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  • Ironsi: His mission, travails and legacies

    Ironsi: His mission, travails and legacies

    The first shots shattered the peace of the night at the Abeokuta Garrison of the Nigerian Army a few minutes after midnight on July 29, 1966. Three casualties lay instantly dead in the persons of Lieutenant Colonel Gabriel Okonweze, the Garrison Commander, Major John Obienu, Commander of the 2nd Reece Squadron, and Lieutenant E. B. Orok, also of the Reece Squadron. It was the beginning of the much-touted revenge coup of Northern Nigerian army officers and men against the regime of Major General Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi. By August 1, when Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon assumed power in Lagos as Nigeria’s second military Head of State, the bullet ridden bodies of both Ironsi and his host, Lieutenant Colonel Francis Adekunle Fajuyi, the military Governor of Western Nigeria, lay buried in shallow graves at Iwo, outside Ibadan.  “Within three days of the July outbreak, every Igbo soldier serving in the army outside the East was dead, imprisoned or fleeing eastward for his life”, observed Professor Ruth First in The Barrel of a Gun: The Politics of Coups d’Etat in Africa [Allen Lane The Penguin Press, London, 1970, p317.]

    But, Africa’s bloodiest coup did not stop at that stage, despite the shooting deaths of 42 officers and over 130 other ranks, who were overwhelmingly Igbo. The killing sprees and ever-expanding killing fields spread like wild fire across most of the country. There were three phases to the coup – the Araba/Aware massacres in northern Nigeria pre-July that called for northern secession, the July Army bloodbath, and the ethnic cleansing that went on for months after Ironsi had been assassinated and his regime toppled. The maelstrom prompted Colonel Gowon into making a radio broadcast on September 29, 1966. This was the kernel of what he said: “You all know that since the end of July, God in his power has entrusted the responsibility of this great country of ours into the hands of yet another Northerner. I receive complaints daily that up till now Easterners living in the North are being killed and molested, and their property looted. I am very unhappy about this. We should put a stop to it. It appears that it is going beyond reason and is now at a point of recklessness and irresponsibility.”

    But, Gowon’s salutary intervention changed nothing, as the massacres continued unabated. Northern soldiers and civilians went into towns, fished out Easterners and flattened them, either with rapid gunfire or with violent machete blows, leaving their properties looted or torched. According to the Massacre of Ndigbo in 1966: Report of the Justice G. C. M. Onyiuke Tribunal, [Tollbrook Limited, Ikeja, Lagos] “…between 45,000 and 50,000 civilians of former Eastern Nigeria were killed in Northern Nigeria and other parts of Nigeria from 29th May 1966 to December 1967 and although it is not strictly within its terms of reference the Tribunal estimates that not less than 1,627,743 Easterners fled back to Eastern Nigeria as a result of the 1966 pogrom.”

    This is contemporary Nigerian history, only 50 years old. But, when experts like Dr. Reuben Abati and Professor Jonah Elaigwu write about it, they lose all sense of numeracy and statistical acuity, and glibly state that the July 29, 1966 counter-coup cost “many” Igbo lives. Well, the truth is that the July 29 counter-coup appears to be the bloodiest in the world’s recorded history because the casualty figures it posted far outstrip those registered in decided bloody coups like the Glorious Revolution of 1688 in which King James II of England was overthrown by an invading army led by William III of Orange-Nassau; the 18 Brumaire of 1799 coup in which General Napoleon Bonaparte overthrew the French Directory on November 9, 1799; the Wuchang Uprising of 1911 that overthrew the Qing Dynasty and led to the establishment of the Republic of China; the Bolsheviks October Revolution of 1917 that led to the creation of the Soviet Union; and the Iraqi coup d’état of 1936, the first among Arab countries. Each of these coups/revolutions led to war. But, none of them managed anything near the sea of blood occasioned by July 29, 1966.

    Giving their interest in posting photographs and videos on the Internet by Instagram and Snapchat, and advertising mostly poor language on Facebook and other such portals, today’s Nigerian youths may know next to nothing about what led to the catastrophe of July 29. But the details follow here for those of them interested in learning. The problem sat rigidly on the superficiality of Nigeria, a geographical expression contrived by colonialist Britain. At Independence in 1960, the country operated a federal system of government with three powerful regions that didn’t take dictation from Lagos, the nation’s capital. A fourth region, the Midwest, with capital in Benin City, was created in June 1963. But, destroying the very fabric of the artificial political entity were tribalism and corruption, corruption which by today’s standards, would seem like cloistered nuns delightfully engaging in a game of Ping-Pong!

    There were the 1960 and 1964-1965 uprisings in the Tiv country of the Middle Belt, and fractious elections in Western Nigeria in 1964 and 1965. There was the highly controversial national census exercise of 1963, and there was the military action of Isaac Boro’s Niger Delta Volunteer Force. Then, the military moved in on January 15, 1966, having contracted the germ of the idea of military putsches running riot across the world. In Algeria, for instance, Colonel Houari Boumediene and Ahmed Ben Bella overthrew Benyoucef Benkhedda on July 3, 1962.  Three years later, on June 19, 1965, Boumedienne overthrew Ben Bella. More: In Argentina, General Eduardo Lonardi overthrew President Juan Domingo Peron on September 16, 1955. On March 29, 1962, General Raul Pogi overthrew President Arturo Frondizi. In Brazil on March 31, 1964, Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco overthrew João Goulart to set up a 21-year-long dictatorship. In Indonesia General Suharto overthrew President Sukarno on September 30, 1965.

    Inside Africa itself, coups were also trending. Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser had overthrown Muhammad Naguib as far back as February 27, 1954. The first coup in West Africa was on January 13, 1963, when Etiene Eyadema overthrew Sylvanus Olympio. Colonel Joseph (later Mobutu Sese Seko) toppled Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba on September 14, 1960 and “neutralized” all political parties in Congo-Kinshasa. In neighbouring Benin Republic, Christophe Soglo overthrew Hubert Maga on October 28, 1963. Soglo carried out another coup on November 27, 1965, toppling Sourou-Migan Apithy. Both coups happened when the country still bore the name of Dahomey.

    On New Year’s Day of 1966, Colonel Jean-Bedel Bokassa overthrew his cousin, President David Dacko in Central Africa Republic. Two days later, Lieutenant Colonel Sangoulé Lamizana overthrew President Maurice Yaméogo in Upper Volta, which was renamed Burkina Faso in 1984 by Marxist revolutionary Captain Thomas Sankara.

    But, there was a difference between the rash of coups that occurred elsewhere and the one of January 15, 1966 in Nigeria. The Nigerian coup took an immediate ethnic colouration, and for reasons that were all too obvious. Of the five Majors that formed the innermost circle of the plotters, four were Igbo – Patrick Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Emmanuel Arinze Ifeajuna, Donatus Okafor, and Chris Anuforo. But there was also among them Major Adewale Ademoyega, a Yoruba. Then, there was also the more disturbing fact that most of the coup’s casualties were non-Igbo, like Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Northern Premier Sir Ahmadu Bello, Western Premier Chief Samuel Akintola, and Federal Finance Minister Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh.  No Igbo politician had lost his life in the bloody action.

    Further, in executing the coup, the military had turned against itself in the killings of the following Northern military officers: Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari (Commander 2 Brigade), Colonel Kur Mohammed (Chief of Staff, Army Headquarters), Lieutenant Colonel James Yakubu Pam (Adjutant-General), and Lieutenant Colonel Lieutenant Colonel Abogo Largema (Commander 4th Battalion, Ibadan). Two Yoruba officers were also victims: Brigadier Samuel Ademulegun (Commander 1 Brigade), and his deputy, Colonel Ralph Sodeinde. The coup was, in effect, as bloody as they come. Its very nature fanned the fiction that it was an Igbo coup.

