Tag: LAW

  • Legislative drafting and transformative laws

    Legislative drafting and transformative laws

    The Transformation agenda of any government must enhance its economic and political ideas through the conversion of laws to meet the demand for national development and good governance – President Goodluck Jonathan–The Nigerian Economic Summit, March 18, 2013.

    Legislative drafting is an obligatory mechanism apposite for transforming the laws of any state. Good drafting captures the pivotal purport of any transformation agenda in legislative exertion. ‘Legislative Drafting and Transformative Laws’ by the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies (NIALS) holistically uncovers how the skills of legislative drafting can service the transformation of laws to meeting the growing demands of public interest promotion, institutional transformation, the law making process, democratic change, deter crime, fight corruption as well promote good governance.

    The first chapter of the book, which is written by Osatohanmwen Eruaga is titled ‘Transformative Legislations and Public Interest Promotion’. The chapter delves into the connection between transformative legislations and the interest of the general public by a consideration of how and when they can be said to be in the interest of the public. The writer presents the argument that transformative legislations should always be in the interest of the general public based on the fact that any democratically elected government of the day holds power as a result of commitments to make or change laws to satisfy various societal needs. She made suggestions as to how to ensure that the interest and rights of the general public are safeguarded during and after legislative drafting process are made.

    Chapter two of the book is titled ‘Legislating for Institutional Transformation?’ written by Uchechukwu Ngwaba. It proceeds to determine why institutions are important. The writer makes a unique effort to establish the relationship between good governance, development and institutions. Conscious of strident calls for institutional transformation in Africa, the writer also examines if legislation can be enacted to make institutions perform better in achieving objectives of development and good governance. But what are these institutions? Why are they important and how do they operate? There are the questions that the writer makes a commendable attempt to answer. Questions however arise whether legislation can form the basis of such transformation. Skepticisms have emerged from some scholars who have viewed the legislature as belonging to the political establishment, and for our purpose in Africa, the post-colonial establishment. In response to skeptics, this chapter argues that legislations still have a very important place in any transformative initiative of institutions in Africa. But legislations alone are not sufficient. They have to be backed up by institutional behavioural changes that reflect the political will of those at the helm of affairs to engender the desired transformation. It is the combination of these methods and not the isolated approach of legislations that will result in the desired transformation of institutions in Africa.

    The third chapter of the book is written by Adejoke O. Adediran and it is titled ‘Towards Transformative Evidence Based Legislation’. The writer makes a proposition for evidence based as the best available scientific evidence and data by legislatures as a basis for their formulation and writing of law. “Transformation can hardly occur where the laws do not adequately solve social problems as those problems keep subsisting. Public resources will continually be used for the enactment of laws as those laws will be subjected to series of amendment. An evidence-based legislation necessarily takes into account the effect it will have on its subjects after coming into force and it is capable of presuming the practicability of its enforcement” (Page 47). After giving credible insights to empirical legal research and the art of designing evidence0based legislation, the writer expounds the instrumentality of legislation for the achievement of transformation of any country because any policy of the government must be enforced by law. For transformation to take place through law, such law must take into account the present realities in the society it is focused on. The provisions of the law must also be the best option in the situation it is being enacted and for the purposes it is being enacted, as such, must be evidence-based. This will ensure effectiveness, efficacy and efficiency of the law, it is also economical since evidence-based legislation advocates cost effectiveness.

    Chapter four is titled ‘Policy, Legislation and National Transformation’ and it is written by Ogochukwu Mgbakogu. The writer focused on studying how these Policies are formulated and the different stages of policy formulation; the goals to be achieved in policy making. She also considers the different kinds of policies and how they become legislations. With the legislative arm of government being in focus here, the writer identifies its functions but in a unique way – by fully examining the role of the legislature in national transformation. The writer emphasized the need for competent and committed laws makers who are able to initiate and give effect to legislations that will in turn lead to national transformation. She uses a home example to highlight the importance and dedication towards a transformed Nigeria by citing the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies whom on the 5th of February 2013 signed the Performance contract with its heads of department and staffs under the various departments where the Director General Professor Epiphany Azinge, SAN, Ph.D emphasized the need for all staffs and Nigerians as a whole to put all hands on deck and provide leadership. The Performance Agreement contract is a yardstick for measuring the job performance of every staff and serves as a fulfilment to the National transformation Agenda.

    ‘Legislative Drafters and Transformative Laws’ is the title of the fifth chapter. It is an interesting chapter written by Okay Benedict Agu. The writer argues that the Legislative Drafters in the country must imbibe the general principles and procedures arguably considered to be the global best practices strategic to legislative drafting. This is because in his view, when laws are well drafted, the citizens and all stakeholders will understand their obligations and courts can enforce the laws effectively. He posits that Legislative Drafters in the country should have capacity in Institutionalist Legislative Theory and Methodology (ILTAM) and/or legisprudence, that is, to be able to write legislation that solves social problems and analyse Bills within the framework of jurisprudential philosophies about the nature of law itself. The writer says this is to put in place transformative laws that will guarantee a peaceful, just and multicultural society in which each citizen is offered the best chance of improvement in their standard of living and/or human condition.

    This writer makes a good attempt on the analysis of the modern best practices and / or principles available to Legislative Drafters in writing transformative laws that would better the lot of the citizenry. Alterations in the style, techniques or principles in use by Legislative Drafters in the country is advocated in this chapter. The writer demonstrates that building the capacity of Legislative Drafters in the country in Institutionalist Legislative Theory and Methodology (ILTAM) will equip them to draft transformative laws that will solve social problems, guarantee a peaceful, just and multicultural society in which each citizen is offered the best chance of improvement in their standard of living and/or human condition. “Carrying out Legislation Impact Analysis and Post Legislative Scrutiny before and after legislations are put into force to gauge their potency and benefit are crucial enablers to the enactment of transformative laws that will engender social harmony whilst ameliorating our country’s development challenges like pervasive poverty, unemployment, high crime rate, deplorable state of infrastructure and indeed bad governance.”(Page 108)

    ‘Cost Benefit Analysis of Legislating: Institutionalising Cost Benefit Analysis in the Rule Making Process in Nigeria’ is written by Chukwuemeka Castro Nwabuzor as the chapter six of this book. Simply put, the writer advocates a CBA (Cost Benefit Analysis) regime in the Nigerian legislative houses; he provides a state-of-the-art template in which the CBA can be conducted for proposed legislation!

    The writer identifies CBA as purpose driven, thus conducting it early in the game would foster the exclusion of unsuitable options before time and before efforts are expended in translating them from mere ideas to refined options. The essence of the CBA according to him is that it promotes cost effective legislation and that the CBAs when conducted for a proposed legislation in the Nigerian Legislative Houses would ensure that the legislation is not a mere representation of legislative words on paper, but a result oriented one. The participation aspect of the CBA may include the public consultation process; legitimacy and general acceptance by the public would spring from this. Transformation involves change and the pursuit of social change invariably involves an engagement with the law. Conduct of CBA of legislation thus assists in the development of transformative and purposeful laws that shape societal demands through a pragmatic legislative process.

    Chapter seven of the book is titled ‘Legislative methodology in developing economies’ by Enuma Moneke. The writers discourse examines the role of legislatures in Nigeria by focusing on the National Assembly, its functions, constitutional powers and whether it has effected positive transformation since the entrenchment of democracy in 1999. The writer debates in the light of poverty statistics in Nigeria and how it has failed to effect positive transformation and she recommends that the legislative methodology as propounded by L. Mader should be adopted: eight steps for elaborating normative contents built on the separation of diverse analytical steps. The writer posits that for total societal transformation and human development to take place, the National Assembly must in addition to adopting effective legislative systems and methods, ensure that the normative content of the laws enacted breathe life into the lifeless provisions of Chapter II of the Constitution.

    Chapter eight of the book is written by Ezirigwe Jane and is titled ‘Legislative Efficiency and Democratic Change’. The Writer identifies firstly, what Legislatures do and then outlines the Historical and Constitutional activities of the Nigerian Legislature with its Composition and then discusses the Law making process in Nigeria. The interesting angle taken by the writer in this chapter is her distinctive attempt to define Legislative Efficiency and to examine the features that make a Legislative Assembly efficient. She took care to view this discourse it in the international scene without assessing any particular Parliament or concentrating on any democracy but concludes with Lessons to be learned for Nigeria.

    The ninth chapter is ‘The Role of Draftsman in Law Making Process’ by Vivan C. Madu. The writer identifies the qualities of a good draftsman, the role of a drafts man and explicitly describes the drafting process in Nigeria. In a sub heading in this chapter, the writer makes a brilliant case for drafting as a means of communication: “Although other media exist for communication within a society such as the sound of a gong, police siren or the sight of the traffic light, language is the most important medium of communication among members of any society. Language as a means of communication can be employed in speech or writing. The manner of the speech and the vocal modulation may contribute to a better understanding of the spoken communication. As Desdemona once said in the face of Othelo’s impassioned words, ‘I understand the fury in your words but not the words’.”(Page 184 – 185) she cites the preceding as a background to establish that written communication to which legislative drafting relates, is a much more difficult matter. “The words stand alone; we see nothing but the written words and hear nothing at all. There is absence of visual and vocal aids. The errors and ambiguities in a speech could be corrected immediately but in written communication, errors and ambiguities may be difficult to correct or resolve. For example, an error in a statute may require nothing less than amendment of the statute to correct it” (Page 185). The writer makes a case of primary concern that legislative drafting is carried on with such impressive technique of written communication as allows for minimum errors and ambiguity and to make for understanding of the legal communication with less difficulty.

     

    Recommendation:

    This book is an authority in Legislative drafting and transformative laws. It is an educating and enlightening work suitable for studies, intellectual discourse and the practice of legislative drafting. It can serve as a proposal towards achieving the transformation agenda of Nigeria. It is also a resource material for academics, draftsmen, lawyers, students and all lovers of knowledge. It is suitable for persons interested in learning the technicalities involved in drafting laws as well as members of the legislature, involved in making legislations and transforming out extant laws.

     

    Chapter ten is written by Dr. Fatima Waziri –Azi and it is titled ‘Does Sanction Deter Crime? A Look At The Death Penalty in Nigeria’. The writer creates some controversy around this subject matter with some argument that more punitive sanctions reduce crime and another argument that it increases crime but she succinctly posits her strong belief that sanction does not deter crime in its entirety, “if it did, earth would be the safest place on the planet”. The writer reinforcing this point by a critical look at the death penalty application in Nigeria and the effect it has on deterring crime in the country. “The view that sanction deters is still the product of belief, not evidence, available data are simply too noisy, and the conclusions from any study are too fragile. Most individuals who commit crime do not necessary think about the repercussion before they commit such crimes, they just go ahead and commit the crime. So to say that sanctions actually deter crime is in my opinion a fallacy.” (Page 237)

     

    The next chapter is on ‘Evidence Based Assessment of Legislations against Corruption’ written by Dr. (Mrs.) Ibe Okegbe Ifekandu. This eleventh chapter carries the book into a critical appraisal of the efficacy of anti-corruption legislative initiative in the country. The writer does this against the backdrop of accessible evidence in terms of both a reduction in the rate of corruption by virtue of effective enforcement of legal provisions, international ratings/perception of corruption index and successive prosecutions and convictions secured against perpetrators of corruption. She draws inference from evidence that form the basis for concluding that the purpose for which anti-corruption legislations are enacted is yet to be achieved. The writer further examines the issues relating to the nature of corruption which necessitate legal enactments/establishment of anti-corruption agencies and efficiency of criminal justice institutions in enforcing anti-corruption laws. Accordingly, she proffered insightful recommendations.

     

    Chapter twelve is written by David. A. Oluwagbami titled ‘Technical and Ethical Considerations for Legislative Drafting’. This part of the book focuses on the technical and ethical considerations in the drafting of legislation. By implication, it makes an attempt at answering the question whether or not there are technical and ethical considerations for the performance of the duties of a legislative drafter. The writer structured this chapter is structured into six parts. Part one and two are on introductory and definitions of key concepts, chapter three is a detail discussion of technical considerations legislative drafting. Part four and five focus on ethical considerations. Chapter six draws the conclusion that although the ethical code for legislative drafting is still in its evolutionary stage, there is enough ethical principles code of conduct for lawyers and even constitutional provisions to ensure ethical sound practice of drafting.

     

    The last chapter which is chapter thirteen is on ‘Legislating for good governance’ written by Adegoke A. Olanrewaju. This chapter focuses on how the legislature can change the dysfunctional institutions that promote external dependence, poverty, and poor governance. To accomplish this social change, the writer places in context legislation and good governance. The chapter discusses the defining features of good governance based legislation; forms and the basic types of legislatures; key attributes of good governance and the link between legislation and good governance.The writer hypothesizes that lawmakers must design, enact, and effectively monitor the implementation of laws that result in meaningful change. Good governance is an ideal which thrives best if it has an active, vibrant, meaningful, and legitimate legislature. The legislature must therefore act as the eyes, ears, and voice of the people.

     

     

     

  • How to end Rivers Assembly crisis

    The political crisis in Rivers State is threatening the rule of law and order. The House of Representatives has resolved to take over legislative duties there until order is restored. Is that the best solution in the circumstance? How can the crisis be resolved? PRECIOUS IGBONWELUNDU sought lawyers’ views.

    It began with the suspension of a local government chairman by the Rivers State House of Assembly two months ago. Since then, the state has not known peace.

    The developments have undermined the rule of law and threatened social order in the oil-rich state.

    It reached a crescendo last week when a show of shame occurred.

    The state lawmakers fought with weapons, injuring one another.

    Last Tuesday’s fight, according to reports, started following the alleged impeachment of the Speaker, Otelemaba Amachree, by five of the 32 legislators.

    Evans Bipi as the new “Speaker”, sparking public outrage.

    This did not go down well with the other 27 members, especially because the legislators had pledged their loyalties to the different factions of the state’s crisis-ridden Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP).

    Many observers have described the Rivers situation as an abuse to democracy and an infraction of Section 92 of the 1999 Constitution that clearly stipulates the procedure for the impeachment of a Speaker.

    Many believe the antics were deployed by the PDP-led Federal Government, to get its pound of flesh from Governor Rotimi Amaechi, whom the party suspended on May 30, for “anti-party activities”.

    Although critics have faulted the state governor for interfering in the affair of the state legislature, which is constitutionally independent from the executive, observers were of the view that Amaechi was the ultimate target of the infamous impeachment, which they likened to some cases during former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s tenure, in which perceived enemies of the President were tormented through state legislatures or security agents.

    Similarly, President Goodluck Jonathan has been accused by observers as being responsible for the crisis in Rivers State because of his disagreements with the governor on many issues, including his (Amaechi) contesting the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) election against the instruction of the PDP. The presidency has, however, denied any involvement in the Rivers PDP crisis with Amaechi accusing the Federal Government of besieging the state and imposing a Commissioner of Police that is partisan.

    It, however, took Tuesday’s deadly assault at the state Assembly for the National Assembly to wade into the matter. The House of Representatives in a motion proposed by Albert Tsokwa (Taraba State) passed a resolution in line with Section 11(4) of the 1999 Constitution, to take over legislative functions of the state as well as supported the immediate deployment of the Commissioner of Police, Joseph Mbu.

    Tsokwa, in the motion entitled “Threat to democracy and inability of the House of Assembly of Rivers to sit and transact legislative business in the house”, had noted that the state Assembly had on previous occasions tried to hold its normal sittings and transact parliamentary business but was unable to do so because of hoodlums in the precincts of the House and the inability of the Police to provide the legitimate authorities of the House with security.

    Is the House of Reps’ resolution the best solution in this circumstance? How can the crisis be resolved to avoid anarchy and what is the way forward for the state? Lawyers who spoke on the issue differed on the resolution of the House. While some believed it was laudable and called on the Senate to adopt the Reps’ position, others described the position of the Reps as premature and hasty.

    The lawyers held that it was the insensitivity of the political class to the plight of the masses as well as their selfish interests that drives their action. They all condemned the violence that took place at the Rivers Assembly.

    They blamed Obasanjo as well as the Federal Government for insecurity and unrest in Rivers State. The lawyers insisted that the Rivers crisis was being fuelled because the five legislators and security agencies have the support of the presidency.

    Those who spoke on the issue included professors of law Yemi Osinbajo (SAN) and Itse Sagay (SAN); former Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) President Oliseh Agbakoba (SAN); former Kwara State governorship candidate under the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) , Dele Belgore (SAN); Chief Emeka Ngige (SAN); rights activist Femi Falana (SAN); constitutional lawyer Dr. Fred Agbaje; activist Bamidele Aturu as well as Lagos-based lawyers Prince Kazeeem Adebanjo and Ebun-Olu Adegoruwa.

    Osinbajo said it was a contrived one and a carefully-designed breach of law and order by a minority of members of the Rivers House of Assembly (five in all) with the obvious support of the presidency. He said it was important not to allow “this cynical abuse of power by the presidency to be passed off as a “crisis”.

    “It is irresponsible indeed that while the nation reels from the horrendous murder of twenty-nine school children in Yobe by terrorists and the continuing mindless violence in many parts of the North-East, the Presidency’s reaction is to fuel disorder in Rivers State. Every time the Civil authority encourages or permits a breakdown of law and order, it diminishes its own legitimacy, undermines the viability of civil rule itself and excites thoughts of military intervention.”

