The Nation Newspaper

Tag: Local Government

Death of local government as Nigeria’s unspoken crisis

Sir: Long before insecurity tightened its grip on our highways, long before poverty colonised the villages, and long before our cities became swollen refugee camps of the economically displaced, a quiet tragedy had already eaten deep into the nation’s foundation. It is the tragedy Nigeria does not talk about enough, the crisis that rarely makes headlines yet determines whether development succeeds or dies: the silent collapse of the local government system.

Across the world, nations that work do so because governance begins from the bottom. In Nigeria, governance begins from the top — and too often dies there. The original intention behind creating 774 local government areas was noble: to take government to the people, to deliver water, roads, healthcare, schools, markets, records, and security at the grassroots. Today, that vision has become a shadow, wandering through empty secretariats and overgrown council premises.

But a surprising twist has recently emerged in this long-standing decay — a twist that should have marked a rebirth, yet has instead exposed an even deeper problem.

For decades, local government suffocation was blamed on the iron grip of governors who held their finances through the State Joint Allocation Account (JAAC). Then came what many hailed as liberation: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu supported, and the Supreme Court granted, full financial autonomy to the 774 local government councils.

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It should have been the dawn of a new era. It should have breathed life into Nigeria’s most abandoned tier of government. It should have restored accountability, development, and people-focused governance.

But autonomy has not resurrected the system — because the collapse is not only financial. It is structural. It is administrative. It is moral. It is political. And it is deeply entrenched.

The autonomy ruling has exposed a painful truth: A system can be rescued on paper yet remain dead in practice.

It is fashionable to blame Abuja. It is politically convenient to blame the states. But the true foundation of governance lies in the 774 local governments.

Autonomy has now revealed the national contradiction: We fixed the pipe supplying water, but the tank and taps are corroded.

If local governments were functional, Nigerians would feel governance every day — not as distant speeches in Abuja, but as clean boreholes, working markets, safe communities, and responsive ward-level administration.

The truth is now clearer than ever: Autonomy alone cannot save Nigeria’s local governments. Implementation, accountability, capacity, and genuine democracy must follow.

To fix Nigeria, autonomy must be matched with action. To fix Nigeria, we must revive the government closest to the people. To fix Nigeria, we must resurrect the 774 hearts that pump development into the nation.

•Aliyu Abubakar Bello Dorayi, Kano.

December 5, 2025
Local government transparency in Nigeria: What citizens must know

In theory, local governments (LGs) in Nigeria should be the most impactful tier of governance—closest to the people and most responsive to their needs. Constitutionally empowered to deliver services like basic education, primary healthcare, waste management, and local roads, LGs are meant to serve as the nucleus of national development. Yet, in practice, they have become synonymous with inefficiency, secrecy, and corruption.

Despite the billions allocated to them annually, millions of Nigerians remain trapped in underdevelopment. Holistically, understanding the dysfunction of Nigeria’s local government system requires revisiting its historical evolution, investigating the entrenched corruption that persists, and evaluating how transparency—applied with intent and urgency—can transform grassroots governance.

Nigeria’s local governance system has been shaped by a mix of indigenous traditions and imposed colonial structures. Pre-colonial societies were governed through decentralized traditional institutions—emirates, chiefdoms, and village assemblies—that facilitated participatory decision-making and local administration. However, the arrival of British colonial rule replaced these systems with indirect rule, where native authorities became tools of tax collection and control, largely stripped of accountability.

Post-independence, local administration remained fragmented under regional governments until the watershed 1976 Local Government Reform by the military regime of Murtala Mohammed. This reform granted LGs a unified structure, administrative autonomy, and direct federal allocation. It was a visionary move aimed at democratizing development.

However, the post-1999 democratic dispensation witnessed a gradual erosion of that autonomy, as state governments began to dominate LG operations through joint accounts and political appointments, reducing them to mere appendages of the states. The intention behind establishing LGs was noble: to democratize governance, improve service delivery, promote inclusivity, and ensure that development responds to local needs. But, these ideals have largely been sabotaged by systemic corruption, political interference, and the absence of transparency.

The Bleak Present: Looted Budgets, Abandoned Projects, and Ghost Bureaucracies

The financial hemorrhage within Nigeria’s LG system is staggering. According to the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU), more than ₦500 billion in LG funds were diverted through joint state-local government accounts over the past decade. This structural flaw has allowed state governors to unilaterally withhold, redirect, or manipulate funds meant for local development—effectively decapitating LG autonomy.

The consequences are visible everywhere: ghost schools, broken boreholes, and clinics without medicine. A 2023 report by the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) found that over 60% of LG corruption cases involved project fund misappropriation, with rural health and road construction projects being the most affected. Even more damning was the revelation that 40% of LG payrolls were padded with ghost workers, costing the nation an estimated ₦120 billion annually. In one case in Kano, an audit uncovered over 3,000 fictitious names drawing salaries.