    On the immediate term, the charge of an Igbo coup was understandable. What would the Igbo have said and done, if things had happened differently and the coup had been perpetrated by say, Majors Hassan Usman Katsina, Murtala Muhammed, Joe Akahan, Mohammed Shuwa and Abba Kyari, and the victims been, say, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr. Michael Okpara, General Aguiyi-Ironsi, Colonel Conrad Nwawo and Lieutenant Colonels Michael Ivenso, Michael Okwechime and Ime Imo? They would have, of course, cried blue murder and almost certainly plotted countermeasures.

    But, the true situation was clear in mere weeks and months. The coup had not been an Igbo coup for various reasons. Its primary objective was to replace Prime Minister Balewa with Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Yoruba Leader of Opposition in the Federal Parliament. Why would Ndigbo carry out a coup in order to install a Yoruba leadership? Three of the leaders of the January 15 action testified verbally and in written form that they had marked Chief Awolowo to head a government of their own creation. This was how Major Ifeajuna rationalized their decision in his memoirs, which has remained embarrassingly unpublished for 50 years: “Chief Awolowo launched forth his party on a platform of tribalism, and for his parochial and partisan approach to national issues, he got deserving blame. But probably in the later Awolowo of after the 1959 Federal Election that began the fiasco, our people saw for a second time an image of honesty, courage and discipline. Awolowo refused to betray those who followed him; rather it was some of them that betrayed him. In the face of difficulties and personal tragedy following on the declaration of a state of emergency in Western Nigeria, his treason trial, and the death of his first son, he showed courage and firmness of belief that truly is rare. In time he came to win the respect and admiration of even his greatest detractors, and what was more, he came to represent a rallying point for the young and the intellectual, for all that sought progress and nationhood for our country.”

    There were other reasons that made it plain that it was not an Igbo coup. The Igbo General, Aguiyi-Ironsi, crushed January 15. But, instead of being credited with the feat, Gowon allowed himself to be proclaimed the crusher of the coup, a role he hadn’t played at all. Not just that, Lieutenant Colonel Arthur Chinyelu Unegbe, the Quartermaster of the Army had been felled by the coupists of January 15. He was full-blooded Igbo, from Ozubulu in today’s Anambra State. But it served the interest of the counter-coupists to deny this and lie that Chinyelu was from the “Midwest” Region.

    A further consideration: On the morning of January 15, 1966, there were six Igbo Lieutenant Colonels. None participated in the coup. On that morning, there were 45 Majors in the Nigerian Army. About 24 of them were Igbo. This means that, at the very least, 18 Igbo Majors had nothing to do with the coup. On that morning, the General Officer Commanding was Igbo. The Quartermaster General was Igbo. The Commander of the 2nd Battalion in Lagos was Igbo. His 2ic was Igbo. The Brigade Major was Igbo. The Federal Guards Commander was Igbo. The Staff Officer “A” Branch at Army Headquarters was Igbo. If all these had fixed the coup, could it have failed?

    But, the engineers of July 29 did not want to know. People like Mallam Adamu Ciroma, then the Editor of the Northern Government-owned New Nigerian newspaper, led the campaign in portraying the January action as an Igbo coup aimed at Igbo domination of Nigeria. These champions of the legend of the Igbo coup had a point, of course. But, as already pointed out above, it was a blunt one, except that in the excitement and tenseness of the season, reason was on leave. First insidiously, but later openly and brazenly, they started and continued to fan the embers of hatred that resulted in July 29 and the pogroms that preceded and antedated it. Biafran Major-General Alexander Madiebo captured the virulent propaganda thus: “By the end of April 1966, the press and radio of the North had joined in the hostile campaign against the South. These mass information media were then fully employed in preparing the people’s mind for the coming counter-coup. Starting from the beginning of May, 1966, Radio Kaduna played every day for three weeks, recorded speeches of late Sir Abubakar (Tafawa Balewa) and Sir Ahmadu (Bello). These political campaign speeches were carefully selected to arouse tribal feelings, passion and hatred against the people of the South. While Radio networks blared the speeches, the official Government daily newspaper New Nigerian, carried daily for some time serialized articles on the Islamic war of Conquest or Jihad, both in English and local vernaculars.” (The Nigerian Revolution and the Biafran War, Fourth Dimension Publishers, Enugu, p. 35.)

    The anti-South or, more appropriately, the anti-Igbo rhetoric and plots moved on two fronts. Northern journalists and elites trumpeted the propaganda. Northern politicians, included Mallam Aminu Kano, galvanized the mobs while Gowon, the Army Chief, superintended the military angle. It is often said that Lieutenant Colonel Murtala Mohammed led the counter-coup. But this was only because he was the visible face. The contention here is that Gowon was the actual leader of July 29. He wisely acted surreptitiously because of the position he held and because he was under surveillance. Had he not been party to the counter coup, it would have floundered in its early stages, or even nipped in the bud.

    There are many reasons for this conclusion. From the start of the action on July 29, Gowon was incommunicado until August 1, 1966, when he surfaced at the Ikeja Cantonment to be declared Head of State by an Air Force Sergeant named Paul Dickson. Contrast his curious disappearance on July 29, 1966 to January 15 when, as an officer without command who had arrived the country only two days earlier, he joined the Major Hans Anagho team appointed by General Ironsi to go in pursuit of the coup makers. Again, when Government House, Ibadan, was under siege, Gowon had a telling telephone conversation in which Major Theophilus Danjuma told him that he was on the verge of leading his troops to storm the building and seize Ironsi and Fajuyi. According to Danjuma’s authorized biography, the conversation continued thus:

    Gowon: Can you do it?

    Danjuma: We’ve got the house surrounded and sealed off, Sir. We can do it.

    Gowon: Alright. But please make sure there is no bloodshed. (Danjuma: The Making of a General, by Lindsay Barrett. Fourth Dimension Publishers, Enugu, 1980. pp 52-53.)

    Could Gowon’s acquiescence to high treason in this dialogue be the spontaneous reaction of someone unaware of the details of what was going on? Is it not more rationale to believe that Danjuma had initiated the telephone conversation, in order to give a “sitrep” to the superior officer whose orders he was carrying out? After all, Lieutenant Colonel Hillary Njoku has argued that Danjuma was not qualified to be a part of on Ironsi’s national tour.

    “In accordance with staff procedure, Lt-Col. Jack Gowon as the Chief of Staff, Army, was the right man, not Major Theophilus Danjuma, to accompany the Supremo on military matters. If for any reason he was absent, the next man to him should have gone with the Supreme Commander. In that case the General Staff Officer Grade One, Lieutenant Colonel P. Anwunah, or, as it was an administrative tour, the Adjutant-General should have joined or at least represented the Army. Theophilus Y. Danjuma was a major and deputy to Lieutenant Colonel M. Ivenso who was the Adjutant General of the Army…Protocol wise, detailing a Grade Two Staff Officer to represent the Army on a country-wide tour of the Head of State was a capital insult to the person and office of the Head of State.” (A Tragedy Without Heroes: The Nigeria-Biafra War, Fourth Dimension Publishers, Enugu. pp 86-87.)

    But, Gowon made the anomalous posting, all the same. Max Siollun was, therefore, wrong to state in his essay entitled The Northern Counter-Coup Of 1966 – The Full Story that, “Ironsi had with great courage entrusted his personal security to northern soldiers (including Major Yakubu Danjuma, Lieutenants William Walbe, Titus Numan and Sani Bello). One of his ADCs was the younger brother of Lt-Col James Pam (who had been murdered during the January coup). By surrounding himself with northern soldiers, Ironsi sealed his own fate.” (See www.nigerialinks.com>articles>Siollun).

    Ironsi’s fate was sealed because he came from an ethnic group not ordained by God for perpetual  leadership of Nigeria. Ironsi had not placed Danjuma in the ranks of his personal guards. Gowon did. Ironsi had four ADCs: Timothy Pam (Police), Dennis Okujagu (Navy), Andrew Nwankwo (Air Force) and Sani Bello (Army. None of them was party to the execution of July 29. As a matter of fact, Bello and Nwankwo were among those scourged by Danjuma and his men, and led to the Iwo execution ground with their hands tied behind their backs. Perhaps Ironsi would have been wise if his personal security were in the hands of his Umuahia kinsmen. But Gowon had established a Federal Guards Battalion composed entirely of his Angas people. Yet, his removal from office was swift and ignominious.