    Sagay said it was obvious the five Rivers State legislators (anti-Amaechi) feel they have the backing of the Federal Government and, therefore, the support of security agencies and so they can overwhelm Rivers State by force and overcome the law.

    “They think they can totally superimpose the rule of force against the rule of law by deriving their power from the army and the police. Until they are told by those in Abuja that they do not have their support and should abide by the rule of law, they are not likely to stop.”

    Ngige, Belgore, Falana, Agbaje and Aturu said the crisis was being fuelled by political intolerance. They accused the presidency of pettiness and culpability. Citing the situations in Oyo, Plateau and Anambra under the Obasanjo administration, the lawyers noted that the presidency was taking a cue from the Obasanjo examples, which were voided by the courts, and none of the people involved in those crises were brought to book.

    To Falana, the purported removal of the Speaker violated Section 92(2) of the Constitution which provides that a House Speaker cannot be removed without the votes of not less than two thirds majority of the entire members. “Since there are 32 members of the house at least 22 members are required to vote for the valid removal of the Speaker.”

    Ngige said: “For the immediate cause of crisis in Rivers State, we all know it has to do with politics of 2015. The President of Nigeria wants to run again in 2015 and perceives that Governor Amaechi is nursing a vice presidential ambition in the same election. He, therefore, considers Amaechi as a threat to his re-election. I now ask: Is that the reason why Amaechi should be crucified or Rivers State turned into a theatre of war? Why are our politicians so intolerant of opposing views? Are we practising democracy or monarchy where the views of the King are unchallengeable? The crisis in Rivers State is a challenge to the rule of law. A situation where the Commissioner of Police is openly supporting the renegades in their nefarious activities is condemnable.

    “It should be mentioned that the Commissioner of Police, Mbu Joseph Mbu, was an Assistant Commissioner (Admin) during the Anambra State political crisis of 2003-2004. So, it can be seen that he was thoroughly schooled to unleash what is going on in Rivers State today.

    Belgore described the Rivers State Assembly fiasco as “one act of banditry and political thuggery too many.” He said it was unfortunate the President could not order his minister (Wike) to face his ministerial job and stop unnecessary state politics.

    “The presidency cannot bury its head in the sand on this one and absolve itself of responsibility for the crisis…Would a minister whose responsibility is to the Federal Government delve so disruptively into a state’s local politics knowing that such involvement would draw the disapproval of the President?”

    Adegboruwa argued that since the case of the removal of the Speaker was in court, the politicians should have left the court to determine his fate.

    Aturu wondered how legislators could behave like hoodlums and murderers. “I am thoroughly ashamed as a Nigerian that this kind of thing could happen in the Rivers House of Assembly. The government should ensure that those involved are punished.”

    The House of Representatives’ resolution

    Osibanjo faulted the resolution to take over legislative duties of the state Assembly but noted that the Reps were in order for calling for the transfer of the Police Commissioner.

    He said: “The reaction of the House, therefore, comes to no more than treating a symptom as though it were the ailment itself. Clearly taking over legislative functions in Rivers State is neither the right approach nor is it even legally tenable.”

    He noted that the provision of Section 11 envisages a breakdown of law and order or some other crisis in the state itself, making meetings of the House of Assembly impossible, which he insisted has clearly not been met.

    “It is where the civil authority, such as the Police, say or it is clear that they are unable to maintain law and order in the state and this makes it impossible for the House to sit, that the National Assembly may intervene. That situation has simply not arisen. What has happened, so far, is simply that the law and order apparatus appears unwilling to maintain law and order.”

    He said to take over legislative duties of the Rivers Assembly would be precipitate and clearly illegal.

    Sagay argued that it is totally wrong, premature and of doubtful legality for the National Assembly to take over legislative functions in Rivers State.

    “There is no evidence that the Rivers State House of Assembly cannot meet. They met on Tuesday and that power cannot be exercised unless the Assembly of a state cannot meet.

    “Now they said, they can only meet when they are guided by policemen, so what? They need to be protected does not mean they cannot meet. In my view, that criteria has not been satisfied for the House of Representatives to pass such resolution.

    “Secondly, Section 105 that involves the National Assembly exercising powers of security and Section 305 that involves during a state of emergency all boils down to a situation where there is an emergency, where unless there is a declaration of an emergency, the National Assembly does not have power to legislate or exercise direct power from the federal.

    “Although it does not say so in express words, that is the spirit. Thirdly, it is presumptuous for the National Assembly to think it can know what the people of Rivers State need and legislate for them, when it cannot even cope with its own responsibility at the national level.

    Ngige commended the Reps for the resolution and called on the Senate to concur.

    He said: “With the emergence of a fake Speaker, whose intention of impeaching the Governor of Rivers State with four out of 27 members was in public domain, the resolution of the House of Representatives for the takeover of the business of Rivers House of Assembly under Section 11(4) of the Constitution is very commendable. I hope the Senate will tow the same line as the House of Reps in the interest of democracy.”

    Falana also said the House of Reps was in order and acted in accordance with the constitution.

    He said: “By virtue of Section 11 of the Constitution the National Assembly is empowered to take over the legislative functions of a House of Assembly of a state if the members are unable to discharge their duties.

    “Since the security forces have taken over the assembly complex in Port Harcourt and prevented the members from conducting any legislative business, the House of Representatives was in order when it resolved to make laws for the Rivers State House of Assembly until further notice. However, the resolution cannot be effective unless it is backed by the Senate.”

    In Agbaje’s view, the National Assembly taken over of the legislative functions of the Rivers Assembly was not in the interest of the Rivers people.

    “That decision of the House of Reps is too pre-emptory, haste and premature. Is the National Assembly and police not tacitly supporting minority four against the 15 majority members in the Rivers House? Did the 15 members not subsequently sit and transact legislative business after the politically sponsored mayhem? They sat of course!

    “The federal government is just looking for cheap excuses to impeach the speaker and then later go for the political jogular of Ameachi through a contrived impeachment. All about 2015 general Election!!! First, it was Aso Rock disorganisation of NGF and now, Ameachi’s political base- Rivers State.”

    Aturu said the decision of the House was in order as the constitution allows it. He however noted that the situation must have gotten to a level where the State Assembly cannot function and there is imminent danger of lives and property.

    “Whether that is the case now, it is a matter of fact. I don’t think we should rush to such decision, but if there are grounds for that, of course we will not allow people to be killed before we allow remedial actions.”

    The way forward

    Agbaje said the way out was for both Jonathan and Ameachi to drop their political ambitions against 2015 general election, otherwise 2015 general election is doomed in advance.

    Osibanjo said: “This is why the House of Representatives is entirely on point when it calls upon the IG to remove the obviously compromised Commissioner of Police in the State. When that is done, and a Commissioner of Police is appointed who will take instruction from the Governor in accordance with the Constitution is appointed, if then the circumstances still exist within Rivers State, which make the House of Assembly unable to sit, then the National Assembly may intervene.”

    He called for the immediate arrest and prosecution of all those who engaged in violence.

    Sagay advised that Abuja should issue a statement disowning them and making it clear that they do not have their support. Also, they should mandate the police to do their jobs and discipline policemen who have turned themselves to politicians in Rivers State. “The solution is for the federal government to out rightly disown those who think they have federal might and punish security agents that have become partisan in the cause of the crisis.”

    Agbakoba said the solution was for politicians to put the interest of the people first.

    “It’s down to the politcal class to put the interest of Nigerians first and all this nonsense will stop.”

    Ngige suggested that the National Judicial Council, (NJC) should issue a red alert to all judges sitting in Rivers State to be cautious in dealing with cases arising from the crisis in the state as well as ensure accelerated hearing of cases emanating from the crisis as was seen in the Obasanjo era.

    He called on the President to call his party men to order and stop giving support to renegades causing mayhem in Rivers State. Ngige said the President should be “statesman in this crisis and learn from the mistakes of General Obasanjo who enjoyed destabilizing State governments that were not in his good books.

    “At the end of Obasanjo’s tenure, what happened to PDP in South West? Instability and turmoil took over including his household. That’s a lesson for all of us that when you sow the wind you reap the whirlwind. Our President should be a statesman and allow Governor Amaechi to be. Only God can determine who will be our President in May 29th 2015. Nobody should play God. The President and his wife should not play God.”

    Aturu said the Presidency must understand that it has the final responsibility as it relates to the security of the people’s lives and property. This is because what happened in Rivers could degenerate. Don’t forget, what happened in the Western Region in the early 60s.

    he said: “This can lead to a state of emergency, a civil war even, the truncation of the so called emerging democracy. If democracy in the country is truncated, they will suffer most, because they, as politicians, benefit from the system on behalf of the people.

    “So, if this democracy is imperiled, they will find themselves in kirikiri. And I will be very glad they all go to Kirikiri.

    The way out of this is that people must learn to govern decently, and governance is not about pettiness; it is not about ambitions, not about what you can get as a person but about service to the people.”

    Adegboruwa urged the National Assembly investigate and bring to book all those responsible for the act of violence at the Rivers Assembly.

    “It is important that the President too must take steps to restore peace in Rivers State, given the allegations that have since been thrown at him, over his discreet involvement in the crisis rocking the oil rich state,” Adegboruwa said.

    Adebanjo said it was not too late for the Jonathan administration to redeem its already battered image by calling the rebel members to order. Nigerians would not forget the ignoble role the Presidency played in the NGF election when the President almost speedily recognized and gave the Jang faction executive fiat to summon and preside over the affairs of the NGF. Jang had lost the election by 16 votes to Amaechi 19.

    “I admonish our President to focus on delivering the much needed dividends of democracy to us and leave 2015 for God to decide. He should promptly address issues such as: Security, Roads, Power, Health, Education etc. May God in his infinite mercies guide our President right. Amin”.

  • Required proof for criminal allegations in election petitions: A critique

    Required proof for criminal allegations in election petitions: A critique

    To get a conviction in a criminal matter, the allegations must be proved beyond all reasonable doubt. This piece by a lawyer, Akintayo Iwilade, highlights thoughts on a fundamental statutory misconception that has underlined the treatment of criminal allegations made in election petition proceedings. It engages the historical rationale for the requirement that criminal allegations must be proved beyond reasonable doubt and argues that such is incongruous with election petitions and other variants of civil proceedings.

    England’s William Blackstone was the person recorded to have said; “better that ten guilty persons escape than that one innocent suffer”. Lord Sankey, of the English House of Lords, subsequently summarised the core postulation through his famous ‘Golden Thread’ speech that: “Throughout the web of the English Criminal Law, one golden thread is always to be seen, that it is the duty of the prosecution to prove the prisoner’s guilt….If at the end of and on the whole of the case, there is a reasonable doubt, created by the evidence given by either the prosecution or the prisoner,…..the prosecution has not made out the case and the prisoner is entitled to an acquittal. No matter what the charge and where the trial, the principle that the prosecution must prove the guilt of the prisoner is part of the Common Law of England and no attempt to whittle it down can be entertained” Woolmington v DPP (1935) AC 462.

    Here, the point must be made that the evolvement of such strict standards was never a product of voluntary benevolence from the old English State. Rather, the evolvement reflects an enduring by-product of centuries of bloody mass agitations against arbitrary arrests, detentions and convictions, carried out by the State and those who arrogated and wielded its powers. The bloody contestations arguably produced human rights documents like the Magna Carta 1213, the Bill of Rights, the American Declaration of Independence 1776, etc. The contents of these have since been reproduced into several National Constitutions and other documents of Universal significance, like the United Nations Declaration of Human and Peoples Rights of 1948. Suffice to say therefore, that the ‘proof beyond reasonable doubt’ doctrine evolved from unrelenting human struggles against the arbitrary exercise of powers by the State and its agents.

    Instructively, the singular rationale, for the requirement of proving criminal allegations beyond reasonable doubt, was grounded in the social justice imperative of averting the possible tragedies of making innocent people suffer, often irreparably, from State-administered punishments, over ‘crimes’ they did not commit. The ‘proof beyond reasonable doubt’ rule was therefore created for nothing, other than ensuring that “only guilty persons are convicted by the State”.

    Understandably, Nigeria’s formalized jurisprudence have followed in the tradition espoused by England’s Common Law theorists. Section 138(1) of the old Evidence Act explicitly codified the ‘proof beyond reasonable doubt doctrine’ and it appears to be the statutory foundation upon which Nigerian case laws, on the extent of the applicability of the ‘proof beyond reasonable doubt principle’, evolved over the years.

    Consequently, there have been thousands of cases where it has been repeatedly held that the standard of proof in criminal proceedings must be ‘proof beyond reasonable doubt’.

    But conversely, in civil proceedings, the standard of proof is that of ‘preponderance of evidence upon the balance of probabilities’. The adjudicator is required to place the admissible evidence of the contending sides on an imaginary scale and thereafter, give judgment in favour of the side on which the scale weighs positively heavier (A.R Mogaji & Ors v. R. Odofin (1978) 4 S.C. 91, etc).

    However, by Section 135(1) of the Evidence Act, 2011, the statutory requirement is that where there is an allegation of crime in civil proceedings, it must be proved beyond reasonable doubt.

    While the logic of its continued application to criminal proceedings remain near faultless, even if sometimes occasioning ‘unintended injustice’, the extension of the same stringent standard of proof, to criminal allegations made in civil proceedings (and shockingly, even Election Petitions), suggests a gross legislative and jurisprudential misconception of the origination and core essence of the ‘proof beyond reasonable doubt principle’.

    Like we argued earlier, the strict rule was developed to ensure “only guilty persons are convicted by the State”. Therefore, it is the end goal of a proceeding that should ordinarily determine the standard of proof to be applied. The ‘strict rule’ ought only to apply where the end goal of a proceeding seeks conviction of a citizen by the State and not where the end goal is a pursuit of compensatory damages, injunctive/restorative reliefs, declarations, restitutive orders etc; such as are often sought in civil and election petition proceedings respectively.

    Sound logic is therefore diminished when a Plaintiff, Claimant or Petitioner is required (just to obtain compensatory damages, injunctive/restorative reliefs, declarations etc), to demonstrate the wholesome prosecutorial powers of the State to arrest, gather, investigate and even confiscate required ‘proof beyond reasonable doubt evidence’. It becomes more untenable when it is considered that such Plaintiff, Claimant or Petitioner hardly ever possesses the supportive privileges and ‘investigative infrastructure’ available, often exclusively, to the State.

    Accordingly, it betrays uneven and illogical justice to impose the onerous ‘proof beyond reasonable doubt’ evidential burden on aspects of such proceedings, in which different outcomes, other than the conviction sought by the State in criminal proceedings, are what is being sought.

    From the decisions in Torti v. Ukpabi (1984) 1 SCNLR 214, Nwobodo v Onoh (1984) 1 SC 1, Omoboriowo v. Ajasin (1984) 1 SC 1 etc; to the recent cases involving Buhari v Obasanjo (2005) 13 NWLR (pt. 941) pg 1 at 182, Agagu v Mimiko (2009) All FWLR (pt. 462) 1122 at 1167-1168 and many others, the Supreme Court, the Court of Appeal and all Lower Tribunals have left no one in doubt of the state of the Law on the standard of proof required to judicially verify criminal allegations made in Election Petitions throughout Nigeria. The standard is, and remains, that ‘criminal allegations made in Election Petitions must be proved beyond reasonable doubt and; where an Election Petition is founded solely on such criminal allegations and there happens to be a wanting in the stated statutory standard of proof, the petition cannot succeed’. That is the state of the Law today, and it remains firmly so and continually enforceable, except, and until set-aside by an Act of Parliament.

    That being the State of the Law, it is posited that there is no logical jurisprudential foundation to support or justify the continued application and imposition of such onerous evidential burden on Election Petitions. A dynamic reversal of the current Law, through concerted legislative and jurisprudential rethinking, is highly desirable.

    It must be adequately realised that Election Petitions are a unique branch of civil disputes that strive to determine whether the sovereign will of the people prevailed or was subverted in an electoral process. Thus, the central focus of an Election Petition is certainly not the criminal conviction of so-called electoral offenders but, the broader determination of whether the declared outcome of an electoral contest was wholly reflective of the majority’s votes or otherwise. An Election Tribunal should therefore only seek to determine the extent to which the popular will is reflected in electoral outcomes and do clear substantial justice thereof.

    This is more so when it is instructively realised that an Election Petition proceeding is never equal to a criminal trial. The Petitioner can thus never assume a State Prosecutor’s role nor can any Respondent be deemed an accused person standing criminal trial before the Election Tribunal. As such, the evidential ‘inconvenience and complexities’, required of a criminal trial, ought never to have found accomodation in Election Petition proceedings no matter the nature of the allegations forming the claims.

    Going further, one may ask what proving an allegation beyond reasonable doubt entails? First, a crime must be proven to have been committed and secondly, it is very important to establish that the ‘accused’ was directly or constructively culpable in the said crime committed. The proof must also be established in such manner as to point to no other culpable direction but the accused’s. What logically follows, or ought to follow, the outlined proof beyond reasonable doubt preconditions, is a conviction by the State.

    Accordingly, where the proof is not to be followed by a conviction by the State, the proof beyond reasonable doubt requirement becomes incongruous, illogical and bereft of any rationally sound or even identifiable jurisprudential roots. This is because civil proceedings (including Election Petitions), are obviously devoid of the fundamental components and requirements of a criminal trial; and more so, the eventual outcomes, and procedural niceties of both, are very clearly distinct.