Transparency International’s investigation into procurement practices revealed that a majority of LG contracts are either inflated or awarded without due process. In Enugu, a ₦500 million primary healthcare center project was awarded and fully paid for but remains a fenced plot of land—its signboard faded, its promise unfulfilled. This pattern repeats itself across the country, from Bayelsa to Sokoto.

Underlying these scandals is a critical flaw: the near-complete absence of public oversight. Less than 1% of Nigeria’s 774 local governments have functional websites. This means citizens have no way of knowing how much is allocated, what is being spent, and who is being paid. Governance without transparency inevitably breeds impunity.

A Judicial and Institutional Turning Point

In July 2024, Nigeria’s Supreme Court delivered a landmark judgment affirming the financial autonomy of local governments. The ruling mandates that LG allocations from the federation account be disbursed directly without routing through state-controlled joint accounts. While this is a constitutional victory, autonomy without accountability can be equally dangerous.

This is where the Accountability and Corruption Prevention Programme for Local Governments (ACPPLG)—a joint initiative of the ICPC, the Nigerian Bar Association, and the Center for Fiscal Transparency and Public Integrity (CeFTPI)—enters the picture. The ACPPLG offers a comprehensive roadmap to reform local governance through five strategic pillars: fiscal transparency, open procurement, merit-based staffing, corruption control, and citizen engagement.

Each of these pillars is rooted in actionable goals. LGs are expected to publish budgets and audited financials online, adopt digital procurement systems, eliminate ghost workers, establish internal anti-corruption units, and create platforms for community feedback. For the first time, there is a structured blueprint to transform local governance from a black box into a transparent, participatory institution.

CeFTPI’s role in this reform is particularly significant. By leveraging data analytics, civic technology, and citizen journalism, it has been instrumental in exposing dormant LG websites, tracking abandoned projects, and providing performance dashboards. The organization’s new initiative—to satirically expose absurd government spending through visual storytelling—is a powerful tool for civic enlightenment.

Citizens as the Final Watchdogs

The success of LG reform will not be determined in courtrooms or boardrooms—it will be won or lost in communities. Citizens must evolve from passive victims of misgovernance to active auditors of their local institutions. Demand that your local council publishes its budget. Attend the next town hall meeting and ask how project funds are spent. Use mobile phones to photograph ghost projects and share them on social media. Tag watchdogs like @CeFTPI and @ICPC_PE. Name and shame, but—more importantly—document and demand.

Digital tools like the monitoring platform on the *fiscaltransparency dot org* website allow for anonymous reporting of corruption. Community-based organizations can organize budget literacy workshops to empower people with the knowledge to follow the money. The tools exist—the will must now follow.

A Republic Begins at the Grassroots

Nigeria’s democratic journey will remain incomplete if the most critical tier of government remains shrouded in secrecy. Local governments are not charity branches of state governors—they are constitutional entities with defined responsibilities and funding. The era of operating in darkness must end. The ACPPLG initiative and the Supreme Court’s verdict offer a rare window of reform. But, laws alone do not build roads or stock health centers—people do. C

Citizens must reclaim their stake in local governance by demanding transparency, enforcing accountability, and insisting on results. Corruption is loud, but accountability must be louder. The republic begins—not in Abuja—but in your ward, your school, your clinic. The question is: will you watch in silence, or will you act?

Muhammad Ahmad Iliyasu is a Strategic Communications Officer at the Center for Fiscal Transparency and Public Integrity (CeFTPI).

Email: muhada102@gmail.com

April 14, 2025
Democratically elected local govt does not exist at the pleasure of governor, Assembly

Facts:

In the Local Government elections conducted on 12th March 2018 by the Oyo State Independent Electoral Commission (OYSIEC) (the 7th respondent), the appellants were elected for a definite term of three years after assuming the respective offices they were each elected into.

Ten (10) months into the terms of three years, the appellants were to remain in office, however, the 1st respondent, purporting to act pursuant to sections 11 [2021] 16 NWLR Ajuwon v. Gov., Oyo State and 21 of the Oyo State Local Government Law 2001 (as amended), dissolved (in May 2019) the democratically elected Local Government Councils.

The appellants were removed from their various offices of either the Chairman of the Local Government Council (LGC) or as Councilors in the LGCs.

In anticipation of the intent of the respondents to dissolve the duly elected LGCs, the appellants firstly challenged in the court of law the constitutionality of the powers vested in the 1st, 5th & 6th respondents by sections 11 & 12 of the Oyo State Local Government Law to dissolve a duly elected LGC and remove democratically elected Local Government Chairman and/or Councilors and replace them with hand-picked non-elected Transition/Caretaker Committees for being in violation of Section 7(1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended). Their challenge came by way of originating summons.

The trial court agreed with them that such power vested in the 1st, 5th & 6th respondents to dissolve duly elected LGC and remove democratically elected Chairmen and Councilors, and replace them with unelected handpicked Transition/Caretaker Committees were ultra vires and unconstitutional. The trial High Court granted several declaratory reliefs and issued injunctive orders in support of the declaratory reliefs in favour of the appellants.