    Thus, as July 29 dawned, Danjuma who was advantageously positioned had troops from the 4th Battalion in Ibadan given to him by its Commander, Lieutenant Colonel Akahan. Those were the troops he used to replace Ironsi’s regular guards. They took Ironsi and Fajuyi and subjected them to unimaginable torture, after which he gave “whispered instructions” to those that led the duo, all blood and gore, to their untimely deaths at Iwo. The junior officers who led Ironsi and Fajuyi to their Golgotha included Lieutenants Garba Paiko, Garba Duba, William Walbe, Titus Numan, and Jeremiah Useni, as well as some non-commissioned officers and many recruits.

    The counter-coup spread to all parts of the country except the East where Lieutenant Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu was Military Governor and Lieutenant Colonel Eze Ogunewe the 1st Battalion Commander. In Kaduna they shot Lieutenant Colonel Israel Okoro, the Commander of the 3rd Battalion. In Lagos they shot Major T. E. Nzegwu (not to be confused with Nzeogwu) of the Supreme Headquarters. Major Chris Anuforo was tortured to death. Major Don Okafor was buried alive. They killed Major B. Nnamani of the 2nd Battalion. The assassinated Major J. O. C. Ihedigbo. The killed Major Ekanem of the 1st Provost Company on Carter Bridge. They killed Major P. C. Obi of the Nigerian Air Force. They killed Major O. U. Isong of the 1st Reece Squadron, Kaduna.  They killed Major C. C. Emelifonwu of the 1st Brigade Headquarters. They killed Major A. D. Ogunro of the Nigerian Military Training College (NMTC).

    They seized Captain P. C. O. Okoye, who was on his way to an overseas course near the Ikeja Airport. The Captain was “tied to an iron cross, beaten and left to die an agonizing death in the guardroom.” They also massacred Captains Iloputaife (MBE), I. U. Idika, A. O. Akpet, L. C. Dilibe, J. I. Chukwueke, J. U. Egere, T. O. Iweanya, H. A. Auna, S. E. Maduabum, G. N. E. Ugoala, and R. I. Agbazue in various military formations across the country. And they ended the lives of 15 Lieutenants all told. As for Warrant Officers, Sergeants, Corporals, Lance Corporals and Privates, about 130 of them paid the supreme price of July 29.

    “The original intention of the July 29 counter coup leaders was to seize the reigns of government and then announce the secession of the Northern Region from the rest of the country. This was in line with the general mood of the people of the North whose clarion call during the May 29 disturbances was Araba or Aware (Hausa word for ‘secede’).” So wrote Ahmadu Kurfi in The Nigerian General Elections 1959 and 1979 and the aftermath, (Macmillan Nigerian Publishers Limited, Lagos, 1983; pp38-39.) Again, “Northern civilians and other ranks in the Army kept continuous pressure on us to avenge what seemed more and more to them to have been an anti-Northern coup.” So wrote Major General Joseph in Revolution In Nigeria: Another View, Africa Books Limited, London, 1980; p 60.

    Well, vengeance was wreaked to the extreme, majority of the victims being clearly innocent of any crimes or offences. According to the Onyiuke Report (page 103), The May (1966) riots affected mainly the Hausa/Fulani areas of Northern Nigeria. It did not affect the Bornu Emirate to the North-East, the area commonly called the Middle Belt (comprising Benue province with Makurdi as its principal town, Plateau province with Jos as its principal town, Ilorin, and Kabba provinces. The Ilorin and Kabba provinces are mainly inhabited by the Yoruba, the Benue Province by the Tiv and Idomas and other tribes. The Bornu Emirate is mainly dominated by the Kanuri whose head Chief, the Shehu of Bornu is based in Bornu…

    “The pogrom spread to all parts of northern Nigeria between September and October 1966. The main instrument of spreading the pogrom was the Federal Army and Police and thugs organized on a fairly high level to smother the susceptibilities od some of the local chiefs who opposed it the local inhabitants especially the ex-politicians caught the fever, and horror and disaster spread. The rot was complete.”

    After Ironsi was toppled and assassinated, and after “God in his power (had) entrusted the responsibility of this great country of ours into the hands of yet another Northerner,” the Republic of Northern Nigeria was not declared. Why? Despite Gowon’s curious denial to this day that he was going to announce secession on August 1, 1966, the fact is that the move to secede was thwarted by Western powers. According to the minutes of the Cabinet meeting of August 2, 1966 released by the British Government after the mandatory 35-year period of moratorium, and deposited and marked as CAB/128/41 kept at the British Public Records Office at Kew Gardens, London, “The Commonwealth Secretary (The Rt. Hon. Arthur Bottomley, MP) said that there had been a further mutiny in Nigeria and that Major General Ironsi, the Head of State, had been kidnapped and possibly killed. A L-Col Yakubu Gowon, who was Hausa from the Northern Region, had assumed charge of the Government with the support of the Supreme Council. He had been strongly advised by our own High Commissioner and the United States Ambassador against promoting the secession of the North from the Federation.”

    The fact that the counter-coup makers did not sunder Nigeria in 1966 is the reason Nigeria remains where it is today. Max Suillon, in his 1990s essay already cited put things in perspective thus: “Now firmly in control of the army, northern officers distributed senior military postings among themselves and created a northern military dynasty. Since the counter-coup, 17 officers have occupied the post of Chief of Army Staff. Of these 17, 15 have been northerners (the only two southerners to occupy the post during that time; Lt-Generals Alani Akinrinade and Alexander Ogomudia, were appointed by General Obasanjo in 1979, and 2001 respectively). The northern soldiers who carried out the counter-coup have constituted themselves into Nigeria’s de facto ruling class. Of the soldiers who took part in the counter-coup, four (Murtala, Buhari, Babangida, Abacha) became Head of State. Several of them held prominent government and security positions throughout the last three decades. For example, Lieutenants Walbe, Duba, and Shelleng were among the party that murdered Maj-Gen Ironsi and Lt-Col Fajuyi. Walbe was rewarded by being appointed as Gowon’s personal bodyguard, and today Duba and Shelleng are members of the millionaire Generals club, sitting atop massive fortunes and business empires acquired after years of participation in military regimes. Mamman Vatsa was the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory until he tried one coup too many. Abba Kyari and Baba Usman served as military governors under Gowon for eight years. Gado Nasko became a Major-General and was the Minister of the Federal Capital territory during the regime of Ibrahim Babangida. Some of the mutineers occupy prominent government positions till today; Lt-Gen Danjuma (who led the arrest party that abducted Ironsi and Fajuyi) is the current Defence Secretary, and Maj-Gen Abdullahi Mohammed is the current Chief of Staff at the presidency).”

    In reverse, July 29 destroyed Igbo relevance in Nigerian politics. Ndigbo became something like fourth-class citizens, to be seen and rarely heard; to be killed at random without consequence; to be told to their faces that Nigerian leadership was outside their tiny scope of entitlements. They may stray into the Armed Forces but could never aspire to ranks above Colonel, except they were in the Medical or Education Corps. They may excel in academics or soccer or the sciences. Their entrepreneurial skills may match the best anywhere in the world. But in the scheme of national affairs, they must stand back.

    Things have now gone full cycle. After five decades, the architects of July 29, 1966 have, aided by accessories to political change, assumed power yet again, cloaked like democrats. But, the leopard never changes its spots. Which is why, in informed circles, their mantra of change elicits anything between skeptical smiles and outright indignation.

    • Iloegbunam (iloegbunam@hotmail.com), is the author of Ironside, the biography of General Aguiyi-Ironsi.
  • Mixed legacies

    Mixed legacies

    •Sunday Adewusi, 79, former IGP, exits with sweet-and-sour records. Which one will define him?

