.

     

     

  • ‘Saraki not above the law’

    ‘Saraki not above the law’

    In spite of Senator Olusola Saraki’s position, it must be emphasised that nobody is above the law, frontline civil society activist, Dr. Jibrin Jibo Ibrahim, has said.

    Speaking with The Nation, Ibrahim, a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Democracy and Development, a regional research, advocacy and training non-governmental organisation for West Africa, stated that Senator Saraki is subject to the rule of law like millions of other Nigerians.

    “My view is that except for the President and governors, all other Nigerians are subject to the rule of law.

    “When, therefore, the Senate President is summoned by a court in a country that believes in the rule of law, he has to appear because he does not have immunity from prosecution.

    “For me, it is a problem to try to go and secure another court’s order to stop a legitimate court order.

    “Now, he didn’t even get that but he still refused to appear in court. I think it is appropriate that the court orders that he should be brought there because nobody is above the law.”

     

  • Parents petition lawmakers over LASU Law students’ fate

    Parents of Part One Law students of the Lagos State University (LASU) admitted for the 2014/2015 session have petitioned the Lagos State House of Assembly Adhoc-Committee on Education to investigate the legitimacy of their wards as students of the institution.

    7 - PROFESSOR JOHN OLADAPO OBAFUNWA VICE-CHANCELLOR
    PROFESSOR JOHN OLADAPO OBAFUNWA

    The parents met with the committee, headed by Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu, and management of the institution led by the Vice Chancellor, Prof John Obafunwa at the assembly complex last Wednesday.

    The students were admitted into the institution last year.  However, the National Universities Commission (NUC) had de-accredited the Law programme.  But The Nation learnt that the university had made efforts to get the programme re-accredited.

    In the petition titled, “Petition on The Plight of Part 1 (one) Law Students of The Lagos State University” and dated August 17, 2015, the parents alleged that the university placed advertisement for admission into its faculty of law through the JAMB brochure for 2014/2015 session.

    The parents added that prospective students were duly cleared to undertake the course for the 2014/2015 session.

    “Consequently, students were allowed to make mandatory payment of school fees to the university,” they said.

    However, the parents said they were surprised that the students were excluded from the matriculation exercise conducted

    Gbolahan Yishawu
    Gbolahan Yishawu

    by for new students on February 11, 2015.

    The petition, co-signed by Dr Lekan Aderibigbe, Mr Ganiu Alokun and others, sought to know “whether the denial of these students to partake in the matriculation of the new students conducted on Wednesday February 11, 2015 was proper and in order.”

    It continued: “Rather than redeem their promise as contained in their own newsletter and do the needful for these students, LASU authorities continue to treat the Law students (Part 1) with utmost disdain and reckless abandon.

    “Till date, and first semester already gone and eight months after admission, Law students (Part 1) are yet to start receiving/attending lectures.”

    The parents subsequently urged the Assembly to intervene so the students do not suffer loss.

    “Law students (Part 1) should be allowed to resume normal lectures forthwith and allowances made to enable them cover the lost ground. While the University authorities should continue in their effort to have the law faculty accredited. The law students (Part 1) should not be allowed to lose any session as a result of this impasse. The special matriculation as promised by the University should be conducted forthwith,” they stated.

    The parents also appealed to Prof Obafunwa to use his good office to get the programme accredited by the NUC.

    “It is a family affair; we know the VC can handle the situation. We are appealing to the school to do something about it. Let us find a solution to the problem. We are training the children out of our regular jobs,” said Alokun, Secretary of the forum.

    Responding; the VC said he had done his best on the matter and that the parents should not appeal to him as this would make it appear as if he has the power to change the de-accreditation by the NUC, which he inherited on assumption of office.

    “If they are begging me, they are giving the impression that the VC does not care about the case. We have tried to turn around the situation in LASU. I inherited backlog of honoraria and I cleared it. People now pay school fees on line and single treasury account started with LASU in 2012. No lecturer can hold the students to ransom and we took the power to negotiate marks away from the lecturers,” he said.

    Speaking in an interview, Hon. Yishawu said that the committee would find ways to solve the problem.

    “The students were screened and they have paid their school fees. We will report to the House with our recommendations after the whole investigation.

    “The university claimed that the law programme was not accredited due to the crisis in the university, when the accreditation team came calling.

    He said that the NUC has since inspected the facilities at the school, but that the result has not been released, adding that the last time NUC went for accreditation in the university was in 2012 and that the state government has provided facilities for law programmes in the school.