On May 29, 2019, in contempt of the judgment and orders of the Oyo State High Court, the 1st respondent dissolved the elected LGCs in Oyo State. He then appointed unelected CareTaker/Transition Committees to run and manage the affairs of the Local Government Councils throughout the state.

Thereafter, the respondents, after their contemptuous affront to the decision and orders of the Oyo State High Court, decided to appeal the judgment to the Court of Appeal.

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On July15, 2020, the Court of Appeal allowed the appeal, set aside the judgment and the orders made by the High Court, and consequentially struck out the suit for disclosing no reasonable cause of action.

The appellants were dissatisfied with the disclosing of the Court of Appeal and they appealed against it to the Supreme Court.

The respondents, by way of motion on notice filed on November 4, 2020, raised notice of preliminary objection to the competence of the appeal.

In determining the appeal, the Supreme Court considered the provision of section 7(1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) which provides as follows:

“The system of Local Government by democratically elected Local Government Councils is under this Constitution guaranteed; and accordingly, the Government of every State shall, subject to section 8 of this Constitution, ensure their existence under a law which provides for the establishment, structure, law which provides for the establishment, structure, composition, finance and function of such councils.”

Held:

Unanimously allowing the appeal.

On Constitutional guarantee of democratic local government system:

A democratically elected Local Government Council does not exist at the pleasure, whims and caprice of either the Governor or the House of Assembly. The intendment of the Constitution is to vouchsafe the inviolability of the sacred mandate which the electorate, at that level, democratically donated to the Local Government Chairman and Councilors.

The misconception by the state authorities that the Constitution does not intend to grant and guarantee autonomy to the Local Government is only a brain wave nurtured by sheer aggrandizement and megalomaniac instinct to conquer and make the Local Government mere parastatals of the State.

That is the very mischief section 7(1) of the Constitution has set out to address, and it must be so read and construed purposefully. In the instant case, the Court of Appeal was wrong not to follow and be bound by the authoritative pronouncement of the Supreme Court in Governor of Ekiti State v. Olubunmo (2017) 3 NWLR (Pt. 1551) 1 on the core issue before it.

That is, whether the Governor of Oyo State can dissolve democratically elected Local Government Councils and replace them with unelected Caretaker Committees; which question the Supreme Court had previously answered negatively, and firmly too. [Gov.,Ekiti State v. Olubunmo (2017) 3 NWLR (Pt. 1551) 1 referred to.] (Pp. 35-536, paras. D-B).

On Constitutional guarantee of democratic local government system:

The existence and administration of Local Government Councils in Nigeria are guaranteed by section 7 of the Constitution and their functions enumerated in the Fourth Schedule thereto and such other functions as may be conferred on the council by the House of Assembly of a State.

Any law therefore which seeks to limit the full exercise of powers provided under section 7 of the 1999 Constitution is in contravention of the Constitution and is to the extent of such contravention, void. In the instant appeal, Sections 11 and 21 of the Local Government Council Law of Oyo State purported to empower both the Oyo State House of Assembly and the Executive Governor of Oyo State to truncate the tenure of democratically elected Local Government officials for no reason whatsoever.

They were inconsistent with the Nigerian Weekly Law Reports 29 November 2021 provision of section 7(1) of the Constitution and therefore void to the extent of such inconsistency. Consequently, the act or contemplated act of the Governor, relying on these void provisions to dissolve the democratically elected Local Government Councils before the expiration of their tenure was a nullity. The Supreme Court could not allow it to stand.

On the sacrosanctity of democratic elections and whether an elected person is an employee of anybody except the electorate that voted him in:

An elected person is not an employee of anybody except the electorate that voted him in. It is only the electorate that can fire him.

Democratic elections should always be sacrosanct in this country, like in any other country, for democracy to thrive. Local Government Chairman and Councilors, being persons duly elected by the people, cannot just be removed and their councils dissolved whimsically and arbitrarily by any other elected persons in clear abuse of their office and powers. It is not right in law and under the Constitution to do that. [Abubakar v. A-G., Fed. (2007) 3 NWLR (Pt. 1022) 601 referred to.] (P. 537, paras. A-D).

On Supremacy of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) and treatment of law inconsistent therewith:

The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), is the grundnorm. It is the fountain from which all other laws derive their legitimacy.

It admits of no rivals, as shown in section 1(1) and (3) thereof. In the instant case, a determination by the court as to whether sections 11 and 21 of the Local Government Law of Oyo State were in violation of section 7 of the Constitution, was a live issue and certainly constituted reasonable cause of action.

The mere existence of those provísions and their potential invocation by any governor at any time, to truncate their tenure as democratically elected chairmen and councillors, constituted a cause of action. Their tenure of office was a right they could protect.

Therefore, sections 11 and 21 of the Local Government Law of Oyo State, 2001 (as amended), were in clear violation of section 7 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). Pursuant to section 1(3) of the Constitution, the said provisions were null and void to the extent of their inconsistency with Section 7 thereof. (P 541, paras. B-E.