    He rose to the summit of his profession as a model cop. But as Inspector-General of Police (1981-1983), the police under his command was anything but model, especially in its relations to political partisans of the Second Republic (1979-1983).

    That is the sweet-and-sour tale of Sunday Adedayo Adewusi, the Asiwaju of Ogbomoso and one of the most acute minds to have run the Nigeria Police, who died on January 26, at the National Hospital, Abuja.

    Chief Adewusi’s rise in the police was well and truly meteoric: Assistant Superintendent of Police (1959), Deputy Superintendent of Police (1962), Superintendent of Police (1963), Chief Superintendent of Police (1967), Assistant Commissioner of Police (1969), Deputy Commissioner of Police (1971), Commissioner of Police (1972), Assistant Inspector-General (1975) and IGP (1981).  At 45, he was also among the youngest in his generation to become IGP, just as earlier, he was among the youngest ever to attain the position of CP.

    But all of these were well earned and no fluke: for between 1972 and 1975, when Chief Adewusi burst on the public consciousness as boss at the iconic Criminal Investigation Department (CID), Alagbon Road, Ikoyi, Lagos, he was undoubtedly the nation’s No. 1 crime buster. Indeed back then, hardly a week passed without Daily Times, Nigeria’s biggest and most circulated newspaper back then, reporting his exploits. Criminals feared the crack Adewusi and his no-nonsense CID, as they would the plague. The Nigeria Police was immensely richer for it.

    So, when in 1981, President Shehu Shagari announced Chief Adewusi as his new IGP, almost everyone agreed it was a near-excellent choice. But that optimism soon dissipated as IGP Adewusi turned the police under his command to one of the most awesomely partisan in Nigeria’s political history.

    To start with, the elite Mobile Police (MOPOL) became even more elite and formidable, bristling with arms, muscles and general bad grace. Such dread did Adewusi’s MOPOL evoke that an ever-resourceful Nigeria people, brimming with humour even at the most perilous of times, christened it Kill-and-go! It was tribute to its atavistic instinct to shoot — and kill — only to ask questions later; if ever!

    By electioneering 1983, IGP Adewusi’s MOPOL had become the swashbuckling partisan enforcer of the wish and will of the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN); and was part and parcel of the grand heist that was the 1983 general election.

    That election awarded the ruling NPN a sickening landslide, procured by sheer force of arm and soulless arm-twisting. But that brazen electoral steal also sent the Second Republic crumbling; and eclipsed Chief Adewusi’s brilliant career, as he was retired, by the new military czars, with the Shagari ancien regime. That was another goodly police officer consumed by the god of politics.

    So, which of the two defines the late Adewusi’s police essence: his golden records as brilliant ADC to Nigeria’s first president, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and crack crime buster? Or his rusty record as IGP who unabashedly put his command at the leisure of partisan politicians, with devastating consequences for the organisation’s brand equity and operational integrity?

    But whichever way the pendulum swings, Chief Adewusi was sad metaphor for frail state institutions. He was not the first — and certainly, if unfortunately, he would not be the last. The big question, however: how long would Nigeria continue to sacrifice its best minds on the altar of expedient politics? The answer must be in strengthening state institutions, particularly the security segment, where the ethos of absolute loyalty to the state, and not to temporary occupiers of office, is ingrained.

    All in all, however, Chief Adewusi served his country to the best of his ability. During and after his high office, he remained, until death, a citizen of high community value, as his Ogbomoso folks, to who he is Asiwaju (Leader), continue to proclaim.

    May God rest his gentle soul and comfort the family he left behind.

  • ‘I ‘ll build on Oshiomhole’s legacies’

    ‘I ‘ll build on Oshiomhole’s legacies’

    Edo State All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship aspirant Ilenre Austin Emuan has promisd to build on the progressive legacies of Governor Adams Oshiomhole, if elected as governor.

    He said it is important that the governor should hand over to a competent person, who will continue to implement the manifestos of the ruling party. The aspirant spoke with our correspondent in Lagos.

    Emuan, an architect, said the industrialisation of the state will be the priority of his administration, adding that it is the panacea to unemployment.

    Praising the governor for laying a solid foundation for the future of Edo, he said his successor should be able to keep the flag flying in the post-Oshiomhole period.

    The aspirant said he will make Edo a technological haven and harness the abundant human and material resources to fuel development.

    He said: “The world of today runs on the pivot of technology. Also, the future of the world depends and shall continuously depend on technology. How to clean up the polluted world, reforest, build up depleting biodiversity and other ecological resources and what means to be used lies with technology. The shape of life on earth and things to come also depend on technology. This is why we will quickly make Edo the technological heartbeat of Nigeria.”

    Emuam added: “To make Edo the technological and socio-economic heartbeat, we will promote intense inter-state trade and increase interaction between local researchers, innovators, designers, fabricators, assemblers and research and development professionals in all spheres.”

    The aspirant promised to run what he described as a neo-welfarist state. He said: “By neo-structural wlfariam, I mean a new way of thinkig. The old structure is like the old economy. But this is a new way of doing things. This is tapping into the knowledge of the new economy. The political economy of the world today is distraught in economic disparity, resulting into economic maladjustment, giving room for poverty, deepened insecurity and terrorism. This is the old order.

    “ If we continue on this path, we are obviously heading for Amargedom. This is the reason why neo-structural welfarism is concerned with restructuring capitalism, which is the pivotal of greed. The best way to go is not to destroy capitalism, but to re-define it. In other words, there has to be a balance between capitalism and some paradigm of socialism so that wealth can be evenly distributed.”

    “I carried out a research early in the year and discovered that in 1820, the ratio of rich to poor was one to three. But, as at 2013, it has gone to one to 88. That means that the wealth of this world is in the hand of few people. For me as a neo-structural scholar, this is what I stand to correct in Edo State and Nigeria, using Edo as an economic model.”

  • Names, legacies and politicians

    After  the way  and manner  the legislative elections have gone  for the APC , analysts  have  written the party  off in terms of party  discipline  and some have even  concluded  that the only good thing going for the new  ruling party  in Nigeria is the good name and anti corruption reputation  of its victorious presidential candidate President Muhammadu  Buhari. Others  especially  the PDP  which  can very rightly be accused  of sour grapes in losing the incumbency and power  so massively, have gone on to  attempt  an obituary  on the loss  of control by  the man everyone knew was the architect of the APC’s  glorious victory in the 2015  elections Asiwaju  Bola Ahmed  Tinubu. I  disagree on both  scores but I nevertheless want  to take a  good look at  the worth  and value  of  names  and legacies in politics  globally  and in Nigeria in particular.

    Let  me state  that this topic came about from the news on the internet that both  Hillary  Clinton  and Jeb Bush  who are presidential aspirants in the US in the 2016 elections for the Democratic Party  and the  Republican  Party respectively, did  not use their surnames  on  the logos they launched  for their  presidential  campaigns. They used  just  their  first names  Jeb   and  Hillary.  So  in politics, or  at  least  in the US  this  time around it is not  just   a matter of what  is in a name.  As Shakespeare once said in one of his plays  – a rose called by any other name smells just as sweet.  But  that is not so in politics and that is the nitty gritty  of our discussion today.  This  is  because   Names  carry  political  weight and  luggages especially at election times  and in times  of crisis and anxiety  such  as   the  rumpus  our legislative elections  brought to the doorsteps  of the APC  on  June 9  2015.