    The committee however adjourned its meeting with the management of the school on the issue to Thursday, September 17, 2015, when the LASU management must have visited the NUC in Abuja on the matter.

     

  • Senate, Efcc and rule of law

    Senate, Efcc and rule of law

    The invitation extended to Mallam Ibrahim Lamorde the Economic Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Chair by the Senate committee on ethics, privileges and public petitions and the drama that played out on the first day of the sitting of the Senate Committee on the matter, understandably have generated controversy.

    The invitation followed a petition against Mallam Ibrahim Lamorde  the EFCC Chairman received by Senator representing Delta North Senatorial District, alleging that the EFCC chair allegedly diverted over N1 trillion of funds recovered from officials convicted of corrupt enrichment between 2003 and 2007. The petition was submitted by Judge Uboh to Senator Peter Uwaoboshi who in turn drew the attention of the Senate President to same.

    The Senate being on recess the President of the Senate reportedly directed the Senate Committee on ethics, privileges and public petitions to investigate the matter. The committee invited the EFCC chairman for questioning on the subject matter of the petition.The EFCC chair wrote the committee asking for more time to appear and furnish documents on the matter and also sent representatives to the committee emphasising the same point. The committee reportedly went ahead requesting the petitioner to adopt his petition and make further clarifications even in the absence of the EFCC chair who had asked for a postponement of the proceedings. The representatives of the EFCC chair led by the commission’s Director of legal services, Mr. Chile Okoroma reportedly raised a point of order wondering why the committee proceeded to entertain the petitioner without the presence of the other party in line with the fair hearing principle. The objection was overruled and the EFCC representatives requested by the committee to be excused from the proceedings.

    The above is a brief summary of the matter and the basis for the present intervention in this analysis.

    However, before proceeding further let me disclose my interest. I admit that I am one of the private prosecutors retained by the EFCC since inception even if I am not in any way connected with the subject matter of the petition since the cases forming the subject matter of the recoveries being investigated were not cases assigned to me neither was I involved in any of the recoveries under consideration. I also admit that I have had cause to handle matters for the National Assembly in the past some of which are also pending. Nonetheless, I am making the intervention under my other platform as a public affairs commentator discussing issues of national interest as a citizen of the country.

    Fundamentally, let me also admit some preliminary points. First, I agree that the EFCC being an institution created by law is certainly not above the law and therefore its activities should be open to public scrutiny particularly having been set up as an anti-graft agency to fight the economic and financial crimes and by extension corruption in Nigeria.  Secondly, I also admit that the EFCC law demands that the commission sent a comprehensive annual report to the national assembly not later than September 30 every year and this being a statutory provision, it is obligatory on the EFCC to comply. Thirdly, I also admit that the EFCC chair representing the EFCC, an agency of the federal government is under the oversight responsibilities of the National Assembly including the senate. It is also not in dispute that it is not in consonance with the rule of law for proceedings to take place in the absence of any of the parties interested. These are elementary matters that do not call for any controversy.

    I am, however, not unmindful of the fact that we are under a democracy with implications including respect for constitutionalism, rule of law, due process, transparency and accountability, zero-tolerance for corruption and respect for the rights and freedom of citizens amongst other obligations. These are elements of the democratic culture and the fundamentals of the democratic tradition. Again, on this score, there is no controversy. The other point that does not require any debate is that actors under a democracy must be prepared to be democrats. If there is no argument on this, I will then prefer to proceed on whether the actions of the senate and the EFCC in this matter conform to the rule of law and due process – since we operate a democracy founded on the rule of law.

    There is no disputing the fact that the senate has oversight responsibilities on agencies of governance among its core mandate, outside law making and representation. However, the responsibility for referring petitions to oversight committees belongs to the senate as a body. The procedure stipulated in the committee webpage of the senate is unambiguous on this point. Due process in this case will require a petition to be forwarded to a senator who will in turn draw the attention of the senate as a body to same at a plenary. The senate body at a plenary will now determine the issue of referral following which the petition may then be referred to the appropriate committee for investigation by the senate at plenary. The implication of this is that the decision whether or not to investigate is that of the Senate at a plenary and not one vested in the senate president as one senator who is first among equals. This fundamental rule of procedure appears to have been breached in this case since the senate been on recess could not have sat at plenary to resolve the issue of referral.