On duties of all arms of government to protect, preserve, and defend the Constitution:

Every arm of government, be it the legislature, the executive, or the judiciary, has the onerous duty to accord unreserved deference to, comply with, protect, preserve, and defend the grundnorm – the Constitution.

To act contrary to the provisions of the Constitution will not, if properly brought to the notice of the court, be condoned but such an act will invite the proper sanctions and reliefs.

In the instant case, the controversial sections 11 and 21 of the Oyo State Local Government Law were purportedly designed to sabotage and truncate the democratically elected Local Government system in the state.

Undoubtedly, sections 11 and 21 of the Oyo State Local Government Law were violently in conflict with the fundamental provisions of sections 7(1) and 1(3) of the 1999 Constitution. [Igbe v. Gov., Bendel State (1983) 1 SCNLR 73; Gov., Ekiti State v. Olubunmo (2017) 3 NWLR (Pt. 1551) 1 referred to.] (P 546, paras, A-F).

On extent of judicial powers

By virtue of section 6(6)(b) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), the judicial powers of the court extend to all matters between persons, or between government and authority and to any person in Nigeria, and all actions and proceedings relating thereto, for the determination of any question as to the civil rights and obligations of that person.

The claimants, in the instant case, derived their mandate from the electorates (and not the defendants) to manage the affairs of their respective Local Government Councils for 3 years on behalf of the people who elected them.

Sections 11 and 21 of the Local Government law, which they alleged were inconsistent with Section 7(1) of the Constitution, posed and continue to pose real, imminent and ominous threats to the security of their tenure.

Sections 11 and 21 of the Law, unless lawfully quashed, remain a perpetual threat hanging over their heads like the Sword of Damocles – thus subjecting them to the whims and caprices of the Government and House of Assembly.

The dangers, if not hazards, posed by sections 11 and 21 of the Local Government Law to the system of democratically elected Local Government Councils were real and imminent.

It was not speculative, as the Court of Appeal erroneously held to deny the claimants access to court.

In the Supreme Court of Nigeria

Between:

Bashorun Majeed Bosun Ajuwon

Evangelist Williams Gbenjo Ogunrinde

Hon. Oluyinka Jesutoye

Hon. Habib Adegoke Ibrahim

Prince Samuel Modepoola Egunjobi

Hon. Ayobami Joseph Akinpade

Hon. Yomi Ade Adefusi

Hon. Tajudeen Adebisi Oladeji

(For themselves and on behalf of all elected Chairmen of

all the Local Government Areas and Local Council

Development Areas in Oyo State)

Idris Olusesi

Idowu Itunu Adewoye

Jumoke Tawakat Fakayode

And

Governor of Oyo State

Attorney General Of Oyo State

Commissioner for Local Governments And

Chieftaincy Affairs, Oyo State

Accountant General of Oyo State

Speaker, Oyo State House of Assembly

Oyo State House of Assembly

Oyo State Independent Electoral Commission (OYSIEC)

Before their Lordships

Kudirat Motonmori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun, J.s.c.

(Presided)

John Inyang Okoro, J.s.c.

Ejembi Eko, J.s.c. (Read the Leading Judgment)

Ibrahim Mohammed Musa Saulawa, J.s.c.

Adamu Jauro, J.s.c.

Friday, 7th May 2021

[2021] 16 NWLR Ajuwon v. Gov., Oyo State

Issue:

Whether sections 11 and 21 of the Local Government Law of Oyo State, 2001 (as amended) were not inconsistent with the provisions of Section 7 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).

February 25, 2025
On local government accountability

Sir: In recent local government elections across Nigeria, a troubling trend has emerged: ruling parties in various states claimed all contested seats. From Delta to Kaduna, and from Lagos to Kano, the dominant parties, predominantly the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) swept both chairmanship and councillorship positions, leaving little to no representation for opposition voices. This pattern raises critical questions about the health of Nigeria’s democracy and suggests an urgent need for transparent governance.

In a truly democratic setting, fair elections allow for opposition voices and genuine competition, ensuring a system of checks and balances. However, the recent elections in Nigeria reveal a disturbing absence of accountability, with governors reportedly handpicking local government officials to guarantee control over local finances. This selection of loyalists as councillors and chairpersons potentially enables unchecked access to local government funds, raising concerns of misappropriation and corruption.

As these officials assume office, it is imperative for the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC), and the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU), to closely monitor local government funds. With allegations that certain governors are positioning allies to enable the looting of local government resources without resistance, these agencies must proactively trace these funds, investigate suspicious transactions, and confiscate illicitly acquired assets.

By keeping a vigilant watch over local government finances, the EFCC, ICPC, and NFIU can safeguard these resources, ensuring they are used for the benefit of the people rather than diverted for personal gain. The commitment to enforce accountability and transparency at the local level would send a strong message that the anti-corruption bodies are willing to prosecute those who misuse public funds without fear or favour.