    Definitely  the Buhari  name and its legacy  of  discipline and anti  corruption  legacy was a key selling point for the APC in its quest  for power.   Indeed  that reputation jelled in an environment pervaded by corruption , confusion and poor  security and the electorate embraced it  out of total  boredom and disenchantment  with the person and policies  of his opponent, the defeated incumbent president then. But  it  is no secret   that  somebody did the research  and came out with the Buhari brand as the joker to win the 2015  elections hands down for the APC  and I think that   person is Asiwaju  Bola  Tinubu. The  fact  that the PDP  is  making itself  merry  with his embarrassment over the legislative elections  is a measure of the havoc  that  strategy  wrought  on that great  party which was greatly humiliated by the choice of the Buhari name  and candidacy  by the APC   to  contest  and win the 2015   presidential  elections.  The  foresight of that choice  was  even attested in   a  round about way by the PDP  boss in  Lagos  state Chief  Bode  George   who literally  pronounced Asiwaju dead  politically  on the strength  of the results  of  the legislative  elections  alone.  Which  to me is sheer  wishful  thinking as  great  strategists don’t just vanish into thin air just  like that  but are like  the proverbial  cats with nine lives who  live and resurrect to fight  another day. So  really  it is the PDP  which  has profited  and reaped  a rich but dubious profit  where  it did not sow or invest  that  should  watch  its back  on the slippery path it has taken to steal legislative  leadership  from the APC.

    Again  on the US   is not  difficult  to see  why Hillary  Clinton  and  George  Bush did not use their  surnames  on their presidential  logo. This  is because  a logo is supposed  to sell  a name or brand and must  be seen in terms  of  positive  virtues that  can  achieve the objective  for which  it was created which in this case is to  win  the US  presidency. Time  will tell if the decision not  to use    their  surname  is a wise or regrettable step. This  is because  both names, Clinton and Bush, are still household names in world and US  politics and  they  still  bring nostalgia  of  good memories on the presidencies in which they  were involved. In  Clinton’s case his Vice President Al  Gore,  who  contested  against  the  43rd  president  George Bush  lost because  he kept the Clinton  name at bay  in his election bid  because  of the Mona  Lewinsky scandal.  I hope  Hillary  is not making the same mistake.

    With  regard  to Jeb Bush it is obvious  that the invasion of Iraq on the false excuse of the existence of weapons of mass destruction  is  making  him  to hide  his surname.  He  should  however be reminded that his name Jeb  is mostly  associated with or remembered  for the Florida  recount that clinched the election  for his brother against  Al  Gore.  That  to me is a more weighty load  to carry  than  the Bush  name  which in today’s  context of global  insecurity blamed on the Obama  presidency’s   dithering  on air strikes and crossed  red lines  has  a good  selling point on  global  security  which is a major issue in the 2016 presidential elections in the US.Really  I  think  it  is up  to  Jeb Bush  know  the opportunity  cost  of  his surname before  it is too  late  for  his presidential  bid in the US.

    Of  course  there  is no  way  one can discuss  a topic like this and not remember the Saraki name which is the political  brand that runs the politics  of Kwara  state and now is in charge of Nigeria’s senate as Senator Bukola  Saraki is the new Senate President from the June 9  legislative elections. His  father Dr Abubakar  Sola  Saraki too was a President of the Senate in his era. The father was a bridge  builder between  the north  and south in his time. His  politics was  also pro-North in his time.  But when after June 12  was aborted and  the presidency was zoned to the South west the  good doctor who  had all along claimed he was a Fulani then claimed eligibility to contest as a South Westerner  from somewhere in the Yoruba heartland.  Of  course  no one  took him seriously then. But  he had a first  hand taste  of the political  dexterity  of his son the new Senate  President whose  candidate defeated his father’s  choice for the governorship  of  Kwara state,  a major  political  tsunami in Kwara state in those days. Very  similar  in magnitude  and poignancy  to the legislative coup  that had APC  leadership   and   senators  stranded at a meeting with the  president while  the kingpin of Kwara politics, and very much  a member  of the party  was being elected  Senate  President  by the opposition PDP.  Which  is a classical  case  of the  end  justifying the means  but   is being regarded  most  delicately and  realistically    as a fait  accompli by  the APC for its own sanity,  stability and well  being. In  the  midst  of all  these  political  razzmatazz however one  can still  recall the timeless and golden observation of Shakespeare  again  in one of his plays  that ‘ ambition should  be made  of sterner  stuff. ‘Again, long live the Federal  Republic of  Nigeria.

  • Ganduje: I ’ll build on Kwankwaso’s legacies

    Ganduje: I ’ll build on Kwankwaso’s legacies

    Former Kano State Deputy Governor Umar Ganduje has taken the baton of leadership from his former boss, Dr. Rabiu Kwankwaso. KOLADE ADEYEMI, who witnessed the swearing-in ceremony in Kano, the state capital, highlights the challenges that will face the new administration.

    The patient dog eats the fattest bone. This popular saying played out in the ancient city of Kano on Friday, May 29, when Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, immediate past Deputy governor of Kano State took the mantle of leadership from his former boss, Dr. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, who is now the elected senator representing Kano Central District at the Upper Chambers. Though there was a ban on jubilation for security reasons, millions of Kano residents showed their solidarity for a man they gave even more than he asked for during the April 11 elections Ganduje polled over 1.5 million votes to defeat 13 candidates.

    Ganduje’s quest to govern Kano dated back to 1999 when he indicated interest. But, was asked to step down for Kwankwaso who chose him as running mate. Though many at different times spread rumour of infighting between the two leaders, their cordial relationship, in the public betrayed all that. For one reason, the event that took place at the 2015 Coronation House in Government House where Kwankwaso formally handed over the mantle of leadership to Ganduje betrayed every suspicion that the two leaders  were not in accord. At exactly 9:02 a.m. the two leaders, accompanied by Ganduje’s Deputy, Prof. Abubakar Hafiz, stepped into the hall, amid  cheers by the crowd.

    After the handover, Ganduje spoke about Kwankwaso: “My boss, my mentor, the Supreme Commander of the Kwankwassiyya Movement. It is, indeed, a momentous occasion, it is a historic occasion; and what has happened this morning is a transaction of your own thinking, your own calculation and belief that what is happening today is in the best interest of Kano and our people. I thank you and I am not surprise because it is also as a result of our brotherly relationship spanning for over 25 years.” Turning to the people, Ganduje said. “We are grateful for you electing us and our party, the APC in all political positions. I pledge on behalf of myself and my Deputy that continuity is a task that must be done. We shall emulate the good work of my boss. We shall complete the projects that are not completed just the way they are conceived.”

    Supporters of the two leaders chanted songs of joy, triumph and jubilation. They thanked Allah for making it possible for Kano to have a smooth transition under the banner of change. Kwankwaso’s reply was short: He said that the day completed his dream for a better Kano. He also pledged to support the new governor. “Let me congratulate my brothers, friends and confidants, His Excellency, the new Governior of Kano state, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje and his Deputy, Prof. Hafiz Abubakar. I want to assure that we will continue to work together for the development of our great state. Today, I feel so fulfilled because we have been able to deliver. I wish you well,” he added.

    After the event, Kwankwaso left for Abuja, while Ganduje, his Deputy and other guests went to Sani Abacha Stadium where people were waiting for a man who had just taken the oath before the acting Chief Judge, Mrs. Patricia Mahmud. The crowd was unprecedented. All major markets close to the stadium such as Kantin Kwari textile market, one of the biggest in West Africa, was closed down.

    The security arrangement was commendable as no vehicle was allowed to step into the venue. The stadium was filled to capacity. People of different religion were praying for Ganduje, for the sustenance of peace, harmony and proigress in the ancient commercial city.

    Prof. Hafiz, took his Oath of Office at exactly 10 a.m. while Ganduje took his oath around 10:05. They all promised to abide by Nigeria’s constitution. Speaking shortly after taking the oath, Ganduje, who has promised to build on the legacies of Kwankwaso, said he would make Kano a mega-city and take development to the hinterlands. He promised to review the Kano master-plan to give it the status of a mega-city. He promised to run an all-inclusive government, based on the principles of fairness, accountability and transparency. Ganduje also warned that anybody working with him should purge himself of corruption of any form because his administration would not hesitate to punish corrupt public office holders no matter how highly placed. He also promised to boost transportation through the introduction of light rail-system. He also promised to boost agriculture, education, housing and human development. He also promised to restructure the system Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) and ensure security of lives and property of the people.