     

    Again, let us suppose that a crime, like murder or any other, was alleged in an Election Petition; and same is proved ‘beyond reasonable doubt’. What will be the result? Can the Election Tribunal order a conviction, sentence or committal to prison in the circumstance? Obviously Not!

    Now, even if the Election Tribunal recommends some ‘indicted’ persons for criminal trial, will such recommendation abridge the indicted persons’ right to presumption of innocence (notwithstanding that the Election Tribunal had already deemed them liable), if they eventually face criminal prosecution? No! Do the fundamental components, like Summons- Drafting of Charges- Preferring of Information- Plea Taking and Mandatory recording of plea- Bail Issues- Mandatory presence of Accused person throughout Trial- Acquittal- Conviction- Allocutus- Sentencing etc, which distinguish criminal trials from civil ones, ever find place in Election Petitions which are uncontrovertibly civil in their procedural rules and final outcomes sought? No!

    Answering these posers in the negative make it tortuous to locate any logical jurisprudential rationale for imposing a burden of proof required in criminal trials, with unique fundamental components, on so-called criminal allegations in Election Petitions and other civil dispute scenarios.

    It is arguable that the Courts may have created the concept of ‘severance of pleadings’, under civil proceedings, to mitigate the injustice that often result from the narrow insistence on the onerous proof beyond reasonable doubt standard for so-called criminal allegations made in civil disputes.

    The concept stipulates that the judex must attempt to separate the pleadings with criminal imputations from those without; and thereafter do justice to both- using the two different statutory proof standards respectively. In Arab Bank Ltd v. Ross (1952) 2 Q.B. 216 at p. 229, Lord Denning attempted a simplification of the position, when he humored that; “Even with ordinary common sense, if I happen to find my lost coat with AB, and on a claim for the recovery thereof, I alleged that AB stole the Coat, the fact that I could not prove AB to be the thief does not deny me the recovery of my coat once I establish the coat to be mine and not AB’s”.

    Following the Omoboriowo v. Ajasin (supra) authority, the Court of Appeal held, in Aregbesola v Oyinlola, (full judgment as reported in The Nation Newspaper of Friday, December 3, 2010, at pg. A7), that “The interpretation of the foregoing authority presupposes that application of section 137(1) of the Evidence Act to a civil case depends on the contents of the pleadings of each case. In other words, if the averments alleging the commission of a crime are severable and if following such act of severance, the petitioners’ pleadings still contains sufficient averments which suffices and discloses a cause of action devoid of criminal imputation against any of the parties to the proceedings, then the burden of proof laying on the petitioner is not of a criminal nature beyond reasonable doubt but that which requires proof on preponderance of evidence. The principle of severance in cases of this nature is of great significance and has been emphasized by their Lordships as seen in the case of Omoboriowo v Ajasin (supra). In other words, the determining factor is whether the allegations, if severed and put into two separate compartments, can be sustained as an entity. If the answer is positive, then proof of one is not dependent on the other but side by side. The crucial determinant factor certainly is dependent on the pleadings of the parties”.

    On the severance concept, the key point is simply that pleadings are to be ‘severed’ into two places- the ones with criminal imputations on the one hand and the ones without, on the other. The ones with criminal imputations will require the proof beyond reasonable doubt standard to succeed while the ones without, will be resolved on the balance of probabilities upon preponderance of evidence. If upon severance, a civil claim still rests solely upon the pleadings containing criminal imputations, the standard will be proof beyond reasonable doubt, failing which the claim also fails.

    While highly commendable, the concept of severance failed to cure the illogicality, and fatal legislative and jurisprudential misconception, which necessitated the retrogressive importation of the proof beyond reasonable doubt doctrine into civil proceedings in the first place. The concept of severance still retains the requirement of proving criminal allegations in civil proceedings beyond reasonable doubt because, the ‘severed’ pleadings, with criminal imputations, must still be proved beyond reasonable doubt else the claims founded on them will inevitably fail. Severance seems useful only where there are other pleadings devoid of criminal imputations and which have the suit’s main justiciable claims attached to them. To therefore argue, that the concept of severance of pleadings has cured whatever injustice the proof beyond reasonable doubt doctrine introduced into Election Petitions, would be another fatal misconception.

    As we have argued and for the reasons adduced, there is absolutely no basis to require that the standard of proof, for conviction-seeking proceedings, be introduced into proceedings seeking different outcomes such as compensatory damages, injunctive/restorative reliefs, declarations etc; such as are often sought in civil and Election Petition proceedings respectively. To demand that a private entity prove the commission of a crime (and the personages actually responsible), beyond reasonable doubt, is tantamount to making the Law operate in denial of the limitations imposed, on lawful private entities, against the possession and deployment of the sophisticated infrastructure needed for arrests, investigation, confiscation, legitimate violence e.t.c; in quests to unravel the thorough details of so-called crimes. This is a domain exclusive to the State and it is such exclusivity that makes it easier for the State to unravel and prove the commission of crimes beyond reasonable doubt, for the purpose of securing convictions of persons responsible. The private entity can hardly access the infrastructure of that exclusivity without daunting fetters. Therefore, the Law ought not to be mischievously blind to these contradictions?

    Private entities, lacking the exclusive prosecutorial infrastructure of the State, should be allowed to pursue their claims within the limits of the feeble powers conceded to them by the State. The Law should accordingly stop the treacherous assumptions of an equality of strength between the State and its subjects. Such treacherous assumptions are amplified through the incongruous insistence that private entities prove crime with the same dexterity expected from the State when it is obvious there is unequal power between the State and the private entities competing for claims within it. More beffuddling is that it is obvious that the outcomes sought, when private entities compete for claims, are often fundamentally parallel and different from what the State seeks when it conducts a criminal trial against its subject(s).

    Given the dire need for true democracy in Nigeria, it is difficult to contemplate how Election Petitions often get bugged by such statutory incoherence and illogicality. It is however hoped that the Legislature, and thereafter; my Lords at the Supreme Court, may be persuaded to reverse the decades-old trend, of requiring proof beyond reasonable doubt to establish allegations of crime made in civil proceedings, especially Election Petitions- at the earliest opportunity.

    At the very least, it is humbly proposed that another standard of proof be creatively invented to deal with criminal allegations made in civil proceedings, especially Election Petitions. Or crimes could be delineated and varying standards of proof made applicable, to varying degrees of criminal allegations, according to the gravity of whatever is alleged.

    But pending whatever new standards that may eventually evolve, the proof beyond reasonable doubt requirement, within civil proceedings (especially Election Petitions), must continually be described and derided for what it is- an unfortunate statutory and jurisprudential misconception, a clog in the democratic wheel, an antithesis of the doctrine’s essence and origination, a clumsy assumption of equality of needs and strengths between the State and private entities competing within it, a Law operating in denial of practical realities, a Law tempting private entities to illegitimately invade the infrastructural exclusivities of the State, a Law without philosophical depth, a Law impeding jurisprudential growth, etc.

    Moving forward, the Legislature may consider enacting another phrase, such as ‘highly probable’, to become statutorily sufficient to determine the proof or otherwise of so-called criminal allegations made in election petitions.

     

    Akintayo Iwilade- Lagos-based Legal Practitioner

    (e-mail:iwilord@yahoo.co.uk)

     

     

     

  • NBA Lagos election: How the candidates stand

    As Lagos branch of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), goes to the poll on Friday, its outgoing Chairman, Mr. O. Taiwo Taiwo, has urged contestants not to be desperate in the exercise of their constitutional rights.

    He told The Nation: “ They are my friends. I have no particular candidate for any of the offices and I wish all of them well.”

    On his advice for the contestants, he said they should allow the votes to count and should not exhibit some traits to show that they are desperate for the elecction.

    He said: “ There must be losers and winners in the election. The losers should feel free to contest again and may possibly win; after all, I lost election twice before I campaigned and won the last one as the branch chairman.”

    He said the new branch executives will be sworn in on July 22, during the branch Annual General Meeting (AGM) when he would feel free to lash out at some members whose electoral fortunes might be imperilled if he lashes out at them, because some of them are contestants in the forth coming elections.

    He said: “Whether they win the election or not, I will talk because I am not impressed with their behaviour in the branch. I will definitely lash out at them.”

    Meanwhile, a list of about 1,859 eligible voters in the election as approved by the branch electoral committee has been displayed at the Bar centre with a a notice signed by the branch Financial Secretary, Mr Philip Njetene , urging those whose names are missing from the list to forward copies of their Branch Dues and Bar Practice Fees to the Bar Centre at the High Court on or before July 11, at 3.00pm for inclusion on the list.

    As is usual in NBA elections, the offices of the branch chairman and secretary are the most contentious and contested offices in this election with three people, Alex Muoka, Martins Ogunleye and Hannibal Uwaifo, contesting for the chairmanship of the branch while Tola Apata and Chukwuma Ezeala are slugging it out for the office of the branch secretary

    Alex N. Mouka

    He graduated from the Lagos State University (LASU), Ojo in 1990 and was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1991. He won the Dr. Graham-Douglas prize for the ‘best and most outstanding student in Company Law and Commercial Practice at the Nigerian Law School. He holds a Master of Laws (LL.M) of the University of Lagos (UNILAG) specialising in International Commercial Law and Secured Credit Transactions.

    He was a Legal Officer with ITT Nigeria Limited. In September 1992, he joined the law firm of Messrs. Tunde Odanye & Co. , which he left in July 1997 as Head of Chambers to set up his practice.

    He was appointed a Notary Public by the Chief Justice of Nigeria and was sworn-in on September 22, 1999. He is an Associate of the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators of the United Kingdom.

    Muoka is Treasurer, Intellectual Property Law Association of Nigeria and Secretary, NBA, Lagos branch. His practice covers civil litigation and dispute resolution, company and commercial law, banking and insurance matters, corporate re-structuring and re-engineering, project and joint venture documentation, communications, construction and development law, trusts, environmental law and intellectual property law.

    Mr. Mouka said good leadership, institutional reforms, capacity building among members, welfare of members and discipline in the profession is the core focus of his manifesto.

    Martins Ogunleye

    Mr Ogunleye is the First Vice Chairman, NBA Lagos branch; chairman, NBA Lagos Human Rights Committee (2011-2013); chairman J.I.C. Taylor Memorial Lecture Committee, NBA Lagos, (2011-2013); Member, Human Rights Committee, NBA Lagos (2009-2011); chairman, Protocol sub- committee, NBA Lagos Annual Dinner 2011; Member, NBA Lagos Law Week Committee 2012; ex-Officio member, Nationmal Association of Catholic Lawyers (2011-date)

    He has the welfare of members, integration of zonal fora, capacity building for members, enhancing the capacity of the branch secretariat, ensuring financial discipline, Bar and Bench relations and branch corporate social responsibilities as the focus of his manifesto.

    Hannibal Uwaifo

    Uwaifo has been a very active member and player in the branch since 1990, when he was called to the Bar. He has served the branch in the following capacities, ex-officio member of the Exco-1995-97; Asst. Publicity Secretary, 1997-99.

    Secretary, Loc al Organising Committee1997, N.E.C. Lagos-1997; Asst. Social Secretary, 1999-2001; Chairman, Law week committee 2009, Chairman, Task Force for AGM (Lagos) 2009; Secretary, Judicial Committee 2009-2011, Alternate chairman, Bar Dinner Committee, 2011; Chairman, Law Week Committee 2012 and member, National Executive Committee (NEC) NBA 2008 2012.

    He said: “ I discharged my duties in those offices creditably well and with all sense of responsibility. The process of discharging those responsibilities exposed me on first hand basis, to the challenges facing the branch as a body, the expectations of its members which I have briefly articulated in my manifesto as follows: proper harnessing of the potentials of our branch, branch secretariat and Bar Centre, creation of wealth for our members, dignifying our profession by the provision a 30- seater air-conditioned bus for younger members of the Bar and other lawyers who rely on public transport to run their practice, to shuttle between our major practice centres. This will, definitely, bring dignity to the legal profession, mentoring of young lawyers, continuing legal education, maintain an activist Bar within the boundaries of professional ethics, as a member of the International Bar Association (IBA) since 1997, American Bar Association (ABA) since 2005, I can also tap from my experience in those organisations to further the interest of our branch, insurance for members and their spouses.”  Tola Apata

    He said: “ The office of the secretary of NBA Lagos branch is not that of a “glorified clerk”. Whoever occupies that office is a leader in our noble profession. He must, indeed, have the traits, attitudes and qualities of a good leader. He should be accessible and acceptable to interest groups within the Bar.

    “There are gender, religious and professional interest sub-groups within the Bar, such as Arbitration, Mediation,  Insolvency, Muslim Lawyers Association of Nigeria ( MULAN),Christian Lawyers Fellowship of Nigeria (CLASFON), Young Lawyers etc.

    Apata promises each subgroup and interest equal and fair treatment, but with bias and over indulgence towards the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) as it champions the cause of women, the down trodden and other vulnerable members of our society.Apata promises “good, quality professional and organisation leadership to all. He will ensure that the Bar gets its dues from all its members and that the Bar reciprocates by according honour, privileges and protection to its members in the course of law practice.

    “To serve the Bar effectively and efficiently at its Lagos branch Secretariat. He will focus on professional training and capacity building in all areas of law. He will initiate the publication of an NBA Lagos Branch Law Reports. He will reactive the ongoing efforts by the Bar to build a permanent secretariat with modern day office and other information communication technology (ICT) equipment.

    Babatola foresees and shall work for a proactive Bar, not a reactionary one – one that be “on top of its game” on all issues affecting the legal professional in our country. He specifically called the profession’s attention to section 41 of the Financial Reporting Council Act, 2011, which requires all professionals, lawyers inclusive to register with the Council before they can render services to public entities I.e government organisations, parastatals and public companies. The Bar was not consulted before the Act was enacted. The Bar is now in a precarious position, ever willing to react when the provisions of the Act are effectively implemented against its members! That is what the Bar is presently doing in the litigation on the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act, 2011 at the Federal High Court, Abuja Division.

    The Bar has a duty to fight quacks, by ensuring that no non-legally qualified persons practice law under any disguise.

    Above all, whenever the Bar has to identify with the people by undertaking political affirmative action as witnessed in the fuel subsidy removal protest, Justice Salami protest etc.

    Apata shall be at the vanguard of such actions.

    The Bar that shall ensure the rule of law and not the law of the ruler is Apata’s vision. Each vote for Apata counts and is valuable for the attainment of these lofty ideals.”

    Chukwuma Ezeala

    He said his immense experiences from his services to the branch in various capacities has exposed him to the challenges of the NBA system.

    He said: “In these capacities, I have gained immense experience and capacity for management of human/material resources and projects, more especially, I have gained invaluable insights on the strengths and weaknesses of the NBA system.

    “My careful review of our Bar, particularly the office of the secretary reveals that it has been growing from strength to strength due to the committed efforts of our past great leaders and secretaries. However, there is the urgent need to consolidate on the labours of our great Bar leaders while at the same time raising a bar of excellence.

    Our secretariat: ”The Lagos Bar has the largest, finest and most successful lawyers in West Africa. However, there is the need to devise ways to bring about optimal utilisation of these intangible but enviable resources for more efficient services to our teeming members

    Lack of database of Lawyers in the Branch: “This is a fundamental issue, as there cannot be proper planning without a reliable database. Therefore, the compilation of membership register and issuance of identity cards shall be pursued with the utmost vigour. The exercise shall lead to increase in membership strength from the current 3,000 to more than 5,000 members that should be captured in our database.

    On minutes and branch resolutions, he said: “It is axiomatic that minutes and resolutions of meetings are very important for any association. Therefore, minutes of the branch meetings shall be regularly and timeously communicated to members. Resolutions at meetings will be adequately publicized to avoid ambiguity in the minds of members.

    On the the courts, he said: “The secretariat staff shall be empowered to constructively engage court registrars and the courts towards a seamless administration of litigation and probate related matters.”

    He added: “Collaboration and networking among secretariat staff of the NBA branches in Lagos shall be developed with a view to meeting the expectations of an association that is interested in the welfare of its members. This would most likely lead to provision of similar services in Ikeja and other branches where there are courts.”

  • One year of judicial activism

    One year of judicial activism

    The first woman Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) Aloma Mariam  Mukhtar is one year old in office today. In this report, Eric Ikhilae examines her efforts at restoring public confidence in the judiciary.

     

    The judiciary, many believe, sunk to its lowest following the face-off between former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) Aloysius Katsina-Alu and suspended President of the Court of Appeal (PCA) Justice Ayo Isa Salami. At the root of the altercation were perceived corruption and unethical conduct in the judiciary.

    This explains the scepticism that greeted the assumption of office of Justice Dahiru Musdapher, who succeeded Justice Katsina-Alu as the CJN.

    To an extent, Justice Musdapher, in his short tenure, tried to cleanse the judiciary through some policies, the most prominent being the reform measures he suggested in his recommendations to the National Assembly on the aspects of the Constitution that should be reviewed to aid efficiency in justice delivery.

    Many were, however, unhappy when his tenure ended before the legislature could act on his recommendations. Most people had nursed the fear of a possible return to the era of a directionless, indolent and corruption-infested judiciary; knowing that continuity in public policies’ implementation is alien to public administration in the country.

    This has, however, not been the case since Justice Musdapher’s successor Justice Mariam Aloma Mukhtar mounted the saddle.