The current approach to local government administration is unsustainable and a disservice to the people. When local elections lack fair competition, the public loses trust in the electoral process, and citizens feel increasingly disconnected from the system meant to represent them. This disconnection fosters a sense of powerlessness, where public officials, with unchecked authority, may prioritize personal gain over public welfare.

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Moreover, the pattern of handpicked officials raises concerns about future governance. By installing individuals loyal to personal interests rather than the community, governors unwittingly foster an environment that tolerates corruption, delays development, and erodes the very foundation of democracy.

To reverse this trend, Nigeria’s leaders at all levels must commit to higher standards of integrity. Justice, equity, and fairness are principles upon which any thriving society rests, and they are fundamental to Nigeria’s stability. Leaders should recognize that Nigeria’s future is far greater than any individual’s ambitions or interests.

For the sake of future generations, Nigeria’s leaders must rise to the occasion and commit to a system of governance that genuinely serves its people.

•Iliyasu Haruna Bala,Jabi, Abuja

October 29, 2024
On the sham called local government elections
SIR: In Kaduna, the State Independent Electoral Commission (KADSIECOM) announced that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) won all 23 local government seats and 255 councillorship seats. What makes this announcement deeply troubling is not just the result itself, but the manner in which it was reached. Reports from various wards in the state indicate that in many places, no elections were conducted. Voting materials were absent, and no electorate showed up at polling stations. Yet, the results were announced, giving the ruling party absolute control. This scenario, replicated in many states across the federation, paints a grim picture of the state of democracy in Nigeria.

Local government elections, by their very nature, are meant to bring governance closer to the people. It is at this grassroots level that the electorate should have the most direct influence on who governs them. However, the events in Kaduna, like other states reveal that local government elections have become nothing more than an extension of the ruling party’s grip on power. The process is manipulated to ensure that the ruling party retains control, leaving the electorate disenfranchised and without a voice.

The idea that the ruling party would win every seat in every local government defies the logic of a true democratic process. In a country as diverse as Nigeria, with various ethnic, religious, and political divides, it is highly improbable that one party would enjoy unanimous support across the board. What is happening in the states is not democracy; it is an imposition, a selection process that benefits those already in power while ignoring the will of the people.

The judiciary is often referred to as the last hope of the common man, and in situations like this, it is more important than ever that the judiciary upholds its role as the guardian of justice and democracy. Many of these election results are being challenged in court, and as these cases come before the judiciary, Nigerians will be watching closely. The courts must rise to the occasion and deliver judgments that are not only fair but that reflect the true principles of democracy.

The decay in the electoral system, if left unchecked, could have disastrous implications for the 2027 general elections. If local government elections can be manipulated so blatantly, what assurance do Nigerians have that the general elections will be any different? The same tactics used to rig local elections could be employed on a larger scale, leading to a further erosion of democracy in the country.

It is crucial that Nigerians wake up to the reality of the situation. For too long, the electorate has tolerated these shams, accepting the results of rigged elections with condemnation. This culture of silence and acceptance must change. Nigerians must demand better from their leaders and from the institutions that are meant to safeguard democracy. The time to act is now.

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The decay in Nigeria’s electoral system is not a problem that can be solved overnight, but it is one that requires immediate attention. Electoral reform is essential if Nigeria is to move forward as a democratic nation. The current system, which allows for the manipulation of results and the disenfranchisement of voters, must be overhauled. The independence of state electoral commissions must be guaranteed, and measures must be put in place to ensure that elections are free, fair, and transparent.

The introduction of technology in the voting process, such as electronic voting systems, could help reduce the potential for fraud. However, even with technological advancements, the key to a successful electoral system lies in the integrity of the people who oversee the process. Electoral officials must be held to the highest standards of accountability, and those who engage in election rigging must face the full force of the law.

The time to act is now or never. If Nigeria is to remain a democratic nation, the electoral system must be reformed, and those who seek to subvert the will of the people must be held accountable. It is only through collective action and vigilance that Nigeria can hope to have a truly democratic electoral process.
- Iliyasu Haruna Bala, Jabi, Abuja
October 22, 2024
Local government or local administration: Which way?

By ‘Gbade Ojo

It is absurd that ever since 1954 Lyttleton constitution which laid the foundation of classical federation for the country, Nigerians are yet to make-up their minds which model of federalism in terms of tiers of government that should be adopted. In the First Republic, Nigeria operated British parliamentary system of government which crashed with the first military intervention in government and politics in 1966. In 1979, at the inauguration of the Second Republic, Nigeria opted for the American presidential system all-hog without taking into consideration the existential realities of the country.

Whereas, ideal federal states are fragmented into several localities not only to enhance decentralization, which is the hallmark of federalism, but to enhance effective administration. For instance, in the United States of America, which is the model of federalism that Nigeria aped wrongly, according to one estimate, there are a total of over 83,000 local governments even without counting school districts; while Nigeria has a total of 774 local governments without counting the newly created Local Council Development Areas (LCDAs) that are not recognized by the 1999 constitution (as amended).