    This may be a clear breach of rule of law in the handling of this particular petition. The senate may want to revisit its own rules in addressing the merits or otherwise of this petition that is of urgent national importance.

    The other issue that can be raised is the effect or likely outcome of investigation by the Senate Committee on ethics in respect of the subject matter. The committee has a responsibility of considering “the subject matter of all petitions referred to it by the Senate and shall report from time to time to the senate, its opinion of the action to be taken thereon together with such other observations on petition and the signatures attached thereof, as the committee may think fit”-  Segun Gbadegesin, a columnist in The Nation had argued thus “what can this committee accomplish with respect to the subject matter of a petition that alleges criminal action against the EFCC chair? It will only render an opinion on what action to take. So why didn’t Senate just refer the petition to the Police or ICPC both of which are also anti-corruption agencies with power to investigate and prosecute?”

    The implication of the foregoing is that the outcome of the committee’s investigation is to make recommendations which may include requesting that persons found culpable be advised to be prosecuted. This implies that the senate must act as a body in adopting the resolutions of the committee before the referral for prosecution can be effective.

    Given this scenario in the senate as a body on the same page on the procedure adopted on referral of this particular petition?

    On the part of the EFCC being an anti-graft agency, accountability and transparency in the conduct of its operations is fundamental and very key if it is to be taken seriously by the populace. The EFCC has a duty under the law to account in respect of the subject matter of the petition and this it must do conscientiously by releasing detailed information to the National Assembly and Nigerian public on how funds recovered from public officials have been managed so far. I dare say that on this particular issue EFCC is on trial and the issue of motive is of no consequence as this border on transparency and accountability and for an anti-graft agency the onus is on it to raise the bar on probity.

    Therefore, on the part of the EFCC, what is the state of the account? The public is waiting.

    Again, on the part of the EFCC, do we have regular and comprehensive annual reportof the activities of the EFCC to the National Assembly as prescribed by law?

    This is also a matter of rule of law for which the EFCC is also obliged to comply.

    Finally, I am not concerned about motives and motivations for this face-off between the Senate and the EFCC. Whether the Senate is acting in good faith or in bad faith is a matter of speculation and conjecture which is not the basis of criminal responsibility and, therefore ,not the business of this analysis. But compliance with the rule of law by the Senate is a responsibility because the Senate itself is a creation of the rule of law.

    The duty to also file returns on its activities to the National Assembly by the EFCC is also a rule of law and EFCC being a creation of the rule of law is also obliged to comply with the supremacy of the rule of law.

    Finally, the answer to the present controversy between the Senate and EFCC is Rule of law! Rule of law!! Rule of law!!!

     

     

  • Why Law School should be unbundled

    Why Law School should be unbundled

    Sylvester Imhanobe graduated from the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University) in 1989 and was called to the Nigerian Bar the next year. He was awarded the Chevening Scholarship of the British Council to undertake Master of Laws degree at the University of Manchester in 1992 where he bagged the R.G. Lawson Prize for his brilliant performance. He later taught at the Nigerian Law School, from where he resigned as a senior lecturer in 2003 to pursue private practice. He speaks with Eric Ikhilae and John Ofikhenua on how to ensure justice at election tribunals, problems with Legal Education, among others.

    As a former teacher at the Law School, why do many consider the Bar final examination very difficult?

    Ok, yes, there could be a few things. The first is that the focus of the Nigeria Law School is that it is a vocational institution. It is meant for practical training, unlike the universities that are meant for academic work.

    You see, there are three levels of Legal Education: the academic, that is, the one in the university. Here, they are taught the substantive law and the rest of that.

    The second level is the Law School, which is a vocational institution. It is like where you use your hands; that is, the how. You are taught the application of the principles that you already know.

    And, the third level is the post-school. That is, after you have been called, you still have post-qualification trainings.

    So, most students that come to the Law School, a few of them don’t appreciate this difference between when you were in the university – that  was purely academic and when you are now at the Law School – which is more practical. And, you see, the kind of questions that they meet at the Law School are different.

    There are two different types of questions, there are questions that are actually trying to test more of your memory and those are the economic questions. You can cram and come into the examination hall and pass and even do well. But there are questions that are actually meant to test your intelligence and most of those questions are problem questions. They are practical questions. So, you find that 80 per cent of the questions at Law School, if not 100 per cent, are practical questions.

    So, you have to know it. There can be no crash programme. When you were very brilliant in the university, you were very good at memorizing; you memorize the entire topic and when the questions come, you pour it as it is.