    Before assuming office, she acknowledged the rot in the system. When, she appeared before the senate for screening on July 11 last year, Justice Mukhtar admitted that the temple of justice had been desecrated by some elements. She was responding to questions from the senators on the state of the judiciary. She vowed to reverse the trend.

    “As at now, it is very bad and I am saddened by it. I will try. I don’t want to sound like a broken record. I will try to make sure that the confidence reposed in the Judiciary, as it was before, is returned. I will try to ensure that the bad eggs that are there are flushed out,” she said. Justice Mukhtar assured that “there will be a cleansing by the National Judicial Council (NJC) based on petitions. It is sad that the ordinary man on the street thinks and feels that he cannot get justice. This is because of the situation we find ourselves. I will ensure that this perception changes.” While she was making pledges before the Legislature, those who knew her, were quick to describe her as “a no-nonsense woman, who is firm and lives by her words.”

    A year into her tenure (having assumed office on July 16, 2012) things seem to be looking up in the judiciary. Justice Mukhtar appears to be matching her words with actions. Discipline seems to be finding its way back to the system.

    This no doubt could be attributed to her three-pronged approach to sanitising the judiciary, which seems to be gaining ground. The first is her resolve to ensure prompt treatment, by the National Judicial Council (NJC), of petitions against judicial officers.

    The second is the yearly NJC’s Nigeria’s Judicial Performance Evaluation Report (NJPER) while the third is the newly introduced practice direction for all courts. The practice direction is specifically intended to fast-track trials of offences involving terrorism, rape, kidnapping, corruption, money laundering, human trafficking and related cases.

    What was almost becoming a taboo in the judiciary happened in quick succession on her assumption of office. Petitions against judges wer,e before now, left to rot with the NJC.

    Justice Mukhtar said on May 13, this year in Lagos, at a two-day workshop organised by the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Action Group, with the theme: “The rule of law- the bedrock for sustainable democracy,” that she inherited 139 petitions.

    Within few weeks they were treated and 106 were considered vexatious or baseless, with only 33 considered worthy of attention.

    She added that 198 fresh petitions have been filed since she got into office. They have equally been treated, with 150 found to be frivolous, 15 are awaiting responses from judges while 21 were slated for consideration.

    On November 5, 2012, Justice Mukhtar decided to defer the swearing-in of Justice Ifeoma Jombo-Ofor elevated with other 11 justices to the Court of Appeal, on the ground that a petition was pending against her, with allegations that Justice Jombo-Ofor had laid claim to two states of origin in her career.

    Despite the public outcry that greeted her decision, Justice Mukhtar insisted on due process of law, pointing to the provision of Paragraph 2 of Part II of the Federal Character Commission (Establishment) Act Subsidiary Legislation, which states that “a married woman shall continue to lay claim to her state of origin for the purpose of implementation of the Federal Character Formulae at the national level.”

    The NJC, under her leadership, eventually ensured that Justice Jombo-Ofor got sworn-in as a Court of Appeal Justice on the slot of Anambra State rather than her husband’s state – Abia.

    The NJC, under her, took a bold step when on February 28, this year, it recommended the compulsory retirement of Justice Charles Archibong of the Federal High Court and Justice Thomas .D. Naron of the High Court of Justice, Plateau State.

    The council also set up a ‘fact-finding’ committee to investigate the allegations against Justice Abubakar Talba of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court in respect of the Police Pension case involving John Yakubu Yusuf.

    On April 26, this year, upon receiving the report of the fact-finding committee, the NJC suspended Justice Talba from office for 12 months without pay, sequel to the council’s findings that he did not exercise his discretion judicially and judiciously with regard to the sentences he passed on Yusuf, who was convicted for stealing N1.3 billion meant for the payment of pension and gratuities of retired policemen.

    Also, the NJC, after treating petitions against Justice Okechukwu Okeke of the Federal High Court, Lagos, issued a serious warning, before he retired from service on May 18, 2013.

    Many petitions are still being considered, among which is that involving the former Chief Judge of the FCT, Justice Lawal Gummi.

    The cleaning effort is not limited to judicial officers.

    With the hindsight of experience, Justice Mukhtar knows the havoc some of the supporting staff are capable of causing in the justice delivery system.

    This, she noted, at a workshop held on June 17 in Abuja by the National Judicial Institute (NJI) for librarians working in the judiciary.

    At the event, the CJN expressed her determination to extend the ongoing sanitisation in the judiciary to support staff.

    “Let me quickly add that the fight against corruption in the judiciary is not only targeted at judicial officers, but also against any member of staff of the judiciary who finds luxury or convenience in engaging in corrupt practices or in any other unwholesome conduct.

    “It is a notorious fact that this category of workers has in the past caused leakages of judgments written by judges, which were yet to be delivered. Litigants’ applications are at times not filed in their case files thereby denying the judges from acting on them.

    “Some of them midwife between the litigants and the judges in the sale of judgment, or provide information to litigants on how some judges can be approached to compromise his or her judgment. All these they do for fee at the expense of judiciary integrity and image,” the CJN said.

    True to her words, a few days later, the Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC) announced the dismissal of five support staff of Supreme Court workers and one from the Court of Appeal of Abuja division. They were found to have leaked the judgment in the case of Senator Alphonsus Igbeke vs Lady Margery Okadigbo before it was delivered on May 31, 2013.

    The FJSC did not stop at that, it also requested the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) to further investigate and possibly prosecute Igbeke and one Collins Okechukwu for allegedly aiding and abetting the leakage.

    There have been many cases of leaked judgments in the apex court and even in the lower courts before now, but the dismissal was the first time such incidence would be investigated with the culprits apprehended and punished.

    This development, no doubt, will serve as a deterrence to this category of workers.

    To combat indolence among judges, the CJN has also devised a means of monitoring their performance. This, she said, was in conformity with the civil service rule, in which any worker who is rated poor or unproductive on performance evaluation could be asked to give way for good hands to take his or her place.

    She said the need to monitor judges’ performance stemmed from complaints, by stakeholders, particularly the NBA about the attitudes of judges to work in recent time.

    “Many will leave their work and travel for days abroad. This is why I insisted they must obtain approval before traveling abroad. Until this directive, I never thought things were all that bad, because some of the judges will be seeking for permission to travel abroad while the courts are in session, despite the six weeks holiday they are entitled to in a year.

    “These are part of the reasons the NJC undertakes performance evaluation from time to time, both at the trial and appellate courts, to determine productivity of the judges and their courts in the states and the Federal Capital Territory.”

    The CJN spoke on May 17 , while receiving analysed copies of NJC’s “Nigeria’s Judicial Performance Report (2008-2011)” submitted by the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies (NIALS).

    She said the report would aid planning and easy decision making by the NJC.

    The CJN said it was absurd to observe that some judges couldn’t even deliver up to two judgments in a quarter.

    ‘’We are now thinking of looking at the performance evaluation of the judges for the purpose of discipline. If a judge cannot deliver three to four judgments in a year, there is no use keeping him on the bench other than to be shown his or her way out’’.

    Under this scheme, the NJC sends out its monitoring team to all the superior courts – Court of Appeal, Federal and state High Courts, National Industrial Court, Customary and the Sharia Courts of Appeal – which engages in periodic collation of data on the numbers of cases – civil, criminal and motions – assigned to each court. The team also gathers data on the number of these cases disposed off and those pending at the end of each quarter.

    The same NJC’s committee on performance evaluation maintains a data bank which also contain information on the performance of individual judicial officer.

    The report generated by the monitoring team shows, among others, the manner in which the cases were disposed off; whether they were cases decided on the merit or they were struck out as non-contested cases. Judges are rated based on the cases disposed on merit.

    By this arrangement, judges would be more apt to effectively and expeditiously prosecute cases in their courts in order to register a minimum of four judgment in a year.

    Another means devised by the CJN, directed against undue delay in justice administration, is the introduction of new practice direction for courts.

    Already, the CJN is working with Chief Judges of states’ High Courts, the Abuja High Court, the Federal High Court and presiding Justices of the various divisions of the Court of Appeal, to put in place an efficient system that will eliminate delays in criminal trials.

    The intention is to produce a model practice direction for all courts to fast-track trials of offences involving terrorism, rape, kidnapping, corruption, money laundering, human trafficking and related matters.

    In what may yet turn out to be her biggest achievement, Justice Mukhtar also hopes to extended the practice direction to the Supreme Court.

    This is to ensure that while the Judiciary awaits the Legislature to effect the necessary constitutional amendment, it should, in the mean time, put in place administrative measures to achieve the much needed judicial reform for quick dispensation of justice.

    Observers are of the view that much as the CJN should be commended for her efforts at ensuring a corruption free and efficient judicial system was in place, she must understand the need carry all stakeholders along.

    This, they said, requires that she takes steps to ensure that other stakeholders buy into her objectives and plans, with a view to ensuring that the changes being introduced become a culture when she vacates office.

    “We should not see all this as her own alone. Everyone, who desires a judicial system that we will all be proud of; a system that will dispense justice without being influenced; a system that will always be unbiased, we must all buy into this woman’s reform ideas, a lawyer, Christopher Nnamdi said.

    Others also suggested that the reform efforts should include capacity building for judicial officers and their support staff; deployment of modern work tools, particularly information and communication technology (ICT); review of the appointment process for judges to allow more openness and public participation.

    There is also the argument that an enhanced funding for the sector would also be of immense benefit.

    The ultimate wish of all however, is the realisation of a judicial system that serves to dispense justice no matter whose interest is at stake; a system that is blind to external manipulations and serves the good of all irrespective of who is on the saddle.

     

  • ‘Judicial corruption is  a cancer we must eliminate’

    ‘Judicial corruption is  a cancer we must eliminate’

    Mr Desmond Yamah is the chairman of the Abuja branch of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA). In this interview with Legal Editor JOHN AUSTIN UNACHUKWU, he speaks on the challenges of leadership, lawyers’ welfare, fighting corruption in the Judiciary and sundry issues. Excerpts:

    You have been the chairman of the NBA Abuja branch for six months. What are the challenges of the office?

    The office of the chairman of NBA Abuja branch is tasking and quite challenging. This is a branch that has about 10,000 members and with that kind of number, we are trying to reach out to make every member to feel the impact and importance of the NBA in their professional lives.

    How are you going about this?

    We have embarked on training for the branch to build the capacity of members in various fields  of law practice, for instance legislative advocacy. We are trying to acquire  basic knowledge in the art of drafting, the idea of this is to ensure that  many of our members to take advantage of the knowledge and skills to do work for members of the National Assembly in terms of initiating  and proposing bills for members and even private member bills. We are also working on the areas of human rights because human rights violations are quite rampant in Abuja. A lot of the rights of the people are being violated, especially by the security agencies and some other organisations. We are trying to streghten the capacity of our human rights committee to be able to deal with these challenges. W e are also looking at the area of improving the judiciary and also trying very hard to acquire  a Bar Centre  for the branch. These are some of the priority areas that we are looking at and in some of these areas, the structures have been put in place, we are looking at the next six months to be able to have tangible achievements from the administration.

    The Chief Justice of Nigeria,  Justice (CJN) Aloma Miriam Mukhtar has taken some bold steps to rid the judiciary of corruption. What is your reaction to this?

    The fight against corruption in the judiciary by the CJN is a welcome development. Every lawyer, every sane human being, knows that any jurisdiction where the judiciary is corrupt, it is as dangerous as having a mad man with a loaded AK 47 loose on the streets. Judicial corruption is such a cancer that every society must strive to eliminate.  We support the fight against corruption by the CJN and if you look at events of the recent past, some people may seem to misunderstand our position.

    What is your position?

    Our position has been  that where there have been established cases of judicial corruption,  such judicial officers must be  brought to justice because they destroy the lives of people, the rights of people, the interest of people, they destroy the wealth of people  by making pronouncement  that are not in accord with the sense of justice. In as much as we support the fight against corruption, our position has always been that, the fight should be done in such a way as not to destroy the institution. Judicial corruption is like eroding  public confidence in the judicial system.

    How do we go about this?

    For instance today, many lawyers and their clients, litigants prefer to explore the option of petition as against  appeal when they lose  cases.  No matter how clever a judge wants to be, when giving judgements for which he has been compromised, every average lawyer will know that the judgement is not in accord with established precedents. The law requires that a judge does not give judgment at his whims and caprices, not the way he feels or desires, no.  A judge gives judgment   based on established precedents and rule of law and every decision reached by a judge, he must give reasons for it. And when these reasons are weighed against the facts of the case, it is always easy to know whether a judge has perverted judgement or not.  Now, a situation where people decide to write frivolous petitions against judges is unfair because it distracts judges from doing their jobs. This is not acceptable in a civilised judicial system. A situation where judges are intimidated, when they give judgments in line with what they think the people will say as against what they believe is the justice of the case, is not also acceptable.

    What is your suggestion on this?

    A judge must be courageous, this  is one of the major attributes of a good judge.  A judge must be fair, the judge must be principled. He must be fearless in applying the law  and in reaching the decisions that he makes. But today, the judiciary is highly intimidated; we have an instance where a judge of the Federal High Court, said in the open court, I do not know the ruling that I should give, whichever ruling I give, I am likely to be taken to the National Judicial Council (NJC). When we have a scenario like this, then the institution is seriously threatened and we cannot destroy the institution we seek to protect eliminating corrupt judges. So, there must be established guidelines. There must be established principles of bringing to justice judges that are corrupt. The trend now is that when lawyers lose a case, instead of going  on appeal, they write an appeal against a judge, for giving judgment against me, I will destroy him. We have a situation where litigants threaten judges, most people make frivolous allegations against judges even there in their court.

    How do we resolve this?

    My advice on this is, let’s fight this cause in such a  way that corrupt judges are eliminated from the system and judges who are not corrupt, are also protected  against destructive allegations that threaten his career.

    It is believed that the standard of legal education in the country has fallen abysmally; consequently, people have called for law to be made a second degree programme, what is your reaction to this?

    Well, it depends on how you look at it. Law is a profession  like  wine that  gets better  with age. Now, looking at law, looking at the standard of education in the country, and looking at what you presume to be falling standards, a lot of factors are responsible for this. What are the conditions of our universities; what are the conditions of the faculties of law in the universities; what are the qualifications of the lecturers that you have in these  faculties. Now, in arriving at that conclusion that the standard of  legal education is falling, you take some of these factors into consideration, the educational sector has been thoroughly neglected by the government. Recently, I had a cause to visit the secondary school which I left in 1990, when I got there, the science laboratory which we used there then is no longer in existence, the school library is no longer in existence.  This is a Federal Government College, then how do you expect the pupils to read and become great scholars. Consequently, if you go to some law faculties today, you cannot find ordinary internet facilities.  Online research facilities are not there, the average lawyer cannot do research on the internet, how do expect rising standards of legal education in this circumstance?

    What is your advice in this circumstance?

    My thinking is that it is not making it a second or third degree programme that will improve the standard, you can have a first degree in a university that is not  properly equipped  and you come out worse than somebody the graduated from a well equipped secondary school. Consequently, you can take law as a first degree course in an academic environment that is properly equipped and you come out better than somebody who has practised law for more than 10 years. What we need to address, is the state of infrastructures in our universities and in our Law School. We need to look at the quality of lecturers that we have in those institutions, this underscores the need for us to have Law Faculties that are properly equipped with state of the art facilities where you have  regular supplies  of current editions of Law Reports, legal textbooks and high quality teachers as lecturers, who are properly and well remunerated, teachers who are encouraged and who are committed to the course of legal education. Where  teachers are not well paid, where adequate facilities are not provided for them to teach, where students do not have access to quality legal materials to enhance their study, we will continue to have these  challenges even  if  you make law a third degree  programme.  So, it is not making law a second degree course that will improve the standards of legal education,  but the quality of our tertiary  institutions and the preparedness of the institutions in turning out good students.

    Alternative Disputes Resolution Mechanisms (ADR) has been described as a faster mode of resolving commercial disputes, how come that we still have a lot of commercial disputes in our courts in spite  of the high level  of ADR practice in the country?

    Well, ADR is a very important component  of the judicial process in commercial  disputes resolution, because it helps the parties to reconcile and erode all forms of bitterness. It helps to reduce the workloads  in the court system, Many people will say that it is fast, many people will also say that it has a lot of advantages, but for any society to enjoy the advantages of ADR, the practitioners of ADR need to have quality education in the fields of ADR, I have seen so many situations where people  who have gone for ADR with the intention of speedy resolution of their disputes regretted ever going there because the panel members  failed or deliberately refused to write and deliver their awards after sitting and sometimes you find out that because  they  are not directly liable  to anybody,  they hand out awards that are perverse. I have seen a situation where an award that was given by an ADR panel was a big disappointment. Now, the challenge or disadvantage here is that you have to back to the court system again to seek to set aside the award, this is like going back to the drawing board.

    How do we resolve this?

    I want to appeal to the institutes to exercise major control over their members, some of them are not giving the Institutes very good names. The concept is good, the advantages are numerous, but the practice in Nigeria is undergoing a lot of challenges. I always believe that there is always room for improvements, once we have credible members of the institutes who deliver credible awards in line with the provisions of the law and their conscience,  I think ADR is a wonderful alternative.

     

  • ‘Courts have power to formulate issues for parties where justice so demands’

    IN the alternative, that is to say, without any prejudice to the foregoing argument, the respondents have raised two issues for determination in the appeal itself in the event of being overruled on the preliminary objection as follows:

     

    Issue No.1

     

    “Whether the Justices of the Court of Appeal were right that the appellant was not denied fair hearing by the approach of the learned trial Judge in formulating issues for determination without calling Counsel to address it.”