It should be noted that federal government is a multiplicity of “locale” of development, all the 36 states, including Abuja the federal capital territory, constitutes another level of development, and that is still different from the 774 councils. As it were, developmental efforts are supposed to be expedited because very many issues are begging for attention more so at the grassroots level. But, presently in the country, there are a number of factors contributing to local government administrative inertia. Without gainsaying, development appears to have been “arrested” at the local level. Whereas, one of the dominant reasons for the existence of local governments is to facilitate the delivery of basic municipal services; those services are critical to the urban and rural residents, their prosperity as well as their ability to function optimally.

An examination of urban and even rural service provisions in Nigeria reveals that it is very poor. This is particularly the case with the municipal services that fall within the traditional roles of local governments. It will be recalled that local councils were quite efficient in immediate post independent Nigeria. A typical example was the defunct Ibadan Municipal Government (IMG) in the Old Oyo State. That council was well-known for efficient service delivery in terms of maintenance of markets and maintenance of law and order by its local police – the Akodas – but its fragmentation into eleven smaller units, which curtailed its financial viability coupled with long years of military interregnum and brazen corruption, have changed the story to a sad one. This parlous state of local government is replicated in virtually all over the country. Even councils in commercial cities of the country making a lot of money through Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) are equally paralysed owing to managerial, administrative and financial incompetence, all of which are further worsened by lack of imagination. Why is the system so?

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As rightly postulated by the Holy Writ, in Psalm 11:3 – “when foundations of law and order have collapsed, what can the righteous do?” – Nigeria’s third tier of government is beset with foundational problems. Ab initio we are still unable to distinguish between local government and local administration. For the former, it must be reasonably autonomous and members of the council elected. Without proper election which should not be a sham or a farce that our governors are known for, giving us local administration rather than a local government per se. No wonder, they are not in any way accountable to the electorate but the governors that selected them and got them imposed on the councils. For local government to operate per se, they must be properly elected.

How does one explains a winner takes all syndrome whereby in virtually all the states of the federation, ruling parties have been dominating the local scene with the governors’ parties whether popular or unpopular, are winning all the councils including council areas where the governors may be unpopular during their electoral contests? Hence, the clamour in the land for now is: give us local government system with reasonable autonomy. To do otherwise, is to run a two- tier federal arrangement where states subsume local governments. With that arrangement, the constitution should not prescribe the number of local government areas. Each state should be allowed to create whatever number of councils they can carry. The fiscal implication would be that only federal and state governments begin to share revenue. Each state then gives whatever percentage to their local council areas which they created. Until that is one, before we can get away from the current delusion that we have local governments in existence.

The extant warped federal arrangement vis-à-vis local government system is absurd for federal government to create local councils for states thereby bringing about asymmetric relationship. States with smaller population areas in the North were endowed with more local government areas than their counterparts in the South! The best way to wriggle out is to discard with the extant constitution which is more of a unitary system than a federal one. The confession of late Prof. Ben Nwabueze that they deliberately drafted a unitary constitution in disguise to enhance strong centre is enough to put into abeyance the unworkable ground norm the ongoing piecemeal amendments is nothing but mere tokenism.

Aside from the problem of nomenclature which devils the third tier in Nigeria, corruption is a child’s play at the upper echelon of government when compared to what obtains at the grassroots level. The performance of the local government functionaries presumed to be closer to the people and thus, to be a catalyst to rural and urban development seems opposed to what they were either elected or handpicked to do. At a public function, former President Olusegun Obasanjo indicted the local government administrators for lack of focus and indifference to the socio-economic needs of their people. Their governing styles, he said, ‘had engendered so much cynicism that the federal government was being warned that this may be a particularly difficult front for the war against corruption’. Nigerians have since moved away from ‘cynicism’ to indignation and outrage. Corruption in Nigeria’s local government system has been pervasive, open and shameless!

Be that as it may, to compound the situation one cannot lose sight of the overbearing influence of state governors who have been described as “emperors”. Their perception of autonomous local government councils, no doubt, is like a reduction in their power and influence this is why they are all in unison in terms of aversion to local council autonomy. They lack confidence in council administrators’ to be able to manage their affairs independently with little or no supervision. Governors know how best to manipulate state ministries of local governments and the local government service commissions, along with the Joint Accounts Allocation Committee (JAC) to achieve their nefarious ambitions. Local government funds are cornered to execute projects with the governors taking credit rather than the councils.

Conclusively, the next thing is to consider how best to activate the local councils to make them fit to discharge their traditional and constitutional responsibilities effectively. Here, the all-time recommendations of Luther Gulick (1957) becomes apt some of them are: (i) the need to develop a fiscal system for the metropolitan governments in its own right, so that; (a) the wealth, power and credit of the area as a whole may be mobilized for the solution of the over-all problems of the area; (b) the sudden new wealth created through the activities of the metropolitan government may make a fair contribution towards the cost; and (c) the fortuitous tax resources of one lucky sub-region may contribute to support the basic community requirements of another small sub-unit which has no such metropolitan government with suitable arms for (a) analysis, comprehensive and balanced planning, and (b) policy decision-making and (c) execution amongst others. What a best way to keep both government and political decisions “closer to the people”.