    You can’t do that at the law school, you won’t go anywhere. So, you must first of all, know it and then apply it in any given situation.  That is why you find that some students, who would have done well at the university, don’t do well here or some, who didn’t do well there, perform better here out of maturity.

    Maturity is very key, because you find that a mature student is likely to do well in Law School, because he is seeing the facts as they are.  So, maturity plays its own role. But by and large, it is still the same thing,  if you were good at the university, you should still be able to come to the Law School and understand what is being taught and improve yourself.

    There is the perception that there is a drop in quality of training for lawyers these days. How to you react to this?

    Yes, I agree with you to an extent. You see, one immediate cause of this is that Law is still part of the entire society. I think it is still a function of the falling standard of education generally. But then, talking specifically about Law, we have to watch our private universities.  Without saying much about them, most of them are purely out for the money.

    So, in which case, the extent of grooming must be thoroughly looked into. Even though there is accreditation and the Council of Legal Education goes round to accredit them and all that, we all know what goes on there.

    At the faculty, the number they admit overshoots the number allowed. You have a class that has about 400 students with facilities for just a hundred,  So, what can you teach ? Apart from the challenges in the school itself, the bulk of the challenges is even with the students.

    The students that we have today are different. This is a digital world and because of that, everything they do, they try to do it on their phones. And like I mentioned a while ago, the issue of maturity is important. You can’t learn Law by just reading law books alone, you must apply them.

    So, it is not as if the students are not being taught, but then, their level of concentration has reduced.  Most of them will spend so much time on telephone, browsing without studying well. Even when you now teach them, how many of them are ready to settle down?

    Above all, we need structural changes in the legal education system in Nigeria.

    What defects can you identify in the current structure of Legal Education in the country?

    I have, since 2003, been advocating that the Law School should be unbundled. You see, it will sound as if you are trying to attack the system, but until we unbundle the law school we will continue to have this challenge.

    The Law School now, as it is, is the only institution in Nigeria where the operator and the regulator are fused as one. There is the Council of Legal Education, which is a Regulatory body that should regulate the law school, but as it is now,  it is almost the other way round.

    The NCC (Nigerian Communications Commission), as a regulatory body, is different form the telephone service providers; so is the West African Examination Council (WAEC) which regulates the School Certificate examination by secondary schools. That is how it should be with the Council of Legal Education and the Law School.

    So, as it is now, where the both institutions are fused, it means that nobody can criticize itself if the Law School is not doing it right. Because they also constitute the council, they will not tell you.

    So, the Law School must be unbundled. Separate the Council of Legal Education from the Law School strictly and the examination should also be an external exam. What we do now is that, it is an internal exam. You see, you should separate the Law School from the council of legal education. Let the council perform regulatory roles. Let the Law School perform its role of teaching.

    Is that how it is in other countries?

    All over, that is how it is. That is how it is in US, that is how it is in the UK.

    But, also, it is a matter of choice. You could finish in the UK and then you decide where you want to go to. But in Nigeria now, it is almost compulsory that once you leave the university, you go to the Law School, and look at the number of students from the universities that don’t have admission at the Law school.

    Will the separation of the Council of Legal Education from the Law School address the problems you have identified, including the crisis of admission at the Law School?

    In a profession that gives so much respect to seniority, you may not get admission for reasons other than you own cause, so it is because of over centralization. The time that Law School was established far back as 1962 you will find that the first set of students at the Law School were just about eight but now, the people that graduate from the universities run into thousands.

    We have almost between 13-15,000 graduates from the universities, and how many can the law school absorb?

    So if we unbundle Law School and make the council to perform its statutory role, the school will be able to concentrate on its core responsibility. I will propose that Law education should be extended to seven years – five years in the university, then there should be a year that is purely devoted to vocational training, and when you have written your exam and passed, you should have one year of internship.

    The reason is that as soon as you are called to bar, I should be able to give you a file to handle any matter.

    But, what we have now, which allows only one year at the Law School inadequate, because it is inside that one year that you have the internship; internship of about six to nine weeks, when you send them to the chambers they come here and they don’t do anything.  They are thinking of how to pass their exams, considering that this is a country that focuses more on certificates than the skill.

    So, under our proposal as well, you will not even have these grades; grading should stop.  It is a professional exam. We will just have pass and then we have distinction.  We should still give room for those eggheads to be recognized, every other person should belong to pass. What is 2-1, Third Class?