     

    Issue No.2

     

    ‘Whether the lower court was right in all the circumstances in dismissing the appeal filed by the appellant.”

    The appellant on his part with regard to the preliminary objection has contended that each of the sixteen grounds of appeal has raised a different distinct and indeed a specific complaint predicated upon the lower court’s decision as against the respondents alleging that all the grounds speaking generally represent a failure to properly appraise or evaluate or assess the evidence on the record whether oral or documentary before the lower courts. He has opined that whether a ground is one of law or mixed law and facts or facts simpticita is determined by the principle as laid down in O. D. Briggs v. The Chief Land Officer of Rivers State of Nigeria & 3 Ors. (2005) AFWLR (Pt.268) 1626 at 1641 D-F that is it is relevant to construe the substantive ground with its particulars of error as alleged. Applying the said principle to the instant grounds the appellant having categorised the instant grounds of appeal under three subheads has argued that ground one has complained of the judgment of the lower court as perverse being ‘patently erroneous, against the weight of evidence and unsupportable by the submissions”, and has relied on Udengwu v. Uzuegbu & Ors. (2003) 110 L.RC.N. 1702 for so submitting. And that the particulars in respect of ground one have done no more than describe, emphasize or amplify the nature of the sole complaint raised in the said ground one. He has strangely enough in a moment of truth opined that this is the gist of the appellant’s complaints in all the other grounds being questioned in the appeal.

    On grounds 2,3,5 and 9 the appellant has argued that the trial court has “failed to apply the facts correctly to the circumstances of the case” which have led the court to place wrongly the burden of proof on the appellant, and again, which definitely have otherwise misguided the court to a finding that the appellant has not proved his case that is to say as regards the burden of proof and the standard of proof the law have placed on him; he refers to Board of Customs & Excise v. lbrahim Barau (1982) 10 SC.48 at 137, and Ogbechie & Anor. v. Onochie (supra). The appellant has charged the trial court as affirmed by the lower court of failing in its primary duty for not scrutinising the consequences of these grounds as regards the contentious question of whether the 2nd respondent, a co-employee has properly acted in this case on behalf of the 1st respondent as its alter ego or as a busybody operating under a selfish agenda to oust the appellant from his lawful employment; in support references have been made to Ebe Uka v. Chief Kalu Irolo (2002) 7SC (Pt.11) 77 at 103 and lbenye v. Agwu (1998) 11 NWLR (Pt.574) 372 at 392.

    On grounds 4, 6, 7 , 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 and 17, it is argued that grounds 4, 6, 11 and 12 particularly have complained that the court below has failed to apply the law to the facts as averred in the pleadings and on the evidence and again on the trial court having failed to do so; and thus has failed to advert to the requirement in this regard as per the provisions of order 12 Rule 3 – Federal High court Civil Procedure Rules 2000 and Section 137 of the Evidence Act. It is alleged that there is no credible evidence that the 2nd respondent, a co-employee, has been clothed with the necessary authority to carry out all the actions complained herein against him as encompassed in grounds 6, 9, 11,12, 13,14 and 15; in the result that the appellant has charged the court below of having abandoned the real issues as complained in these grounds to engage as alleged in ground 6 on extraneous matters as regards questions of Master/Servant relationship between the appellant and the 1st respondent. On this submission, one wonders whether the appellant has a firm grip of his case as per his pleadings and evidence before the trial court. He has complained of a failure of duty to appreciate a fact or resolve a point or of shying away from the case as a complaint of law in that the 2nd respondent has no power to query him, to constituting of disciplinary committee, as well as his arraignment, suspension to dismissal which postulations he has submitted have been regrettably misconceived by the respondents in challenging these grounds by the instant preliminary objection. And that on the backdrops of the core complaints clearly registered in grounds 4, 6, 7, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 and 17 that they are all grounds of law and sustainable of the amended Notice of Appeal.

    On ground 5, 9 and 10: It is argued that within the meaning of Section 36(1) of the 1999 Constitution that the Standing Committee of the Central Bank of Nigeria before which organ, the appellant ought to have rightfully been arraigned that is to say, in an appropriate case is a Tribunal established by law; and has relied for so contending on Garba v. Unimaid (1986) 2 SC. 128 at 186 and to the effect that the proposition has been settled by the finding therein and I quote that:

    ‘When the Vice Chancellor assumed the disciplinary powers under S.17 of the Act, he became not a court but a tribunal established by law acting in a quasi-judicial capacity…” But he was not independent and not impartial.

    When he delegated his disciplinary powers to the Disciplinary Board, the Disciplinary Board become a tribunal bound to observe all the Rules of natural justice. But the Board was not independent and some of the members not impartial.”

    Having reflected on the foregoing dicta the appellant has surmised that if he had been arraigned before the appropriate Standing Committee of the Central Bank and by the Bank itself for that matter as against the make-believe committees as set out by the subterfuge of the 2nd respondent that his complaints as to their composition etc. would have amounted to a straight case of alleging of denial of a fair hearing. Meaning that his complaints of denial of fair hearing in the circumstances before the instant Disciplinary committees put in place by the 2nd respondent in the disciplinary processes before which he has in fact been arraigned in this matter have arisen by default. He has charged the trial court of having missed this crucial aspect of his case to the effect that the 2nd respondent has at all times at the trial not accounted for himself of the authority for his actions in this matter in other words that he has not discharged the burden of proof put on him by section 137 of the Evidence Act arising from the pleadings and evidence on the record. I will come to deal with the question raised by this thrust of his case anon as it hinges on whether the 2nd respondent is a necessary party when he has acted for the 1st respondent under a false colour of office as alleged by the appellant in the process of dismissing the appellant in this matter. However, I must vouch here that this misconception of the 2nd respondent’s acting in place of the 1st respondent, a corporate entity, has pervaded the appellant’s case in this appeal; thus he has so engrossed himself in pursuing this line of argument that he has glossed over the pertinent law that the 1st respondent has to perform through its accredited officers as the 2nd respondent as one of the Directors in its services.

    I now come to the said grounds of appeal in the storm’s eye in the appeal – the bone of contention in this case. Before then I must observe that I will omit grounds 12 to 17 as they appear to have been abandoned as no issues have been raised from each one of them and they serve no purpose in this appeal. Each of them should therefore be struck out. See: Ojo v. Kamalu (2005) 12 SC (Pt.11) 132, Niger Construction Ltd. v. Okugbeni (1987) 4 NWLR (Pt-67) 787.

    The said relevant grounds of appeal are set out in extenso as follows:

     

    GROUND ONE:

     

    The entire judgment is perverse and erroneous in law in that the court below misunderstood and misapplied the law to the facts admitted or not disputed.

     

    PARTICULARS OF PERVERSENESS

     

    i. The learned justices of the court below wrongly applied the law to the facts of the case in the pleadings and evidence as well as presumed other facts thereby erroneously placing a higher burden of proof on the appellant than is required by the law.

    ii. The lower court erroneously presumed delegation of the disciplinary power of the 1st respondent to the 2nd against the hard facts on record thereby causing a miscarriage of justice.

    iii.The learned Justices of the court below assumed the role of a trial court by purporting to evaluate the evidence and came to the following conclusions not borne out by evidence on record namely:-

    i. “There is no grain of truth in the appellant’s allegation that the Director of Personnel usurped the powers of the 1st respondent to issue the query to him and proceeded without lawful authority to institute a special audit investigation panel”.

    ii. “The composition of the Central Disciplinary Committee and the actions taken by the Director of personnel are in accordance with Exhibit “D” and everything was properly done as prescribed in Exhibit “D”-

     

    GROUND TWO:

     

    The learned Justices of the Court below erred in law by affirming all the findings of the trial court that the appellant failed to prove his case or discharge the burden placed on him to entitle him to judgment as well as that the appellant was given a fair hearing by 1st respondent.

     

    PARTICULARS OF ERROR

     

    i. The learned Justice of the Court below “agreed entirely with the summation of the entire case by the learned trial Judge and (held) that the judgment cannot be faulted” without proper consideration of the pleadings and evidence record.

    ii.Affirmed the trial court’s finding that ’’The 1st defendant complied with the conditions laid down in the staff manual Exhibit “D” when the pleadings and evidence on record were that 1st respondent was not involved in the disciplinary process and did not authorize the actions complained of.

    iii. Over sighted the appellant’s evidence on record and drew wrong conclusions from respondents’ challenged exhibits.

    iv. The findings of the court below undermine or failed to follow the law in Katto v. CBN (1991) 9 NWLR (Pt.214) as well as Haruna University of Agriculture Makurdi (2005) 3 NWLR (Pt. 912) 233 on procedure for ensuring a fair hearing in administrative Tribunal proceedings.

     

    GROUND THREE:

     

    The learned Justices of the Court below erred in law by failing to hold that by the unchallenged oral and documentary evidence on record, the appellant proved his case but rather relied on the oral evidence of DW2 who was not called as witness for the 1st respondent and held variously thus: – “The evidence of DW2 debunked the claim of the plaintiff that the 2nd defendant……” and “There is no grain of truth in the appellant’s allegation that the Director of personnel usurped the powers of the 1st respondent to issue the query to him and proceeded without lawful authority to institute a special Audit investigation panel’.

     

    PARTICULARS OF ERROR

    i. The learned Justices of the Court below assumed the role of a trial judge whose primary duty it is to assess or evaluate evidence of parties and ascribe probative value.

    ii. The lower court aptly noted that ‘’The appellant accused the 2nd respondent of usurping the powers of the 1st respondent……’’ but simply affirmed the finding of the trial judge thus: The 1st defendant is a statutory body. That being so, it must necessarily function through its officers who are human beings’’ when there was no evidence on record to the effect.

    iii. The appellant’s evidence on record that 2nd respondent usurped the powers of the 1st respondent and acted without due authorisation was ignored by the lower court.

    iv. The Lower Court also uncritically affirmed the conclusion of the trial court that ‘’the acts of the 2nd defendant in the present case can therefore be attributed to the 1st defendant and that there is no evidence before me that all that the 2nd defendant did in these present case were done in his private capacity “ when there was evidence on record that there was no delegation of power by the 1st respondent to the 2nd respondent.

    v. The findings fail to show an appreciation of the pleadings as well as the appellant’s complaint in EXHIBIT “F”.

     

    GROUND FOUR:

     

    The learned Justices of the Court of Appeal erred in law when they held that the 2nd defendant was properly struck out from the suit as an unnecessary party.

     

    PARTICULARS OF ERROR

     

    The learned Justices of the court of Appeal unjustifiably failed to:-

    a. look at the pleadings and evidence before the court which overwhelmingly challenged the vires of the 2nd respondent in the whole disciplinary action challenged.

    b. Consider the matter on the rules of court on joinder of parties under Order 12 Rule 3 Federal High Court Rules 2000.

    c. Properly consider S.137 of the Evidence Act relating to burden and standard of proof.

     

    GROUND FIVE:

     

    The learned Justices of the Court of Appeal erred in law by holding that the 2nd respondent did not usurp the powers of the 1st respondent and that the plaintiff/appellant was given a fair hearing by the 1st respondent thereby affirming the trial court’s decision on the point.

     

    PARTICULARS OF ERROR

     

    i. Against the evidence on record, the learned Justices of the Court of Appeal:

    a. Held that the appellant was given opportunity to exculpate himself but he failed to do so.

    b. Failed to appreciate the plaintiff appellant’s pleadings and evidence that the 2nd defendant who was his co-employee usurped the Powers of the first respondent and without lawful authorization disciplined him by issuing the controversial exhibits.

    c. Wrongly held that the 2nd respondent acted on behalf of the 1st respondent when there was no evidence of authorisation by delegation of powers to him as well as approval of his actions including the recommendations in exhibits M, M1, M2 & M1-3 by the 1st respondent.

    ii. The learned Justices of the Court of Appeal unjustifiably refused to consider the case of Katto v. CBN (1991) 9 NWLR (Pt.214) submitted by Counsel on the manner of proof of authorisation or delegation of powers by way of minutes of meetings and decisions of the 1st respondent.

    iii. The learned Justices of the Court of Appeal placed undue construction on and drew wrong conclusions from the plaintiff/appellant’s Exhibits’M”’M1″’M2″ and M-M3′.

    iv. The learned Justices of the Court of Appeal unjustifiably failed to consider the authority of Haruna v. University of Agriculture, Makurdi (2005) 2 NWLR (Pt.912) 233 cited by counsel in oral elaboration with respect to the issue of composition of the Disciplinary Panel vis-a-vis fair hearing.

     

    GROUND SIX:

     

    The learned Justices of the Court below erred in law by failing to appreciate the appellant’s case as in his pleadings first before affirming the judgment of the trial court that appellant failed to prove his case and that he was given a fair hearing by the 1st respondent.

     

    PARTICULARS OF ERROR

     

    i. The court confessed that it “cannot comprehend what the plaintiff is complaining about apart from his allegation that the 2nd defendant has no power to query him after the Audit Investigation Panel indicted him” thereby undermining the pleadings before the court.

    ii. The court below failed to appreciate the facts and hold that on the state of the law in S.137 of the Evidence Act, the appellant proved his case.

     

    GROUND SEVEN:

     

    The learned Justices of the Court of Appeal erred in law when they held that “the complaint of lack of fair hearing by the learned trial judge has not been made out’’ and that they “cannot see how the learned trial judge breached the principle of fair hearing by not calling upon counsel to address him on the two issues formulated” suo motu.

     

    PARTICULARS OF ERROR

     

    i. “The learned Justices of the Court below aptly observed:-

     

    (a). That “the trial judge can formulate pertinent issues for determination provided they are related to the pleadings and evidence canvassed before the court” but failed to hold that the two issues formulated by the trial judge were not related to the pleadings and evidence before him.

     

    ii. The conclusion of the court below failed to follow the dictum in Agbeje v. Ajibola (2002) NWLR (Pt.750) 127 that where issues formulated suo motu “raise any issue which the parties did not advert their minds to, then the court must invite the parties to address on such issues raised suo motu before reaching a decision”.

     

    iii. The learned Justices of the Court below failed to hold that the issue of whether the plaintiff discharged the burden of proof raised suo motu by the trial judge became the kernel of the case and as such must be guided by the law in lrom v. Okimba (1998) 56/57 LRCN 3077 that a court must invite the parties to address him when the issue raised suo motu becomes the kernel of the case.

     

    GROUND EIGHT:

     

    The learned Justices of the Court of Appeal erred in law in finding that:-

     

    “The complaint of the appellant on the composition of the Central Disciplinary Committee of any consequence”, and that “Although the Deputy Governor General Administration is the chairman of the Central Disciplinary Committee, he has power to delegate his authority to the Director of Personnel to preside over meetings.”.

     

    PARTICULARS OF ERROR

     

    i. The finding failed to advert to and consider the:-

     

    a. The demands of S.36 (1) of the Constitution as to incidence of independence and impartiality in deciding fair hearing of the Appellant.

     

    b. Decision in Haruna v. University of Agriculture, Makurdi (2005) 2 NWLR (Pt.912) 233 which was cited during oral expatiations on the brief in court.

     

    c. The uncontroverted oral evidence of the appellant that he appeared before selected committees of 2nd defendant against the detail of Exhibit “D” on disciplinary procedure of 1st respondent.

     

    ii. There was no pleading or evidence on record on why the Central Disciplinary Committee that tried Appellant was not the Standing Committee but one Selected by the 2nd Defendant.

     

    iii. The learned Justices of the Court of Appeal speculated and conjectured on why the Deputy Governor (General Administration) as Chairman was not on the panel and whether his power was delegated to the 2nd Defendant.

     

    iv. There was no evidence on record of actual delegation of the 1st Respondent’s power to the 2nd Defendant.

     

    GROUND NINE:

     

    The learned Justices of the Court of Appeal erred in law when they held severally that:-

     

    a. “lt is clear that it was the Central Disciplinary Committee that investigated the allegations made against the Appellant and the number required to form a quorum was complete”.

     

    b. The constitution of that committee cannot be impugned in anyway because their composition was in accordance with chapter 6 Clause 10 of Exhibit “D”.

     

    c. The composition of the Central Disciplinary Committee and the actions taken by the Director of Personnel are in accordance with Exhibit D and everything was properly done as prescribed by Exhibit “D”.

     

    PARTICULARS OF ERROR

     

    1. The learned justices of the Court of Appeal failed to:-

     

    a. advert to the pleadings and consider the Appellant’s evidence on record that he “appeared before a selected Disciplinary Committee not the Standing Disciplinary Committee’.

     

    b. relate chapter 6 clause 10 of Exhibit “D’’ to the facts and evidence on record.

     

    c. Consider the submissions and judicial authorities advanced on the point of quorum and approval of actions of a delegate vis-a-vis fair hearing of the Appellant.

     

    GROUND TEN:

     

    The learned justices of the Court below erred in law when they held that “by the tone of Exhibit “F” the Appellant had no iota of doubt that the query (Exhibit “E”) which was issued to him had the stamp and authority of the 1st Defendant. Similarly the letter of suspension (Exhibit “C’’) the invitation to appear before the Central Disciplinary Committee (Exhibit “L1”) the one summoning him to appear before the Inter-Departmental Committee (Exhibit “J”) emanated from the 1st Defendant/Respondent”.