    Former Military Administrator who’s appointed Ganduje as the Commissioner for Works, General Dominic Oneya, said: “Ganduje is a very good man, a very loyal and hardworking Commissioner of Works during my time here in Kano as the military administrator. I am not surprised that God has made it possible for him to become the governor and I am sure he is going to deliver. He will not disappoint the people; and I feel so happy that I have to come all the way from my state to witness this inauguration in my other state which is Kano. I was a Brigade-Commander here and I was a military administrator here. So, I am at home here; and I sure Ganduje will not disappoint the people. He is hardworking, he has foresight and above all, his loyalty brought him to where he is today. I will have to advice Ganduje to have the fear of God; and at the same time make sure that he keeps away people that will just come and tell him what they think he should hear. He should be able to carry his cabinet along and have confidence in his Deputy and make sure that he delivers on what the people want. He should try his best and let sycophants keep away from him—that is my little advice to him.”

    Also, a former governor of the state, who is now a senator, Kabiru Ibrahim, Gaya, said: “I believe governance is a matter of how you run your system. From day one, Ganduje is good enough and I believe he will continue with the good work Kwankwaso has started; and I am sure he is going to complete those works that are yet to be completed and bring out his own ideas. You see, in our time when I was governor and now are different times.  In our time, the revenue that we collected from the Federation Account  was about N60 million to N70 million per month; but this time, it is about N8 to N9 billion. So, the different is very clear. We thank God that we have been remembered for what we did during that time up till today and that is why we are still relevant in politics. I believe Ganduje can do a good job and I wish him well; and I can tell you that we are so close that I know where and how to give him the real advice, not on the pages of newspapers. Ganduje knows what he can do and I can tell you we speak almost on daily basis and I keep giving him positive advice. I have a full confidence that Ganduje is going to perform. He was a Deputy Governor for eight years; and the most important thing is that he had a break, and when you are in government and you have a break, you will learn and perform more than you did before. You  can remember that what Kwankwaso did in his first four years is completely different from what he did now, because he had a break. When you have a break in government, you will look into your mistakes and correct them.

    In his own views, the Senator-elect from Kano North District, Barau Jubrin, said: “Let me tell you that people will make mistake when they call Ganduje a new governor—he is not a new governor, he is an old governor. I say this because he has been in the corridor of power for a very long time and he knows everything about how the system works. Now, he has garnered enough experience. Don’t also forget that he is an intellectual, a bureaucrat. He is also a seasoned politician. If you combine all these factors together, you will find out that he is very experienced and you should expect that he is going to deliver—he is going to deliver in such a way that it will surprise everybody. He is going to build on what the immediate past governor has done to the people of Kano state and Kano is going to be better for it. Kano today is the best state in the country in terms of good governance and delivery oif democratic dividends and we believe that now that Ganduje is there, Kano is going to be better because Ganduje has an excellent pedigree. He is a groomed administrator, so expect the best from him. Sso, we don’t have any iota of doubt that Ganduje is going to perform.”

    Dignitaries from all walks of life graced the occasion, including the Emir of Kano, Malam Muhammad Sanusi 11.

  • ‘Ambode ’ ll build on Fashola’s legacies’

    ‘Ambode ’ ll build on Fashola’s legacies’

    Lagos State All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftain Dr. Solomon Akin-Aina highlights the challenges that will confront the incoming Ambode Administration. 

    As the nation moves towards the 29th May inauguration date of the new administration, I wish to congratulate the Governor – elect of Lagos state, Mr. Akinwumi Ambode and his Deputy – Governor elect, Dr. Mrs. Idiat Adegbule on their landslide Victory at the just concluded 2015 Gubernatorial elections in Lagos State. Your victory is a victory for democracy and firm commitment of Lagosians to the change project championed by Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu from 1999 and sustained by the spirited Governor, Babatunde Raji Fashola till date.

    Ambode’s victory is predicated on the radical transformation and clearly articulated programmes of All Progressive Congress started 16 years ago by Governor Emeritus, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. With Ambode in charge of governance, Lagos state will start another race in its transformation drive and monumental change given its alignment with the federal government.

    Prior to the election, the governor elect promised Lagosians laudable projects in his manifestoes that would impact positively on the people of Lagos state. The contents of APC manifestoes are achievable and its impact will be far reaching in the five divisions of Lagos state.

    The governor- elect would ensure good governance through the implementation of people-oriented programmes designed to meet the expectations and yearnings of Lagosians. His administration would sustain the confidence of Lagosians in governance through the implementation of programmes that would enhance the socio-economic and political development of the state.

    Lagos state is blessed with abundant natural and human resources necessary for effective economic growth and development, so Lagos state under progressive Governor – elect, Akinwumi Ambode and his able Deputy, Dr. Idiat Adegbule will bring about a responsible change in all aspects of governance.

    In the area of Education, the Governor – elect will deliver on his promise to continue the current schools renovation programme state-wide to improve learning environment, upgrade libraries and create new ones into e- libraries in each LGA/LCDA in the state.

    He would also establish IBILE meal scheme in all our public schools and pay bursary for students in higher institutions and introduce scholarship into our vocational and technical colleges with strategic emphasis to reposition all tertiary institutions in the state with reference to Lagos state University (LASU), Lagos state Polytechnic and Adeniran Ogunsanya College of education.

    In the area of the youth, sports and employment, the incoming administration will fulfill its promise to establish Trust fund with a commitment of 25billion naira in four years by the government. According to the Governor- elect, one billion naira is to be accessed by each of the five divisions in the state for the next four years. This programme will create massive employment for our youths and jobless ones and take our youth off the street. Not only that, the incoming administration will perform its promises in the area of sporting activities with the provision of community sports centre.

    I also commend the incoming administration desire to facilitate development of Local Governments in Lagos state and promote good governance at the local government level with massive infrastructural development, construction of roads, provision of health facilities, creation of conducive environment for sound learning, provision of security, rural development and urban renewal.

    However, since the incoming administration is an offshoot of federal government led APC, I have confidence that Governor- elect, Akinwumi Ambode will use his influence and relationship with President-elect, Maj. General Muhammedu Buhari and members of the National Assembly to pass into law the 37 LCDAs in Lagos state. This will elevate the status of Lagos State and improve the economy condition of the people within the Local Government area.

    In the same vein, I wish to commend the Asiwaju Loyalist Group of Ojo Federal Constituency (G30) for keeping faith with the party following the directives from Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, having worked tirelessly for the party at the just concluded elections. I congratulate Hon Lanre  Ogunyemi for his well deserved victory on re-election in Ojo constituency 2.

    I also congratulate the great Jagaban of Borgu and the National Leader of APC, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu for his untiring strength and zeal which ensure APC victory in the Southwest and Nigeria at large. You are indeed a beacon of hope to the masses. Congratulations to Oronmiyan and the Symbol of our time, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola over the victory of APC in State of Osun, Lagos, south- west and Nigeria.

  • Of a visioner and his legacies

    A Collins’ dictionary defines legacy, among others, as “a gift by will, especially of money or personal property; something handed down or received from an ancestor or predecessor.” While much has been said about the unprecedented physical infrastructure—and more would still be said before his constitutionally allowed tenure ends in May—that the Fashola administration bequeathed Lagosians, not much may have been said about the man and his essence as the real legacy upon which these infrastructural legacies rests. The dictionary’s definition of legacy “as something handed down or received from an ancestor or predecessor” fits perfectly with the fact that Babatunde Raji Fashola most likely would not have happened on the governance scene of Lagos State if Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu had not materialised. Asiwaju, who is himself a legacy whose administration created the template and the strong policy thrust and direction for a new Lagos, but has since moved on to create other compelling legacies, much of which have altered the nation’s political landscape forever. Therefore, since Asiwaju is himself a legacy, it goes without saying that he must beget another ‘son’ just like him. Hence Fashola became that legacy that was “handed down” by Tinubu, his predecessor.