    We have to professionalize the profession. If we continue with what we are doing now, we will continue to have poor results. So, there is need for change. Change should also go into the area of Legal Education in Nigeria.

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is being accused of frustrating the inspection of election materials, even where tribunals have ordered such inspection. Should petitioners be at the mercy of INEC?

    I was a counsel in the 2011 presidential petition, that is, the one filed by the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) against INEC and others. And I recall that I was on the petitioner’s side.

    I recall that Justice Ayo Salami (retired) granted CPC an order to inspect the biometric database of INEC in respect of the elections of 2011. As soon as he granted that order, I was on the team that went to INEC, but lawyers from the other side, who were in government then interpreted that order of court in the way that would suit them.

    And when we came back and now reported the matter to the court that its order is being flouted, we actually filled a motion for judgment. That motion for judgment was pending as at when Justice Salami was removed. The petitioner had a motion for judgment pending against the respondents, that is, INEC and the erstwhile President Goodluck Jonathan when Justice Salami was removed.

    The law is very clear. The court has given an order that you should be allowed to inspect materials, then you should be allowed to inspect materials. But even at the level of the presidential petition, we had an order to inspect materials and we were not allowed.

    Now when I watch these things go on, the same people that flouted the order then, are the people that are complaining now. But, the law is very clear; if a court has given an order, it is contempt for you to disobey it. You must obey it.

     

     

    Having in mind that a tribunal has just 180 days, will it be wise for a petitioner to spend time on contempt proceedings against INEC where order for inspection is flouted?

    Yes, that is where the strength and character of the tribunal is called to question.  A contempt proceeding does not take a long time.  It was difficult before because it was business as usual. Remember that we are under a different atmosphere. What we have even found now under research, is that for every tribunal that you had, there was always a lone voice, at least, a lone voice.

    The Judiciary wants to sit up. It is undergoing a lot of cleansing. So, the sensibilities of the judges of today are certainly better than that of that of yester years. We are getting better by the day.

    I expect that a judge, who has issued an order for inspection of documents and anybody stands on the way, knows what he/she should do when contempt proceedings come before him/her. But then, like I said, we had a similar situation at the presidential election tribunal and then we were walked away shamelessly.

    So I don’t think there is any problem about that. Contempt proceedings and then the court knows what to do.

    INEC ought to be fair to all, but it seems to always align with defendants in most election cases. How should INEC conduct itself in election dispute?

    We always hear this saying that, it is almost a cliché now,  that election petitions are on a class of their own. If we really have to go forward, there are the principles of election petitions that we have to go back and look into.

    Basically, on this issue of burden of proof, on who does it rest? This is the area where you tell a man to come and prove what he does not have access to see. There is a school of thought that believes that once a petitioner has laid his petition with the four grounds, particularly when you say that the election was not conducted in accordance with the provisions of the Electoral Act, the burden of proof should move to INEC to show that it did.

    But, as it is today, the burden of proof is still on you, the petitioner.  So INEC is still giving a lot of leeway to do and undo. But I believe that as we grow, we will have to really look at it very that the burden should be on INEC to show that they conducted the elections based on the provisions of the Electoral Act. This is because it is stage by stage, starting from the voters’ registration, the accreditation, the voting, the counting, the releasing of the result and everything.

    It is possible for them to show that, and once they are able to show prima facie, then based on the presumption of regularity, they can enjoy that. But what they have now is that they enjoy that principle of regularity from day one without even showing that they even had a register, which is not good.

    Once it has been challenged, they should come up and show this is the register, these are the accredited voters, these are the result sheets, they were collated, the results were declared, before somebody was returned elected.

    So, once you have been able to show all that, then the burden should now go to the other person to show where in this chain, it was not conducted in accordance with the law. But where we are now is that INEC is given that  presumption from day one and that is where you find that it is a jurisprudential problem, which I believe will also be solved as we move forward.

    Do you think 180 days are sufficient for determining an election petition?

    It is even more than enough. It is more than enough. 180 days, that is six months. Six months is more than enough. Mind you there is a limit to the number of pages of the petition. They are trying to minimize the size of the petitions and the replies. In fact, it is usually when we don’t know what we want to do that we delay. Go to the point, go straight. 180 days is quite enough.

    President Muhammadu Buhari has promised to ensure the prosecution of those found to have stolen public funds. Do you think the court system is ready for this task?

    Yes!  It is so unfortunate for us to think that our courts are weak, very unfortunate.