     

    PARTICULARS OF ERROR

     

    i. The pleadings and evidence on record (oral and documentary) before the court particularly the evidence of DW1 is that “Exhibit “E” was issued from the Personnel Department which office has the responsibility of handling staff matters.

     

    ii. The finding failed to look at the manner Exhibit ‘’E’’ “G” ‘L1″, ‘’L’’ and “J” were signed and follow the judicial authorities on the point.

     

    iii. The learned trial judge took evidence did not make the finding but merely stated that “the acts of the 2nd “Defendant can be attributed to the 1st Defendant” which finding the learned justices affirmed.

     

    iv. The learned justices of the Court of Appeal:

     

    a. failed to hold that the 2nd Defendant has no power in the disciplinary process save only to communicate disciplinary measures taken by the 1st Defendant against staff.

     

    b. Noted that the Appellant “described the actions taken by the 2nd Defendant as unauthorized and done without lawful authority” but failed to decide the point on the evidence on record.

     

    GROUND ELEVEN:

     

    The learned Justices of the court of Appeal erred in law by holding that “it was therefore an afterthought for the Appellant to allege in paragraph 15 of the Amended statement of claim that the 2nd Defendant has removed or caused to be removed all available documents he would have used for his defence.”The Appellant turned tacitum to accuse the 2nd Defendant of removing the document’’. “A clear case of grave misconduct was established against the appellant and instead of bracing up against the situation, he turned round to accuse the 2nd Defendant as the architect of his misfortune”.

     

    PARTICULARS OF ERROR

     

    i. The findings did not arise from the pleadings neither from the findings of the trial court.

     

    ii. The Court below failed to evaluate the evidence but read exhibit ‘F’ in isolation and drew wrong conclusions about the LPOS.

     

    iii. It is clear that it was the Central Disciplinary Committee that investigated the allegations made against the Appellant and the number required to form a quorum was complete.

     

    iv. The constitution of that committees cannot be impugned in anyway because their composition was in accordance with chapter 6 clause 10 of Exhibit “D”.

     

    v. Since he denied that the signatures on the LPOS were his own, he had a duty to produce the originals.

     

    vi. Failed to consider the totality of the Exhibit ‘F’ and the oral evidence of the Appellant on his general complaint.”

     

    If I may come again, I have deliberately set out the eleven grounds of appeal raised against the judgment of the Court of Appeal in the appeal for what they are worth particularly in a case of this nature based on the objection taken against each one of them. They each of them, speak for themselves. No doubt they are prolix and proliferated and one cannot help raising the question of tautology against the manner of couching them. In so many respects these shortcomings have been the bane of the appellant’s case at the trial court and in the appeals and so much so as portraying a confused state of affairs of what his case has been as pleaded and as found by the lower courts as per the pleadings on which issues have been joined as the appellant shunts his case from pillar to post, thus making nonsense of the principle of pleadings and accepted evidence which are the means of crystallising the issues in a matter between the parties in civil matters. See: Okolo v. Union Bank (2004) 1 SC (Pt.1) 1 which case has made the point that litigation must follow some restrictive order and not open-ended to save the time of the court as well as the litigants themselves. It is in this respect that I approve and adopt the crucial finding of the court below as expressed poignantly to the effect that appellant has totally misconceived his case.

     

    The appellant has complained of not having been arraigned before appropriate standing Committees of the Central Bank of Nigeria by the bank i.e. 1st respondent but before adhoc committees that have been constituted by a bizarre procedure contrived by the 2nd respondent against which the appellant has complained as a clear usurpation and abuse of power of the 1st respondent and should never have been held as “proper” by the two lower courts. The appellant has put the respondents to the burden of failing to identify one by one how the said sixteen grounds attacked in these respects are of mixed law and facts or facts simplicita and that in consequence of failing to do so as the onus is by law placed on the respondents, would without more, he has urged, result in overruling the preliminary objection and upholding the said grounds as competent grounds in law. See: Briggs v. Chief Land Officer (supra) & Ogbechie v. Onochie (supra). The foregoing submission if I may interject here has showed a fundamental flaw of misconception of the appellant’s case in this appeal. The onus is clearly on him to show that the said grounds are of law in order to ignite the jurisdiction of this court. See Section 233(3) (supra).

     

    Finally, the court is urged to dismiss the objection with costs as lacking in merit and to hear the appeal on the merits.

     

    The appellant by a strange twist in his submission has urged in the alternative that the court should stay proceedings and give directives as will best meet the justice of the case where it is found that all or any of these grounds are of fact or mixed law and fact and has to that effect urged the court to seriously consider following the approach in Lawson Jackson v. Shell Petroleum Development Co. Ltd. (2002) 7 SC (Pt.11) 112 at 120 – 121 as supported by Order 10 Rule 1(l) of the Rules of the court. And that this has to be so in view of the fact that an appeal with leave is a matter that comes within order 6 Rule 2(1) of the Rules of court. From the forgoing temporary aberrations, there can be doubt that the appellant with respect having departed from concentrating on the nature of his case and the applicable law has gone too casual over the serious discussion of the competency of his grounds of appeal vis-a-vis the provisions of Section 233(3) (supra) and has totally derailed in submitting that the law governing leave to appeal is a matter under Order 6 Rule 2(1). I think that the appellant in the exercise of rambling about in presenting his case in the appeal has thus committed unpardonable error in law in so submitting. I can find no connection between the purport of the provisions of order 6 Rule 2(1) of the Rules of this court and questions raised as to the competency of the said sixteen grounds under Section 233(3) (Supra).

     

    The instant objection as canvassed by the parties herein (in their respective briefs of argument and oral submissions before this court strikes at the heart of this appeal. It simply means that where the objection is sustained it will leave only ground 7 in the Amended Notice of Appeal as the only competent ground in law to sustain the appeal as the rest of the grounds as urged by the respondents being ex facie bad and incompetent in law have to be struck out as well as the issues for determination erected thereupon. Although it is trite that a single ground of law is sufficient to sustain a Notice of Appeal in an appeal; also, see: Niger Construction Ltd. v. Okugbeni (1987) 2 NSCC (Vol. 18) 1258 per Nnaemeka Agu JSC. I think that in the sense of the instant preliminary objection it is vital and appropriate in this regard to set out the seventeen grounds of appeal as I have clone above with their prolix particulars of errors in law, even then for ease of reference and more so as the substantive ground of every ground of appeal has to be read and considered conjointly with their respective particulars of error to ascertain the real issue or complaint as encompassed in the said ground. In this regard the court is not to place undue reliance or emphasis on the form or in the manner the ground is couched as the gravamen or form of a ground of appeal for purposes of determining whether a ground is a ground of law or mixed law and facts or facts alone goes beyond the mere words used in couching or preferring the ground to the more serious question of identifying the real issue or the core of the complaint as encompassed in the ground. Clearly It is the real issue or complaint centrally encompassed in a ground on the backdrop of its particulars that decides whether the ground is one of law or not. Where, in short, the ground raises a complaint on an issue of law based upon accepted or admitted facts it is a ground of law requiring no leave of court but where the complaint or real issue is founded on disputed or unascertained facts then it is a ground of mixed law and fact requiring leave of court. See Section 233(3) (supra), and N.N.S. Co. Ltd. vs. Establishment Sima of Vaduz (1990) 7 NWLR (Pt.164) 526. The process of determining the substantive complaint of a ground as in this appeal has been accentuated by the fact, as can be seen from established authorities that the distinction between a ground of law and mixed law and fact may at times be so blurred or thin and so, difficult to ascertain with relative application of the established guiding principles as per settled authorities on the question. lt is a matter that goes beyond a ground of appeal being simply labeled without more as a ground of law by the appellant. A hard scrutiny of the case as per Ehinlanwo v. Oke & Ors. (2008) 6 – 7 SC (Pt.1) 123 has established that a ground of law arises where the court has misunderstood the law or has misapplied the law to the proved and admitted facts. Against the backdrop of the foregoing guidelines I now go on to examine the outstanding eleven grounds of appeal in this matter and in that regard I adopt the three categorization of these grounds of appeal as in the manner the appellant has attempted to tackle them in his brief of argument that is to say as I have adumbrated above:

     

    (A).Ground 1. The complaint in this regard is that the judgment of the court below amongst other reasons is perverse; being perverse necessarily will involve examining facts and evidence ignored by the court or that the court has taken into account irrelevant matters and has based its decision thereon or has misconceived the thrust of the case of the appellant and as borne out by the particulars of the ground. In the instant ground the particulars have clearly raised the question of improper appraisal or evaluation or assessment of the facts in the pleadings and evidence. See: Udengwu v. Uzuegbu & Ors. (2003) 110 L.R.C.N. 1702. Having thus raised an issue of mixed law and fact it is therefore incompetent for not having firstly sought and obtained leave of court. See section 233(3) of the 1999 Constitution as amended, and Nwadike & Ors. v. lbekwe & Ors. (1987) 11-12 SCNJ 72 at 98 – 99; (1987) 4 NWLR 718.

     

    (B) As regards Grounds 4, 6, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 and 17 lumped together and argued by appellant to which with respect I add grounds 5 and 16 apparently for no reason left out of this class. There is a thread of complaint traversing all these grounds as alleged by the appellant and they, each of them, have again showed on the aggregate a failure to apply the law to the unproved and unascertained facts in the pleadings and evidence on the record vis-a-vis Order 12 Rule 3 of the Federal High court Civil Procedure Rules 2000 and section 137 0f the Evidence Act. These grounds have unequivocally raised questions of appraisal or evaluation of the facts and evidence before the trial court as affirmed by the court below. There can be no doubt therefore, that the single complaint running through these grounds has raised a question of mixed law and fact and so these grounds have required leave of court to be competent. In other words, these grounds are incompetent for want of leave of court as prescribed by Section 233(3) (supra). See: Arowolo v. Ademula (1991) 8 NWLR (Pt. 212) 753 at 764 and Nwadike v. lbekwe & Ors” (supra).

     

    (C) Grounds 8, 9 and 10: simply put the appellant has raised these grounds alleging that by not having been arraigned before the appropriate Central Disciplinary Committees of the Bank by the Bank itself (i.e. the respondent) but before illegal Committees (not the appropriate Standing Disciplinary Committees) of any consequence set up by the machinations of the 2nd respondent in his pursuit to force out the appellant from his employment, the appellant has been denied a fair hearing by default and that the court below has even gone ahead to make the case for the 2nd respondent to justify the same and so that Exhibits E, F, G, L, L1, & J not having come from proper authority the case built thereupon on the facts both oral and documentary has not been decided on the proper evidence before the court. The court is urged to scrutinize the facts and evidence all over again. He relies on Garba v. Unimaid (supra) a case he has misconstrued, with respect, as applying to the facts of this case. It is my view that he has thus raised questions of facts requiring appraisal and evaluation on the record before the court below to find out whether there has been in fact such a denial and so, the grounds do not contravene Section 36(1) of the 1999 Constitution in relation to the appellant; consequently making it incumbent on the appellant to seek leave of court under Section 233(3) (supra). Besides Section 36(1) (supra) arises where the denial of fair hearing has been charged against a court or tribunal established by law and not before domestic or standing/ adhoc tribunals raised departmentally by the parties as the 1st respondent here. See: Bakare v. LSCSC (1992) 8 NWLR (Pt.262) 641 per Nnemeka Agu JSC. The question here therefore cannot be whether the said section has been contravened with regard to the appellant as there is no basis for so conjuring and so, as there is no basis for raising the same as the grounds cannot be raised as of right being of mixed law and fact requiring leave of court under section 233 (3) (supra). In sum these grounds have deviated from the issues on the pleadings and evidence on the record and cannot therefore be allowed to stand as grounds of law appealable as of right.

     

    Having struck out ail the grounds of appeal but ground 7, it is trite law that the issues for determination ten of them excepting issue No.7 raised in the instant appeal are for not having any legal basis on which to stand incompetent and are hereby struck out. In that regard, specifically issues 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10 and 11 raised in the appellant’s brief of argument having become otiose are hereby struck out and so also ail the arguments proffered as based on these issues, they also are hereby struck out being incompetent. See: Nonye v. Anyichie (2000) NWLR (Pt.39) 66 at 75, Attorney General Bendel State v. Aideyan (1989) 4 NWLR (Pt.118) 646, Adelaja v. Fanoiki (1998) 2 NWLR (Pt. 131) 137, Ugo v Obiekwe & Anor. (1989) 1 NWLR (Pt.99) 36. I am now left with issue seven to examine in this appeal. Before then let me observe that in fact the appellant has raised no issues for determination from grounds twelve to seventeen inclusive and the consequence in law is settled. He has acted completely by inadvertence in regard to them. They are therefore, in the circumstances, deemed to have been abandoned and for the avoidance of doubt each of them is hereby struck out. See: Niger Construction Ltd. v. Okugbeni (supra).

     

    The remaining ground is Ground 7 and the issue raised therefrom is as follows:

     

    ‘Whether the learned Justices of the court below were right on the facts of the case when they held that ‘the complaint of tack of fair hearing by the trial Judge has not been made out and/or that the learned trial judge did not breach the principle of fair hearing in not calling upon counsel to address him on the two issues formulated suo motu’. This issue relates to ground 7 of the ground of appeal.”

     

    The appellant in his brief has in regard to this issue challenged the propriety of the trial court in formulating this issue suo motu and deciding it without inviting addresses from the parties to this appeal particularly the appellant and it has been strenuously contended that the appellant’s right to a fair hearing has been seriously compromised/violated thus vitiating the entire trial.

     

    In the main, the appellant’s case in this respect has made a heavy weather of the fact that not having been invited by the trial court as affirmed by the court below in formulating of the two issues raised suo motu by it and decided them has denied him of the opportunity of expatiating on any areas of his case with respect to the burden of proof and the standard of proof as alleged have been placed on him on the pleadings and by section 136 of the Evidence Act. The appellant is particularly irked that having placed sufficient materials to show who has power to discipline him and who actually has wrongfully disciplined him in the circumstances both on the pleadings and evidence, oral as well as documentary on this question that yet the trial court as affirmed by the court below has wrongly found that he has not discharged the burden of proof arising from the state of the pleadings nor has his case attained the standard of proof on the overall evidence before the court to sustain the same. The court is urged to uphold the appellant’s contention and nullify the trial.

     

    The respondents have relied on Ebo v. NTA (1996) 4 NWLR (Pt.442) 314 to urge that any court can formulate issues suo motu where the issue formulated by the parties would not advance the interest of justice and that it must be consistent with the grounds of appeal filed since the essence of formulating issue is to bring out the substance of the complaint in a ground of appeal. See: Otuo v. Nteoguilo (1996) 4 NWLR (Pt.440) 56, lncar (Nigeria) Plc. v. Bolex Enterprises Ltd. (1996) 6 NWLR (Pt.454) 318. Further, the respondents have submitted that there is no breach of fair hearing in not calling on the appellant to address it on the two issues so formulated as in that regard the trial court has simply condensed/summarised the issues formulated by both parties to two substantive issues which to all appearances are consistent with the grounds of appeal raised by the appellant. And that as no new issue has been raised the circumstances have made it unnecessary to invite the parties to address the court on the process and it is contended that the exercise does not amount to a denial of fair hearing as what the trial court has done amounts if I may repeat to simply summarising the issues raised by the parties based on the pleadings and the evidence before it. The court is urged to discountenance the complaint as per ground 7 as frivolous. There can be no doubt from the foregoing resume that “fair hearing” has become the whipping principle for counsel trying to catch at a straw to sustain a modicum of standing in a hopeless case where the case is already dead as a dodo. This approach of counsel in general is deprecated. Fair hearing should for what it is and represents in our adjudicative process before the courts be invoked with every sense of seriousness and in appropriate settings. It is not the case in the instant appeal.

     

    It is noteworthy that this issue as encapsulated herein has been satisfactorily exhausted by the lower court in its decision on the same question, which I uphold in toto. To raise the same issue predicated on a much weaker and stale arguments in this court is highly deprecated particularly as the finding in this respect by the court below is not perverse but founded on accepted and admitted facts and evidence on the record.. The judgment cannot be faulted. Judicial opinions on the question of formulation of issues for determination by courts have been revealed in a plethora of decisions of this court wherefore some have approved the practice as against a group that has disproved the practice, which include such cases as Nwokoro & Ors. v. Onuma & Anor. (1990) 3 NWLR (Pt.136) 22; Adeniran & Anor. v. Interland Transport Ltd. (1991) 9 NWLR (Pt.214); Anie & Ors. v. Chlef Uzorka & Ors. (1993) 8 NWLR (pt.309) 1; Onwo v. Oko & Ors. (1996) 6 NWLR (pt.456) 584; Ogundayin v. Adeyemi (2001) 13 NWLR (pt.730) 403 and Agbaje v. Ajibola (2002) 2 NWLR (Pt.750) 127. On the other side of the cleavage of judicial opinions in approval of the practice are such cases as Labiyi v. Anretiola (1992) 8 NWLR (Pt.258) 139, Ogunbiyi v. lshola (1996) 6 NWLR (pt.452) 12, Erhahon v. Erhahon (1997) 6 NWLR (pt.510) 667 and NEPA v. Isieveore (1997) 7 NWLR (pt-511) 135.