The earlier we re-invent the warped federal system the better for the over-all development of the country.

•Prof. Ojo a one-time former Chief of Staff to late Gov. Ajimobi of Oyo State, teaches Political Science, at the University of Ilorin, Kwara State.

September 16, 2024
Local government autonomy and federalism

Sir: From whatever perspective one may be looking at the recently delivered judgement of the Supreme Court of Nigeria which borders on greater financial autonomy for the so long suffocated local governments in the country, it is in sum and truth, a landmark judgement. For instance, to those who believe that local government as a distinct third tier of government has been emasculated by the state governments through wrongful operations of the State -local government joint account; appointment of caretaker committees for local governments by some governors and usurpation of local government functions by state governments, the judgement is of course, victory and eureka for “true federalism”.

But the ready question here is this: is federalism no longer a structure of power sharing between two levels of government? One cannot deny the fact that local government administration has been wantonly perverse, recklessly abused and rendered otiose by the state governments that are supposed to be guarding and guiding them, on the basis of the fact that they constitute the states’ sovereign territories.

While “financial autonomy” may enhance better performance by local governments, no doubt, making the local governments an inch taller than their present height will amount to standing federalism on its head.

In his definition of federalism, Kenneth Wheare, a leading proponent of federalism proceeded in his formulation of the concept by saying that,” By the federal principle I mean the method of dividing powers so that general (federal) and regional (state) governments are each within a sphere coordinate and independent”. He argued that this constitutional form is adopted in the circumstances where people have resolved to live in unity and diversity.

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While Wheare and his adherents will see any deviation from this rigid cast and formalism as an aberration, the realities in most federal states across the world is that sociological forces have shaped their praxis of federalism without stripping it of its essential ingredients particularly the powers of the two levels of government.

One, we should not lose sight of the fact that local government is not reckoned with as an independent level of government in the conceptualization of federalism. Federalism connotes power sharing between two levels of government: federal and state. Two, it is ipso facto, very wrong to have listed local governments in the Nigerian constitution as if they are independent tier of government. Three, territorially they are owned by the states, thus, every state should be able to constitutionally create and evolve its own model of local government. Four, it is wrong for the federal authority to be the one to determine when to create more local governments in a state. It is not in consonance with the spirit of true federalism. Five, the perversions and abuses we have witnessed at the local level by the state governments can be located more in the greed and corruption personification of the political class rather than their ignorance of constitutional provisions.

Is it not the same manner that the state governors have been waylaying local government funds that the National Assembly has allegedly been waylaying the federal government funds in the name of constituency projects and the notorious budget padding?

While one is not opposed to good, transparent and accountable governance at the local level, the call here is that we must not engage in any rash amendments to the present constitutional provisions on local government which can further obstruct our yearning for true federalism. Rather, we should be deep in our quest for local government reforms and root it in the context of the long quest for true federalism.

•Dr. Ademola Adebisi,Elizade University Ilara-Mokin,Ondo State

July 17, 2024
FULL LIST: 20 States with local government caretaker committees

Most states have resorted to governing the local governments through caretaker committees set up by the State Government.

This is contrary to Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), which guarantees the system of local government by democratically elected officials.

Caretaker committees have become a prevalent practice in different states across the federation, and are fast replacing local government councils.

Factors fingered for the inability of many States to conduct council polls include insecurity, paucity of funds as well as political and legal battles.

Thursday’s ruling by the Supreme Court declaring that it is unconstitutional for Governors to hold funds allocated for local government administrations further raised the question of how LG helmsmen are routinely sacked from office and replaced with Caretaker Committees.

These are the states running local governments with caretaker committees, ALAO ABIODUN writes:

1. Rivers – Rivers Governor Siminalayi Fubara appointed caretaker committees for the 23 local government areas as he continues his battle with his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, for the control of the political structure in the oil-rich state.

2. Jigawa – On June 28, 2024, the government of Jigawa State dissolved the elected council chairmen of the 27 local governments.

3. Anambra – On June 20, 2024, Governor Charles Soludo, through the House of Assembly, confirmed the appointment of transition committee chairmen and councillors for the 21 local government areas.

4. Zamfara – In Zamfara, the last grassroots poll was held on April 27, 2019, and the State returned to appointees after the chairmen’s tenures expired. In May 2024, the Assembly approved a six-month extension for the caretaker committee.

5. In Benue, however, elections are scheduled to be held on July 6, 2024, for LG council chairmen.

6. Bauchi – Last year, Bauchi State Governor, Senator Bala Mohammed, sworn in 20 appointed local government area caretaker committee chairmen with their deputies.