    Governor Fashola has fundamentally changed governance not only in Lagos but Nigeria in general. He has changed the way people think about government in a democratic dispensation in this clime probably more than he himself is yet to realise. He has brought what may be termed a different pedagogy into how a society should be governed and plugged into modernity. He’s a reference point by both the Nigerian people and his governor colleagues even across the political divide. He has become the “poster child” in everything noble and worth emulating in the art of governance that he is, for the most part, the reason why Nigerians both at home and the Diaspora are upset with their state governors for lackluster performance. Some of his colleagues had publicly stated that they would like to be like Fashola, an unusual admission of the man’s many accomplishments in a society where ego and ‘bigmannism’ rules.

    Perhaps another way to interrogate the Fashola phenomenon in the governance architecture of Lagos state is to situate him within the context of dialectical materialism, that economic, political and philosophical system of the German Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Fashola encapsulates the dialectical on one hand, of these two philosophers in his spiritual awareness as the fundamental driving force of his totality from which his values and worldview are derived, which crystalizes into his political and philosophical beliefs as to how his society should be. The materialism, on the other hand, can be said to represent the unprecedented (economic) physical infrastructures that dots the length and breadth of the Centre of Excellence. Thus, Fashola can be said to be the personification of Marx and Engel’s dialectical materialism.

    Although the governor had said on several occasions that much of what he did had their root in his predecessor, Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Tinubu before he left office, which he handed over to him to build upon. While this is true, what a discerning mind cannot fail to recognize is that Governor Fashola has in the recess of his mind some core values that he not only lives by but has defined his administration. Having a foundation on which to build may be good, but the willingness to act on conviction in accordance with your values is quite another. He may have been askance of politics at the outset, but the indisputable is that Fashola, the man, possesses a rare, but clear vision of how a society aspiring to modernity should be. The seed to do great exploit had been divinely implanted in his soul. It just took a ‘seeing’ mortal in the person of Asiwaju to recognize that Fashola possesses an acorn in him that needs to be given expression to grow into a mighty oak tree. I can say without any fear of contradiction that much of the phenomenal transformation in Lagos today are the things that had agitated Fashola’s mind for a long time when the possibility of his becoming a state governor was as good as being elected say, the Mayor of the City of Chicago in the US or the Secretary of the African Union (AU).

    As a Chicago-based media consultant to the Tinubu administration, it was my professional responsibility to follow Tinubu and his team around whenever they’re in the United States for official engagements, most especially in the Midwest region. This day was particularly very hectic. Our itineraries had started at Chicago’s City Hall where then governor Tinubu was hosted by then mayor of the City of Chicago, Richard M. Daley. From there we moved to Richard J. Daley College where the governor and his team were shown around the college campus with particular emphasis on the school’s computer lab. Leaving the school, we proceeded to Chicago State University. From the university, we were back to Akainyah Art Gallery outside the Chicago loop where Dr. Akainyah, the Ghanaian owner of the gallery had a small reception for Tinubu and his entourage. Babatunde Fashola, then Chief of Staff, paid for a particular work of art that the governor liked. We finally retired to the Chicago south side home of late Dr. Nurudeen Olowopopo in the evening to kick back, relax and unwind.

    At Dr. Olowopopo’s house the entourage and Tinubu’s enthusiasts in Chicago formed themselves into small clusters, some with their plates of food on one hand and their choice drinks on the other, discussing anything they deemed important. At about 11pm, Dele Alake announced to the house, particularly to the Nigerian entourage that there was going to be another stop at the home of another prominent Nigerian that same night. Probably realising how this piece of information was hardly music to the ears of some of the governor’s aides, Alake quickly added that anyone not interested in going with the governor should feel free to return to the hotel as the bus was still waiting outside. For me, going with Asiwaju and others at that time of night was a non-starter as I needed enough sleep for the next day’s agenda. So, I would go with the bus to the hotel to pick up my car and go home, I told myself.

    Fashola, Ayobolu, then the CPS; Fadahunsi, a photographer from LTV and a few aides, probably must have also reasoned that whatever was going to be discussed at this Nigerian’s house could not be important enough to warrant their presence. Also with Mary Swope, owner of Chicago’s Mahogany Foundation, we were on our way. We engaged in another round of conversation in the bus about the day’s events, which dovetailed into, yet again, the Nigerian condition. Some of us chipped in. But one after the other, people started to fall off the conversation while some guys had started snoring. The discourse soon became a monologue as Fashola kept talking to no one in particular as he passionately expressed his displeasure about the filth that had become synonymous with Lagos. Fashola harped mostly on the city’s infrastructural deficit and environmental/sanitation issues that I wished quietly that he kept quiet to allow me to also take a quick nap. He indeed mentioned the eyesore that was Oshodi then as one of the degrading environmental problems that blighted the city. This recollection is to underscore the fact that Fashola had a clear idea about what ought to be and how a people should live in society at a time he could not have imagined being a governor. Governor Fashola may not have sired Akinwunmi Ambode, but there’s no doubt that their loincloths are cut from the same fabric sewed by their political progenitor. Therefore, the APC governorship candidate is another legacy waiting in the wings.

    • Odere is a media practitioner. He can be reached at femiodere@gmail.com
  • Akpabio and his Legacies

    Akpabio and his Legacies

    By the time Godswill Obot Akpabio steps aside from the Government House, Uyo, as Governor of Akwa-Ibom State come May 29, this year, the story, if fair and honest, shall be “A man was here”.

    He would be likened to a poor wrestler that sent giants crashing vis-à-vis the level of development he engendered for the well-being of his people.

    Three distinct periods or eras could be realized since the creation of the state. They are BA, AE, and AA. While BA stands for before Akpabio; AE stands for Akpabio’s Era; and AA stands for after Akpabio.

    Godswill Akpabio, variously referred to as the emerging African Tiger shall occupy the Akpabio’s Era (2007-2015AE). Governments and Administrations that went before Akpabio, shall be classified as the BA Era (1999-2007) while Governments and Administrations that came after Akpabio shall be classified as the AA Era (2015-2019).

    Akwa-Ibom is both a state on course and one taking shape. The opening up of the state and moving it forward in terms of progress and development are some of the project areas in view.

    The new road networks, free education, free health care delivery, the pipe-jacking or the underground tunnel technology drainage system, the independent electricity power plant, with the largest capacity for job and wealth creation which is the catalyst for small, medium and large cottage industries, general infrastructural development and urban renewal, the revamped Akwa-Ibom State Transport Company (AKTC), the modern International Stadium, described as one of the world’s best, among others are some of Akpabio’s unsurpassable achievements.

    In the process of achieving these goals and more, records are broken and new ones created; some of which may be difficult to meet if not impossible to beat. This gives a cause of worry about the kind of succession that must definitely raise standards.

    While most projects require extra time to accomplish, continuity, in most cases, is the way out.

    Successive administrations in Akwa-Ibom State had failed to imbibe the spirit of continuity, a situation that had left most lofty government projects abandoned. Here is the root cause of our fears and worries. It is said that the employee is as efficient as the employer. It may also be the contrary though. Succession makes sense and must be both realistic and attainable.

    I believe that a leader should be found faithful. Public policy and administrative initiative characterized by transparency and accountability are reasons for my support for the people-driven policies and programmes of the Godswill Akpabio-led administration which have already taken Akwa-Ibom State to greater heights. The leadership element therefore should not be under-rated.

    Quality leadership which engenders robust policies and programmes must be dynamic, effective and efficient.

    There are only a few things that the administration of Godswill Akpabio did not successfully realize. This is so because no one is perfect and man does better than his best. The industrialization of Akwa-Ibom State therefore becomes the priority programme on his hand over note to his successor.