     

    It is my view that the power of courts to formulate issues for determination at whatever level in the hierarchy of the courts although particularly so in appellate courts (where brief writing is a matter of the Rules of the court) inheres in the court in the interest of justice to enable courts to perform their adjudicative functions in our jurisprudence hence there are no rules of court prohibiting courts from doing so. I think that this discretion imbued with the interest of justice as its focus and premise has to be guided by the facts of each case and this has been the case with regard to the cases cited above. Courts should not make it a point of practice to formulate issues for the parties suo motu and deciding them without calling on both parties to address it in the process as it negates one of the cardinal principles of hearing the parties and providing a level playing ground in a trial of their matter before condemning either of them. Formulating issues by courts should be subjected to the rider of calling upon the parties to address it in such instances before judgment. By this process a modicum of opportunity as it were, is afforded the parties on the question; this accords with a reasonable man’s sense of having justice seen to be done. This is because courts should not be seen to jump pre-emptorily into the arena of contest however tempting the cause as courts have to avoid being muddied in the process of adjudication of cases before them and thus lose their centrality of impartiality as neutral umpires in our adjudicative system. To hold otherwise will undoubtedly unduly shackle the discretion of courts in the adjudicative process as this will not be grounded on any relevant rules of court or substantive law as such. I can find nothing offensive in such exercises. I uphold the intervention in this instant case upon its peculiar facts in the interest of justice. And it is my view that no denial of fair hearing amounting to a miscarriage of justice has thus been occasioned to the appellant.

     

    In the instant case the trial court as rightly found by the court below has merely condensed/summarised the issues as formulated by the parties to the two issues raised suo motu and has proceeded to decide them one notable point as regards the said issues so formulated is that they are consistent with the grounds of appeal filed by the appellant in the appeal. These issues have unquestionably arisen from the said grounds and have clearly crystallised the substance of the complaint as contemplated in the grounds, the pleadings and evidence before the trial court and on the record before the lower court and have been necessitated in the interest of justice. In short, the trial court has simply condensed/summarized the issues raised by the parties in their cases. Therefore, I do not see any leg on which to stand to upturn the lower court’s decision on this point particularly so, if I may repeat when it has not occasioned a miscarriage of justice. I have made these points to support the opinion that courts have the power to formulate issues for the parties in appropriate cases when the justice of the cases as in this case so demands. It is a power to be sparingly exercised with extreme caution. In Labiyi v. Anretiola (supra) this court has held per Karibi-Whyte JSC that:

     

    “The court below was free either to adopt the issues so formulated by learned counsel or to formulate such issues that are consistent with the grounds of appeal filed by the Appellant- It is in the observance of this principle in pursuit of the proper administration of justice that the court below considered an appropriate formulation of the issues consistent with the grounds of appeal filed when it was observed that although the grounds of appeal were inelegantly drafted, the complaints therein were clear and not misleading”.

     

    I am in unison with the reasoning in the above abstract in the judgment of my noble Lord and rely on it to hold in support of my reasoning herein that the appellant on the whole in the instant appeal has failed to nail the denial of fair hearing on the head in regard to his contention of the negation of his rights to a fair hearing in this matter leading to denying him justice in the matter and thus render the trial a nullity.

     

    Finally on this question I agree with the court below that notwithstanding having formulated the two issues suo motu and deciding them that the appellant’s claim all the same, has not been dismissed after striking out the 2nd respondent from the suit as the trial court has gone on to consider whether or not the appellant has discharged the burden of proof to entitle him to his claim and thereby nullify his dismissal on the ground that the 2nd defendant has not been clothed with the power to act on behalf of the 1st respondent (as its alter ego) in the processes taken in his dismissal and so to arrive at the inevitable conclusion that his dismissal from the employ of the 1st respondent is otherwise wrongful. I resolve this issue against the appellant.

     

    And being the only issue in the appeal I would have at this stage dismissed the appeal but there are other considerations in the matter. In the result the findings of the lower court as contained in its judgment are approved and the judgment is hereby affirmed by this court.

     

    The truth of this matter as between the appellant and the 1st respondent is that their employment relationship has subsisted at all material times as a relationship of master/servant created as per by Exhibit ‘A” i.e. the contract of employment into which has been incorporated the provisions of exhibit ‘D’ – again, that is the staff manual of the Central Bank of Nigeria which contains the collective agreements as incorporated into the individual contracts of employment of the 1st respondent’s employees. This is so based on the facts and evidence before the court. Both documents constitute the basis for determining the contractual relationship and the conditions of the appellant’s employment with the 1st respondent here. It is common ground and as rightly found by the two lower courts that the nature of the appellant’s employment does not savour of statutory flavour. In other words, it is entirely founded on Common Law. The necessary implication arising from the parties’ contractual relationship in this matter if I may emphasize is one founded on the common Law and like all genera contracts is determinable by either side as provided in the documents exhibits ‘A’ and ‘D’ for breaches of any fundamental conditions as stipulated therein. One basic principle of master and servant relationship is that an employer can summarily dismiss/terminate the employment of his servant for gross misconduct. In the instant matter the 1st respondent reserves that power vis-a-vis the appellant as provided as per clause 6(4) and (5) of Exhibit ‘D’. Following the query Exhibit ‘E’ issued to the appellant on an allegation of fraud which has arisen from failing to maintain proper account records of the distribution of diesel to other locations of the 1st respondents’ points of business activities and has resulted in a heavy financial loss by which the 1st respondent has incurred huge financial deficits. The appellant has answered the query as per Exhibit ‘F’. He has in consequence of his answers appeared before the Central Disciplinary Committee by which it has been established in effect of the appellant having been given an opportunity to exculpate himself from the allegations of fraud. The appellant as I have also found has not been denied a fair hearing in the process of his dismissal upon the charge of gross misconduct leveled against him. I must observe that having dismissed all the grounds of appeal herein the court is obliged to reach these conclusions based on the findings and conclusions of the two lower courts which now stand before this court unchallenged. In other words, he has rightly been dismissed as per Exhibit ‘G’. The appellant’s case of wrongful dismissal has no leg on which to stand to contest it.

     

    Having in this judgment discountenanced the denial of fair hearing in all its concomitants as raised by the appellant herein thus this matter falls to be considered on whether as per the Exhibits and evidence on the record as accepted by the lower courts the appellant has been properly dismissed from his employment upon his gross misconduct – my answer is in the affirmative. Where his dismissal is founded on the allegation of gross misconduct the appellant is not entitled to any notice or salary in lieu of notice as clearly provided in Exhibits ‘A’ and ‘D’. And it would be wrong in law to make any awards to him in these regards.

     

    It is trite that an employer as the 1st respondent here is obliged to follow the right procedure in summarily dismissing his employee, in this case the appellant. The question then is whether his employment on a charge of gross misconduct has been determined as provided in exhibits ‘A’ and ‘D’ in this matter, which have laid down the procedure to be followed in doing so. By giving the appellant a query as per Exhibit ‘E’ and followed by the appellant’s answer exhibit ‘F’ and the convening of various Disciplinary Committees to look into the answer as per exhibit ‘F vis-a-vis the allegation of fraud, speak for themselves of having abided with the procedure laid down by exhibit ‘D’ for dismissing an employee. The appellant cannot be heard to complain as he has gotten all he is entitled to under a master/servant relationship at common law.

     

    Once exhibit ‘G’ has been served on the appellant dismissing the appellant on grounds of gross misconduct he stands effectively dismissed as per the said exhibit and whether or not the dismissal is wrongful to entitle him to damages is the question for this court to resolve in this matter as reinstating him is out of the question. The position is that the two lower courts have not been persuaded that the dismissal of the appellant is wrongful and they are right. There is therefore a concurrent finding on the question.

     

    The appellant has challenged the dismissal as being wrongful; this cannot be so on the peculiar facts of this case; it is clearly found that the appellant has grossly misconducted himself and has gotten what his gross misconduct deserves that is a summary dismissal. His dismissal even though without notice or any payment of salary in lieu of notice is not wrongful and cannot therefore in the circumstances constitute a breach of the conditions of his contract of employment.

     

    In this respect, I agree and uphold the decisions of the two lower courts that there is no merit in the appellant’s claim and that it should be dismissed. I hereby dismiss this appeal as most unmeritorious. Having taken into account all the surrounding circumstances in this matter I make no order as to costs. Parties to bear their respective costs.

     

    Appeal dismissed.

     

    IBRAHIM TANKO MUHAMMAD, JSC: I have read before now, the judgment of my learned brother Chukwuma- Eneh, JSC. I am in agreement with his reasoning and conclusion which I adopt as mine. The Preliminary objection succeeds. The appeal is hereby struck out. I abide by all consequential orders made in the lead judgment.

     

    SULEIMAN GALADIMA, JSC: I have been obliged with a copy of the draft Judgment of my learned brother CHUKWUMA-ENEH JSC, just delivered. He is thorough in exposing the relevant facts of this case. He has equally dealt with the main issue leading to his reasoning and conclusion dismissing the appeal for being unmeritorious. I concur.

     

    However I have a word or two on the preliminary objection raised by the Respondents as to the competence of the Appeal. This being a threshold issue it ought to be dealt with first. On 21/12/2011, the Respondents filed Notice of Preliminary Objection to the hearing of this appeal praying the court to strike out grounds Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, and 11 as well as issues formulated thereon, as being incompetent. lt is contended that these grounds are of mixed law and facts or facts simplicita for which no leave has been obtained, as required by S. 233(3) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, (as amended). Before now I have noted that no grounds have been distilled from 12 to 17 of the grounds of Appeal. They serve no purpose in this appeal and are accordingly struck out. In the lead Judgment, my learned brother in this appeal has set out Grounds 1 – 11 of the Appellant’s Grounds of Appeal with their particulars. I have carefully read through them. With exception of Ground 7 all other grounds without any doubt are grounds of mixed law and facts or facts simplicita. These grounds all complain essentially about failure of all the Justices of the Court of Appeal to properly appraise or evaluate or assess the evidence on the record leading them to arrive at the wrong conclusion. On the authority of Ogbechie & Anor V. Onochie & Ors (1986) 2 NWLR (Pt. 23) 484, where the grounds of appeal are of mixed law and facts or facts simplicita for which no leave of either the Court of Appeal or the Supreme Court has been obtained, are incompetent and the Supreme Court has no jurisdiction to entertain same. The Appellant has contended that Ground 8 comes within S. 233(2) of the said Constitution, that is, this being ground complaining that there was error of law. The complaint in the said Ground of Appeal is not about the denial of fair hearing by the trial court but about the denial of fair hearing before the Disciplinary Committee of the 1st Respondent (Central Bank of Nigeria) and the failure of the court to properly evaluate the evidence on the record to find as a fact that there was such a denial. It is thus a complaint about a decision touching on the contravention of S. 36(1) of the 1999 Constitution (supra).

     

    Ground 8 has not arisen from a decision of the court below as to whether any of the provisions of Cap. (iv) of the Constitution has been breached or contravened, same cannot be brought as of right. Ground 8 being of mixed law and facts or facts simplicita does not fall under Cap. (iv) of the Constitution. At best it is mixed law and fact for which leave is required.

     

    Parties are ad idem that Ground 7 of the ground of appeal which complains about the decision of the Court of Appeal in respect of the complaint of a denial of fair hearing, is a ground of law. Even on this, there is a concurrent finding of fact of the two lower courts to the effect that Appellant’s claim is devoid of merit.

     

    This Court, as a practice will refuse to interfere with such concurrent findings of the two courts, unless, the Appellant shows that the findings are perverse. Since the Appellant did not demonstrate that the findings of the two lower courts are perverse, he cannot succeed.

     

    For this little contribution and for detailed and fuller reasoning in the lead Judgment, I too, have to strike out all the grounds of appeal and the issues formulated from them. Appeal on ground 7 is lacking in merit, it is dismissed.

     

    NWALI SYLVESTER NGWUTA, JSC: I had the privilege of reading in draft the lead judgment just delivered by My Lord, Chukwuma-Eneh, JSC.

     

    I agree that Grounds 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10 and 11 of the appellant’s grounds of appeal are grounds of either mixed law and facts or facts.

     

    Section 233 of the Constitution of the Federation 1999 (as amended) provides: –

     

    “Section 233 (2)

     

    An appeal shall lie from decisions of the Court of Appeal to the Supreme Court as of right in the following cases:

     

    a. Where the ground of appeal involves question of law alone, decisions in any civil or criminal proceedings before the Court of Appeal;

     

    b. decisions in any civil or criminal proceedings on questions as to the interpretation or application of this Constitution;

     

    c. ……… (d) …….. (e) ……… and (f) ……….’’

     

    Section 233 (3) provides:

     

    “Subject to the provisions of subsection (2) of this Section, an appeal shall lie from the decisions of the Court of Appeal to the Supreme Court with the leave of the Court of Appeal or the Supreme Court.”

     

    (Underlining mine for emphasis).

     

    None of the appellant’s grounds of appeal on grounds other than law alone falls within the intendment of Section 233 (2) (a)-(f) of the Constitution. The said grounds filed without leave of the Court of Appeal or the Supreme Court first sought and obtained are invalid and the Court has no jurisdiction to hear and determine the appeal on the said grounds. See Nwaolisha v. Nwabufor (2011) All FWLR (pt. 591) 1438.

     

    It is immaterial that Section 233 (3) of the Constitution does not provide a sanction for its violation. A ground of appeal which is incompetent for any reason is liable to be struck out. A right of appeal or any other right granted by law cannot be exercised without compliance with the law granting the right, or any other law or rule regulating the exercise of the right.

     

    Appellant’s eleven grounds of appeal (with the exception of ground 7) and the issues distilled from them are incompetent and are hereby struck out.

     

    Among the diverse curious submissions made by the learned Counsel for the appellant, this one stands out:

     

    “…the Court, through its Registry, could adopt an administrative procedure of notifying an appellant that he requires the leave of Court for his appeal to lie…”

     

    With due respect, learned Counsel’s reformation agenda, backed by over 30 years at the Bar, should be directed to the appropriate authority. Be that as it may, the appellant in this case did not settle the processes filed in the appeal. They were settled by his Counsel who is deemed to know that the court is a creation of Statute and in exercise of jurisdiction conferred by law, it has to comply with its rules of procedure. The court does not have to spoon-feed learned Counsel on the law and rules.

     

    On the issue derived from the surviving ground of appeal, ground 7, there is a concurrent finding of fact of the two Courts below to the effect that appellant’s claim is bereft of merit. This court has no duty, and will decline, to interfere with the concurrent findings of the High Court and the Court of Appeal unless the appellant shows that the findings are perverse. See Okafor v. Idigo (1984) 1 SCNLR 481; Kpomiglo v. Kodadja (1933) 2 WACA 24.

     

    Appellant did not show that the findings are perverse and his appeal is bound to fail.

     

    For the above and the more exhaustive reasoning in the lead judgment, I also strike out all the grounds of appeal except ground 7 and the issues distilled therefrom. I dismiss the appeal on ground 7 as bereft of merit.

     

    Parties are to bear their respective costs.

     

    STANLEY SHENKO ALAGOA, JSC: I read before now in draft the judgment just delivered by my learned brother C. M. Chukwuma-Eneh, JSC. He has quite comprehensively dealt with the matter.

     

    I have nothing useful to add. I also dismiss the appeal as lacking in merit while I make no order as to costs.

     

    Appearances:

     

    Johnson O. Esezoobo Esq. for Appellant.

     

    Prince Aderemi Adekile Esq. for the Respondents.

     

  • ‘NBA didn’t call for dissolution of Governors’ Forum’

    In this piece, General Secretary of the Nigerian Bar Associatrion (NBA) Emeka Obegolu clears the air on the comment of the association’s president, Okey Wali (SAN) on the Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF) crisis.

    Recently, Nigerian newspapers, online publications and faceless bulk text messages have been awash with grave misrepresentation of the position of the  National Executive Committee (NEC) of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) on the crises rocking the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF). The public have been “informed” that the NBA President, Okey Wali (SAN) called for the proscription/banning/de-registration  or the scrapping of the NGF if they could not put their house in order. Nothing can be farther from the truth.

    Perhaps a brief narrative of the background of the proceedings at the NBA NEC Meeting held in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State will suffice to throw more light and enlighten readers on the basis for the position that will be adopted by this writer. Let me also state that as the General Secretary of the NBA with the duty to record and keep records of the proceedings of NEC, I feel a sense of responsibility to set the records straight and afford our members, and, indeed, Nigerians the records for all of us to make our deductions there from.

    Wali while making the traditional President’s speech to the NBA NEC traced the history of the Forum to the United States of America, where he identified the vision of the National Governors’ Association of the US as a body formed to identify priority issues and deal with matters of public policy and governance at both national and state levels.

    He listed the NGA’s interventionist schemes through working committees and special committees, all designed to raise the bar of good governance  for  the benefit of Americans.

    Coming home, the NBA President noted that the Governors Forum has failed to model itself after the NGA where the idea derives from. He said the existence of such a body should be for altruistic reasons and as such in the best interest of the nation, Nigeria.

    Wali concluded thus “The NBA calls on our governors to quickly resolve their crisis and get on with the business of governance which was why they have been elected Governors. If they cannot resolve their crisis very quickly, and face delivery of democracy dividends to their electorates, they must dissolve the body and stop this distraction as sooner than later, Nigerians will call on them, in or out of government to give account of their stewardship.”

    The NBA NEC, thereafter, adopted this presidential speech as a NEC resolution. By the adoption, the call became the NBA’s call to the NGF and no longer Okey Wali SAN’s call.