    We drove ourselves into that hole; otherwise, I can tell you that the Judiciary in Nigeria is one of the strongest Judiciary in the world.  We have produced Chief Justices for countries like the Gambia; we have produced justices at the World Court. So, I must tell you that these are products of the Nigerian Judiciary. It is one of the strongest Judiciary in the world.

    You see, what we have been going through, like I said, is one of the societal challenges.  The judges cannot be divorced from the society from which they grew up. But with the current trend and the change mantra, I can assure you that they have more than enough, both in terms of personnel and the materials, to handle all these cases within a record time, so we can handle them and handle them very well.

    Do you think the whole trial process will not be hampered by the usual delay in the judicial process?

    No. If you watch the judiciary from 2013, the erstwhile Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Aluma Muhktar actually brought out what we call practice directions. These are practice directions from the Supreme Court, the Court of Appeal and at the Federal High Court on criminal trials; trials that have to do with corruption. In fact, we call them new generation offenses. So, with these practice directions, they fast track criminal matters and they are given priority.

    Then, with the passage of Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 a lot of the focus is now on speedy trial. In fact you are given 180 days. A trial now can no longer exceed 180 days. So the case management system, under the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, is highly enhanced. So, now you are going to see speedy trials.

    We have a better system now and all stakeholders are now involved.  There is a reporting system. I think there is a quarterly report, whereby if a matter is going to last more than 180 days with you, you must state why. The case management regime has improved a lot.

    How would you advise the government to actually proceed with its plans to recover looted funds?

    The government should use all available options that are legitimate. The administration of Criminal Justice Acts 2015 has just given us statutory power for plea bargaining.  And plea bargain is actually used in circumstances where the prosecutor is not too sure of whether he is going to secure a conviction at the end of the day. There is evidence, but you know it is 50-50 and the accused person, who is now called the defendant under the new Act, also is not too sure. Both parties can then strike a bargain; it’s an agreement. So, there are such situations.

    But there are also situations where the laws are very clear, and there is sufficient evidence that you can secure conviction. The Administration of Criminal Justice Act has introduced a new regime of punishment. We are no longer looking at the custodian punishment again.

    The focus now is on restitution, forfeiture. If you have stolen and it is proved, you forfeit the property back to government. So, we don’t want to fill our prisons with criminals.  We just want our assets back.

    So, for those who will willingly return their own, it is good.  There are a group of persons, who will do that. But then, that does not now mean that you are free, because you don’t expect the criminal to return all. So, you will still have to explain how you got the remaining ones that you kept to yourself.

    Then I will also advise a lot of the criminals to also take advantage of the plea bargain option too. Their lawyers should advise them on that. Plea bargain is very good, it hastens the time for everybody and benefits both sides – you get something, I get something.

    The essence of the administration of criminal justice is not really to witch- hunt. That is why I find it amazing that people now want to tend towards the fact that it is a witch-hunt or it’s not a witch-hunt.

    There is a proverb in my language, an African proverb that says: where you fell a tree on another, if you want to dismantle them, you remove the one on top first. So, let us use the evidence we have today to prosecute the people of today. They should not be pursuing the persons of yesterday and let the evidence of today to disappear.

    So, if by tomorrow we get the evidence of yesterday, we will use that evidence to prosecute the offenses that was committed yesterday.

    Why did you choose to study Law?

    I actually wanted to study Political Science. But, out of lack of counseling, I didn’t know that I would require, at least, a pass in Mathematics to be admitted into the Faculty of Social Sciences.

    So, having applied for Political Science twice to the University of Benin, the University of Ibadan and I didn’t get admission, I had no option than to go and take Law . It was more like an Art subject. You did not require a pass in Mathematics to the Faculty of Law then.

    I knew some lawyers then; but then, I preferred to study Political Science just because of the name. You know they called it Pol. Science. So I loved Political Science so much and I love that degree – the B.Sc.

    And again, there used to be this distraction about Law – most people felt that lawyers must belong to one cult and that lawyers do not live long, and cannot be Christians. So, for me, and from a Christian background, it was like, what are you going to do in that profession where everybody is covered in black and all that?

    So, Law was never in my contemplation, I came to study law when my attempt to get admission into Political Science failed and the only option for me was to go for Law because then, I didn’t want to read History or English or Religion . I wanted a professional course. So, that was how I went in to study Law and honestly, I thank God, it is like God directed me that way.