    It is this priority area that whoever succeeds him as governor of Akwa-Ibom State should focus attention on in order to ensure that the level of socio-economic and political developments already attend in the State are sustained

    •Ekong was Travel Manager with Daily Times Limited

     

  • Baleful legacies of godfather and godson

    Details of Obasanjo’s 18-page letter to President Jonathan are already in the public domain. If you ask me, I will say Jonathan’s only sin is attempting to outperform his godfather in all the departments identified by a ‘godfather who never sleeps’, such as undermining principle of separation of powers by holding in disdain, both the legislature and judiciary, selective war against corruption, politics of subterfuge, vindictiveness etc. If Jonathan is presiding over outright looting of our resources as insinuated by Obasanjo, it is perhaps because there was little left to share following the fraudulent privatisation and monetization policies of the PDP that he implemented with religious fervour. If Jonathan assembled contractors and sitting PDP governors together in Lagos and blackmailed them to part with about N7billion for building church and recreation centre in his Otuoke village, it was perhaps he was trying to outdo his godfather who also collected about half of that amount in similar manner to build a private library in his town. If Jonathan within his first year in office was frantically dumping money in a swamp in Otuoke village in the name of building a university for his fishing community, he was perhaps trying to emulate his godfather who built a private university in his Ota village.

    It will appear Obasanjo’s objection to President Jonathan 2015 ambition is predicated on the provision of ‘federal character, zoning and rotation’ clause in PDP constitution. But both father and son ignored the same clause in 2011, to immorally pave the way for the emergence of Jonathan as PDP presidential candidate.

    Obasanjo is accusing his godson of being behind some disgruntled PDP members going around to recruit people into the Labour Party to enhance his electoral fortune during 2015 election. But Jonathan has merely improved on OBJ strategy of fuelling intra-party conflicts within the opposition and inducing disgruntled members with money, cars and security support to decamp to PDP where they were ultimately rigged into elective offices through flawed elections.

    Ex-President Obasanjo has also accused his godson of ‘providing presidential assistance for a murderer to evade justice and presidential delegation to welcome him home’. If indeed Jonathan played such role, there was a precedent. Under Obasanjo, Bola Ige, the then justice Minister was assassinated inside his house. Iyiola Omisore, who was given state support to destabilise his party before decamping to PDP, was the only suspect according to the police. From prison detention, Omisore was awarded a senate seat by PDP in a flawed election, a feat he couldn’t repeat as a freeman after serving as a senator for four years. Although Omisore was later to be acquitted by the court, Ige murder like many other high profile murders under Obasnjo has remained unresolved.

    Ex-President Obasanjo lamented about ‘the serious and strong allegation of NNPC non-remitting of about $7 billion from NNPC to Central Bank occurring from export of some 130,000 barrels per day’. But it has been alleged the process of shielding NNPC started when Obasanjo added the portfolio of petroleum minister to his office as president.

    If indeed an ’African Development Bank Director informed Obasanjo that the Federal Government is putting the water project for Port Harcourt in the cooler because of Amaechi-Jonathan face-off, Jonathan copied that from his godfather who sat on Lagos state Local Government Allocation despite judicial pronouncement that Obasanjo lacked such power.

    Unfortunately, Obasanjo out of office is discovering too late that ‘attack dogs’ are more dangerous than identified adversaries. His advice is however too late for a godson who has followed his godfather’s footstep of deploying hungry attack dogs on political adversaries. And tragically for ex-President Obasanjo, one of his sons who also doubles as media adviser to President Jonathan has asked Obasanjo “to shut up forever and go down in history as spineless coward, driven by sheer greed and indecency,” if he cannot provide evidence for alleged existence of snipers. Such language and impertinence are not unusual during PDP perennial family squabbles.

    The last of the 10 reasons Obasanjo gave for writing his 18-page letter is in my view the most important. His expression of concern over the inability of an overwhelmed and clueless Jonathan to respond to the nation’s current predicaments is probably not born out of patriotism but out of concern by Obasanjo for his continued relevance as a leader who is obsessed with controlling the present and the future. Unfortunately, this is an impossible task as Leo Tolstoy has tried to prove in his theory of history through his epic novel ‘Law and Peace’. It is the actions of others that in reality define leaders’ legacies.

    For instance emerging as an ill-equipped accidental leader as military Head of State, Obasanjo in manner of oligarchs started to see himself as the wisest and the best to have happened to our nation. He thereafter arrogantly said the best didn’t need to win the 1979 election, preferring Shehu Shagari, who was only interested in the senate, as he has now admitted in his epistle to Jonathan, to a tested Awo or an Adamu Ciroma that had been groomed by Kaduna Mafia for leadership. The legacy of Obasanjo’s first opportunity to govern Nigeria was defined by the collapse of second republic due to the mismanagement and incompetence of Shagari. Obasanjo has written many books “My Command”, “Not my Will’, ‘The Animal call Man”, etc, to justify his claim to intellectualism and the right to control our present and future as well as sustain what was unarguably an error of judgment in 1979.

    Obasanjo claimed God used him to make Yar’Adua president. But God is not mocked. Yar’Adua was so scandalized by the flawed election that produced him that he had to set up the Uwais Electoral Reform Commission whose report Jonathan administration sat on. Apart from the depletion of our foreign reserve within two years, Yar’Adua derailed Obasanjo’s power project policy conceived to generate 20,000Mw by 2010. Today we generate 4,600Mw. Of course we don’t need any other proof of God’s reproach of Obasanjo’s immoral imposition of Jonathan on Nigeria in the name of ethnic balancing than his current 18-page letter alerting Nigerians about the threat Jonathan has become to the health of our nation.

    The premature rendering of a dirge in the past by Obasanjo, the (oracle of Owu) has always signalled the imminent collapse of regimes Obasanjo has fraudulently built on porous ground. I think it is time the opposition starts preparing a blueprint for the salvation of our beleaguered land that has been repeatedly raped by PDP, the godfather and his godson this past 14 years.

    And finally since Obasanjo who takes joy in calling himself Mr. Nigeria has admitted charity for president Jonathan can begin at his Ijawland, let me also appeal to our new Yoruba political leaders to plan a response to Obasanjo’s alert and warning that Jonathan is sponsoring disgruntled and selfish Yoruba politicians to derail the modest gains made in the last three years.

    He has cited Ekiti where Opeyemi must have been assured he could become governor in spite of Ekiti electorate in typical PDP fashion. He cited the case of Ondo where we already know Mimiko is trying frantically to smear the good people of Ondo with PDP’s dishonourable activities alien to Ondo people. Obasanjo also made indirect reference to our respected Dr Fasehun who now finds common interest with President Jonathan. While advancing some vacuous reasons which was an insult to the people of Kano for accompanying Al Mustapha home, his action nonetheless found parallel with that of President Jonathan who Obasanjo accused of granting ‘presidential assistance for a murderer to evade justice and presidential delegation to welcome him home’.

  • I’ll leave concrete legacies behind, says Ajimobi

    I’ll leave concrete legacies behind, says Ajimobi

    Oyo State Governor Abiola Ajimobi has said his administration will leave behind landmark legacies will stand the test of time.

    He spoke yesterday shortly after inspecting some projects in Ibadan, the state capital.

    They include the flyover at Mokola Roundabout and the dualisation of the Onireke-Jericho-Dugbe-Eleiyele road.

    Ajimobi said: “We are not working haphazardly. We have a blueprint and by when we leave, we will leave legacies that no one before us will surpass.” Expressing satisfaction with the work done on some of the projects, he said his administration would continue to execute projects that would directly improve the life of the people.

    The governor said: “Those who do not understand development economics will argue with our approach, but there is a pyramid of development anywhere in the world and that is what we are following.

    He said the projects being executed were of international standards and assured the people that his administration would not leave any project uncompleted.

    Lashing out at his critics, Ajimobi said no past administration has surpassed his achievements in less than two years.

    He said: “We are not doing construction by propaganda. Let those condemning us tell us what they did. The good thing is that many of them had been there in the past, what did they do?

    “We thought of some of these projects and we executed them in two years, but some people thought of them and were here for four years but they never did anything.”

    The Mokola Flyover is expected to be handed over to the government by the end of the month.