    Now, the underlined portion of the statement is instructive for the purpose of the argument – “Whether Okey Wali/NBA has become undemocratic, unlawful, anti-constitution or anti-masses” The allegations differ depending on the person making the allegation and the interest he or she wishes to serve.

    The call by the NBA is for the NGF to self-dissolve where the forum finds it difficult to live up to its own expectations and objectives. Self-dissolution of associations registered by Trustees is provided under the Companies and Allied Matters Act, specifically, Section 608.

    The NBA president also mentioned his inability to comment on the NGF Electoral dispute due to the pendency of a suit before a court of competent jurisdiction where the election is a subject matter, thereby reiterating the time honoured doctrine of ‘lis pendis’ that protects the sanity of courts and its processes.

    NBA acknowledges the freedom of association as enshrined in our constitution and cannot call on an external body to dissolve the NGF, as that would be unconstitutional.

    We, therefore,, urge very senior lawyers and commentators to always read speeches of NBA president as the chief spokesperson of the NBA before attempting to critique it and even then appropriate channels of critique and/or dissent should be followed to avoid dragging our profession into the political arena and inviting opprobrium to our Association.

     

  • Majesty of the law

    Majesty of the law

    •Court judgment declaring appointments of Service Chiefs illegal is good for democracy

    Could Service Chiefs of the military under this democratic dispensation be appointed by the presidency in violation of the constitution? The question was aptly answered through the decision of the Federal High Court, Abuja, that nullified the appointment of all Service Chiefs of the federation on grounds that their appointments were carried out without deference to the nation’s grund norm.

    The suit, with No. FHC/ABJ/CS/611/2008, among others, sought the correct combined interpretation of provisions of Section 218 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and Section 18 of the Armed Forces Act, Cap. A.20, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004. These have to do with whether the 1st defendant (the president) can appoint Service Chiefs of the Federation without the confirmation of the National Assembly and also: Whether Section 18 (1) and (2) of the Armed Forces Act, Cap. A.20, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004 is not in conformity with the provision of the 1999 Constitution as to make it fall within the category of existing laws under Section 315 (2) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria . The defendants in the suit are: President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the Attorney General of the Federation and all the Service Chiefs.

    Justice Adamu Bello, in tandem with the plaintiff’s demands, instructively concurred that President Goodluck Jonathan can only appoint Service Chiefs by first seeking and obtaining the concurrence of the Senate.

    In that commendable public-spirited litigation instituted since 2008 by Festus Keyamo, the judge courageously declared President Jonathan’s serving Service Chiefs, including Lt. General Azubuike Ihejirika, Chief of Army Staff; Vice Admiral Dele Ezeoba, Chief of Naval Staff and Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshal Alex Badeh, as unconstitutional, illegal, null and void. The cloud of doubts that hovers on Admiral Ola Sa’ad Ibrahim, the Chief of Defence Staff, because he was not listed as defendant, does not hold waters for as long as he remains one of the Service Chiefs in the land. After all, the judgment emanated from a court of competent jurisdiction.

    Sadly, all successive administrations under the on-going democratic dispensation appointed their Service Chiefs without consulting the Senate. Historically, only former President Shehu Shagari in the aborted Second Republic reportedly sought the consent of the National Assembly in the appointment of his Service Chiefs. The regrettable trend went through ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo’s tenure until the case came up during the era of the late President, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. It is sad that such an important case can take five excruciating years to determine.

    We expect the presidency to swiftly act on this salient judgment. By now, the Ministry of Justice, having received the judgment, should avail it of the next line of action. To prevent a mockery of the Temple of Justice, we call for initiation of a stay of execution pending the Presidency’s exercise of its right of appeal or outright implementation of the court judgment. The Presidency should realise that even if it forwards the names of incumbent Service Chiefs to the Senate for approval, it is not duty bound to approve all the names and this could create a complex situation.

    This judgment is good for democracy. Such would put an end to the era of impunity inherited from the military era by presidents in the country. The appointment into top military positions should not be at the whims and caprices of a single person. Top military men must live for the state and not vice versa.

    We commend Mr Keyamo for instituting the suit and urge that more people make themselves available to serve as conscience of the society. This is one of the ways by which we can clarify the position of the law on contentious issues and thus deepen the democratic process.

     

  • ‘How to make plea bargain work’

    ‘How to make plea bargain work’

    His father, the late Justice Emmanuel Oseloka Araka, was a distinguished jurist. Among his peers are Chief Chris Ogunbanjo, Justice Chukwudifu Oputa and the late Chief Rotimi Williams. He was the first Chief Judge of the old Anambra State and among those with 60 years of post-call experience before his death. Martin Araka, a lawyer, has practised for 24 years. An alumnus of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN), Araka belongs to the famous Nigerian Law School set of 1988. In this interview with Adebisi Onanuga, he speaks on why he chose to study law and sundry issues.

     

    Martin Araka comes from a family of lawyers. Besides his father, the late Justice Emmanuel Oseloka Araka, who was a distinguished jurist, there are other lawyers in his family. So law runs in his family.

    They include his uncle, Justice Fred Anyegbuna, who was  a former chief judge of the Federal High Court. There is also Justice Adefarasin, who was his mother’s sister.

    “Obviously, I also have a lot of friends who are lawyers and some of them are very close to the family and are regarded as members of the family. People like G.C.M. Onyiuke, Chike Ofodile, Justice Lynda Chuba-Ikpeazu, Justice Ibekwe, Justice Nnamani. There are a lot of them and most of them reached the pinnacle of the profession. That also is my dream,” he said.

    Martin, who has put in about 24 years into the legal profession, believes that he is qualified to be called an activist like most lawyers because he was involved in some activism and agitation while at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN) and in his practice. He said the urge to become a lawyer had been in him since he was a youth. “I can’t never imagine myself not being a lawyer. I have always had passion to become a lawyer since I was a youth. So, as a youth, I have always had the passion for law and planned since then to become a lawyer”.

    Like his peers, the last 24 years of practice have been quite challenging to him. “Though there is a difference in the practice during the days of my father and now, it is not the same. You would find out that there have been changes and the perception of law is not the same. The problems are different and the government is not what it used to be in those days. From the bar and from the Bench, things have changed a lot.

    On his role model in the profession, he said Justice Chukwudifu Oputa and the late Chief Rotimi Williams are his role model. He said Justice Oputa is his role model because of his judgments. “They are landmark judgments. Chief Rotimi Williams too. When you see and listen to some of his arguments, and read some of his briefs, you would find out that they are very challenging in the different areas of the law. What you find interesting is the law not necessarily the statutory and questions. When you look at some of the rules, the practical aspect of it, how do you apply some of these rules in a given situation?  Then, presenting your arguments in a court based on some of the court rules and the law. They can be quite interesting and challenging, depending on what area of law that you are looking at.”

    Out of the cases he has handled so far, the one he found most challenging involved Dr. Paul Nnodi and it has to do with proceedings for recovery of premises. “It was in 2003 and in this particular instance, we were dealing with a case whereby we want to recover premises from the person who is in occupation without the consent of the landlord. Ordinarily, we would want to go by the normal processes, by serving the statutory notices, then we proceed to court to recover the premises. But in this instance, we applied the rule on behalf of the litigant and based on the rule applied, the person was not a tenant of the landlord who we were representing. He was not known to the landlord. The landlord came and saw him in the premises. There was no contractual relationship between them. So, we felt it was an appropriate case. But when we were dealing with it, we found out that it didn’t really have any authority in Nigeria because it hasn’t been tested at all. So, we went to court and we got the order and evicted the tenant. Eventually, he came back to court again and he was able to set aside the order upon which we were able to recover the premises. But before he could physically come back and take possession, we had then appealed to the Court of Appeal and we were confident that the Court of Appeal would resolve the matter. We were quite fortunate that the Court of Appeal resolved the matter and the order of the High Court was then set aside,” he recalled.

    Martin said his first appearance in court was in Enugu and he recalled the event of that day with nostalgia. “I was with the late Chief Andrew Anyamene (SAN) on that day and the experience was interesting. Chief Anyamene was leading us. We started the proceedings and arguments and cross arguments between the counsels from both sides. It was interesting when you watch lawyers in battle; lawyers are in battle in court but when they come out, you find out that there was nothing, that they are friends. There is that comradeship between counsels in those days, very strong too. But it is not as strong as it is today. Things are not as they are in those days. In those days, it was different. We observe all the traditions and they were very strong and binding.”

    He said his most embarrassing moment in court was the day he found himself in court and discovered that the file he had with him was not the one for the case he came for. The incident happened at the Federal High Court, Lagos before one of the judges who was then the Head Judge of the court.

    Martin said when a lawyer is caught up like that, the judge would know that he is not ready for the matter. But, fortunately for him, the other counsel was in court and so, was not ready for the matter. According to him, when the other counsel eventually came in, he sought an adjournment of the matter, that there was an affidavit he wanted to file based on some processes he wanted to obtain from the High Court in Abeokuta. For him, it was an intervening hurdle because the other counsel was not able to go and get the process. So, he asked for an adjournment.

    Another was the day, he recalled, was when his phone rang in court. It was also at the Federal High Court before Justice Binta Nyako. “I had a fundamental human right matter before the court and we were in the middle of addressing the court when my phone rang from my pocket. I had to apologise to the court and at the same time trying to switch off the phone.

    Speaking on obsolete laws he would want reviewed, Martin emphasised the delay in the justice system, pointing out that justice delayed is justice denied. “Anything that we can do that would enable us to expedite the procedure, to make them more purposeful and more expedient, I think would be in the best interest of everybody. You would discover that most of the time, the rules are there but counsels would always exploit it to delay processes and proceedings. It has a great impact on what people perceived from the law court when they cannot find justice. Because by the time you go there and spending five to 10 years, you have not even open trial on the matter. When you consider that and even at the end of the case, when you are not satisfied, you still have the right of appeal. And you insist on going on appeal, no matter how frivolous the appeal is. I think this aspect of our law, we have to look at it and if there is anything we can do to expedite it, that will be very helpful,” he said.

    He supports the merging of the penal code and the criminal code being operated in the North and South for the uniformity in law. “You can see that one gives the judge the option of fine. These are some of the things that you see in the criminal code which will be very strange to the penal code. After one has been convicted of stealing that colossal amount of money, we are talking of almost N30billion, then you are giving an option of fine, N750,000. You might, then, not have even bothered to convict that person because you are actually telling the person to go home and enjoy his loot. So, obviously, there are aspects of the law which, you would understand that in the south here, because we have been able to improve in different area but down there, they may be behind.

    “So, it is a good idea and for the purpose of uniformity so that counsel who go and practice can be familiar with the laws irrespective of the jurisdiction that they are appearing for, they are still familiar with the laws. So, since Nigeria is a federal republic and more or less, the same law we are practising, why then is there a need for the criminal law and the penal code? You see the justification again based on religious implications because we can’t ignore that aspect too.There are certain things that would be proscribed in their religion which we may not have any conflict with down here. But there, it is an issue. So, those are the little things we may have to take a look at. The social factor is also important in our laws,” he observed. To him, plea bargaining as being used should be codified so that people can understand it more clearly. “You know the parameter, you know the boundary. You know when you can apply it, you know how you can apply it and to what extent. But in this situation that it is not codified, we don’t know the basis upon which somebody is given the opportunity of a plea bargain. But, we understand that usually, we can see some antecedent of what has transpired.

    “Usually in cases where the money involved is very large, and then the government is looking at a situation where things could be more expedient, to try to recover the money than punishing the convict himself, in that situation, especially in the case of a bank, when you have the opportunity of recovering a substantial amount of the money that has been looted from a bank, you can see the justification. But then, you have to remember that we are also laying a precedent because there must be uniformity. One man committing a crime here and then walk away with six months and another who was charged for stealing a mobile handset, you gave him 45 years. That is why I think there is need for some kind of codification so that people can appreciate and see clearly so that it doesn’t look as if there has been collusion or conspiracy to let one person go off and punish the other. “

    On corruption, he asked, “ is there anything that is immune from corruption in Nigeria? When you are looking at punishment for corrupt acts and being very, very lenient, there is a tendency for people to know that there is really no punishment for corruption. I don’t see any agency of the government or branch of government that is immuned. What you then see is the individual character, in other words, the intention of the person involved. So corruption in Nigeria has reached a preposterous level and very little is being done to curb it. I think we can take a very strong position if we are really ready to fight corruption”. Martin is however not happy that the CJN has not been able to use her position to solve the Justice Ayo Salami issue. In spite of having served in the committee of former CJNs that joined other committees in recommending his reinstatement. He described the Salami issue as being more of a political problem than a legal problem. “Even though they are in court, but really, how long is it going to take the court before we can dispose of that matter in court? So, clearly, there is a legal problem there. The NJC has recommended that he should be recalled but you know, for that to take place, it is a political problem for the president to consent, and possibly members of the house depending on constitutional provisions regarding that particular question.

    “But, at least, the president must consent to it. And there have been dimensions that this thing has opened between the political party and great players in our political firmament. Do we actually expect there can be an outcome out of this question? Hardly! Unfortunately, because Salami’s time is running out very soon. I don’t know for how many months or how many years. May be, another one or two more years at the bench. Besides, the disposition of officials who are involved does not seem to show that there is an intention to have him recalled irrespective of what CJN or the NJC might want done on the matter. Unfortunately, that is going to be a political question. That really, I think is the main constraint on the issue as it bothers on politics.

    “So, one way or the other, it is a political question. And that, to me, is really going to be difficult. I am sure if it was purely of the judges, the case would have been decided and decision taken very long ago. He probably would have been back or we know clearly he is not coming back one way or the other. We won’t be having a situation where we keep on having an acting president of the Court of Appeal. We need to have something more practical and by the grace of God, we would get there.”

    On insecurity, he believes that the issue borders on a lot of things. But that for it to be addressed, he would prefer to look at the issue more from the social point of view and from the fact of the gap between the rich and the poor. He said as long as we find ourselves in such a situation where people have so much money around and yet people are suffering, then there will be all kinds of social problems. According to him, “it would have been better if people are gainfully employed, if they have a means of livelihood. Then, the less we would be susceptible to some of these incriminations. I see it more as if we are talking of revolutions, that one day, there would be revolutions. If people are expecting to see revolution in the fashion of what happened in France or Europe, when they come out into streets, we may not find the change because Nigeria is very conservative. We are not likely to find revolution of that nature. But this growing insecurity, in the midst of so much poverty; somebody has stupendous wealth, so many cars driving around and people see this kind of things, it is a reflection of the state of instability in the system. Because when the money is not circulating, people are disgruntled. They react to it in different ways. You see pipeline vandalism, kidnapping or religious insurrection because these are outlets, ways for them to express themselves.”

    To find solution to problems, he suggeted: “We really have to look at these things and know that if we want to build a society where there would be security, peace and harmony, then there are some of the things that need to be addressed so that there is more balance in the society, employment, access to the means of livelihood is available to the people. We are not saying that people have to be on the same standard. No. But the basics should be there, food, shelter and opportunities, education etc. should be available to everyone and if these are available, there would be less incrimination for people to engage in some of these subversive actions. That is why we need to address more of these issues, the absence of which are the criminal aspects of our lives. For instance, I recalled that after we had the subsidy protest, we found out that the investment that has gone into budget on subsidy was about N1.3 trillion or thereabout. But, thereafter, when they had this problem of Boko Haram in the North, then the government forwarded a bill for this year’s budget and for security and they were going to spend another N1 trillion. If they take that N1 trillion and invest it in the society, in things that can generate employment, things that can provide shelter or education, the society will be better than it is now. Go and look at the condition of education establishments, even the federal government colleges, they are appalling.

     

    Remember what happened at the Police College? We only got to learn about the condition at the college because the President went there one day but will he appear at all Police colleges in the country? And that is where we are training the people to whom we are going to hand over our lives! There is no basic provision for them. So, if we are going to invest N1 trillion on security, how much are we going to invest on education, how much are we going to invest on some of these welfare policies that would impact positively on the life of the people? And I think that is more important but unfortunately, we ignore it all the time to our own peril. Whereas we invest more on buying guns rather than buying books all the time. We miss the point. We need to buy more books for people to educate themselves and to engage them more meaningfully. We need to create an atmosphere that would solve some of these problems that we are having.”

    Martin also said advocates of a six-year tenure for governors and the president in the constitution are selfishness. “Every day, we are talking of amending the constitution. What are we amending in the constitution? We said four years. We have not even practised four years successfully. We are talking of amending the constitution because we are not satisfied with one thing or another; we are not satisfied with the man who is there. We are saying we want to amend the law. What is the meaning of that? How many years have we practised this democracy. We really have to look and understand that what we are doing is not the solution to these problems. It is not about changing our laws. I am not saying the law, as it is, is perfect. Of course, we can improve on the law. But I don’t believe the best laws that we can make in terms of constitutional changes can come from a partisan body. Because you discover that in their selfish interest, there may be a reason why some people want six-year tenure and are asking that the six-year tenure should kick off with a ban that governors or the president is banned from contesting under the new provision. So, who knows, is it to change the law to six year tenure or to stop the man from contesting. Is that the reason or the motive behind it? So, all these things should be considered. That is why a lot of the time, these changes by a partisan interest can be for selfish interest. It would have been the best if we have a non-partisan body to amend our constitution or recommend some of these changes so that we are not just changing because of our convenience but that we are changing in the best interest of the country,” he added.