7. Plateau – June 2023, Governor Caleb Mutfwang of Plateau inaugurated the Interim Transition Committee chairpersons for its 17 local government areas at Government House Jos.

8. Abia – In December 2023, Abia Governor Alex Otti, inaugurated the 17 local government transition council chairpersons.

9. Enugu – In March 2024, Enugu State Government ordered local government chairmen in the 17 councils to hand over administration to heads of personnel management after the expiration of their tenures.

10. Katsina

11. Kano – In March 2024, Gov. Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State recommended names of Interim Management Committee members for Local Government Areas of the state to its House of Assembly for screening and confirmation.

12. Sokoto

13. Yobe – In April 2024, Yobe State Governor, Mai Mala Buni, approved the dissolution of all the 17 local government councils of the state, and also directed all local government chairmen to handover the affairs of their respective local governments to Directors of Personnel Management.

14. Ondo – Ondo State Government also constituted Caretaker Committees for the 18 Local Councils and 33 Local Council Development Areas, (LCDA).

15. Osun – In February 2024, Osun Assembly extended the tenure of office and re-appointed caretaker committees of 30 Local Government Areas and 39 others running Modakeke Area Office and Local Council Development Areas in the state.

The extension was subsequently secured for the caretaker chairmen, vice chairmen, scribes and their members’ fresh six months tenure, beginning in February and ending in August 2024.

16. Delta

17. Akwa-Ibom – Governor Umo Eno last year through a letter with reference number GHU/AKS/S/104/VOL.1/607, addressed to the Speaker, Hon. Udeme Otong, informed the House of Assembly that there was no provision in the 2023 budget for the conduct of local government elections.

He urged the Assembly to pass a resolution authorising him to set up interim administration at the 31 local government areas at the expiration of the tenure of the elected council officials.

Read Also: Tinubu hails Supreme Court judgement on local government rights

18. Cross River

19. In Imo State, the last council poll was conducted on August 25, 2018, which was the first in seven years.

20. In Kwara State, the last council election was in November 2017 with caretaker committees in charge since 2020.

July 12, 2024
It is good that states have countersued on local government autonomy

Funny enough, some people, including some APC members, are clamouring for local government autonomy which will take Nigeria back many decades from what a true federation is. There is no federal system in the world where you have three federal units. In the U.S where we copied democracy from, their counties don’t go to Washington to collect money directly.

Each state must have the power to design the kind of local government system it wants. That is what is called true federalism”. –Governor Charles Soludo at Platform Nigeria 24, a programme by a Lagos-based church, Covenant Nation, to mark the 2024 Democracy Day.

I haven’t the slightest shame confessing that Democracy Day 24 was the first time I completely sat through any of Platform Nigeria’s events. And was it worth it?

Absolutely.Of the many weighty issues discussed at the event, this article will touch only on Local Government Autonomy over which a fresh debate recently ensued when very surprisingly, the Federal Government   headed to the Supreme Court, asking that the apex court give the totally anti – federalist conjecture its legal backing.

Uncle Bola Ige, of blessed memory, would, as a lawyer and politician, be most distraught, and disappointed, by the action of the otherwise cerebral Attorney – General and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, on account of this professional misstep.

This is not a guess because I know that I am standing on solid ground when I make that claim. In confirmation, please permit me to press the inimitable Cicero into service, albeit posthumously.

Welcome then to my article of 28 July, 2017 titled: Constitutional Amendment:An Absolutely Self-Serving National Assembly.

It reads as follows: “Any action, whether legislative or executive in this country today that is not programmed to respond to the yearnings of the populace will amount to an excise in futility”. – Ohanaeze Ndi-Igbo

Should the National Assembly ever have its way with these convoluted constitutional amendments, Nigeria will be guaranteed to make no headway, whatever, this entire century. Nor would the members be bothered whatever happens to the country. They showed this total disdain for the country’s well-being when they shut out devolution of powers to states which a rational National Assembly should have realised is the most assured way to stem the fissiparous tendencies mushrooming all over the country, and tearing at the very heart of the nation. Equally, were they perspicacious enough, they should have known that it was disingenuous of them to situate their approval of Local Government autonomy on the laughable excuse of fighting state executive- induced corruption because, were that to be true, then there would have been no justification for having a national assembly which has turned oversight functions to an avenue for corruption, harassing and intimidating heads of federal agencies in order to have their way.

Rather than appreciate that only a truly Peoples’ constitution can turn Nigeria back from its present perilous road to Golgotha, they are more interested in having immunity, becoming members of the Council of State and subordinating even the president to themselves in constitutional matters. Are they so remiss they don’t know that federating units are only limited to federal and state? From where, therefore, did they manufacture autonomy for local governments? If INEC continually bungles     national elections, how reasonable is it to now have inflicted on it the additional burden of conducting Local Government elections? Or in which part of the civilised world is this the norm?

If the intention is to stop state governors from tampering with local government funds, who will, in turn, protect Nigerians from these legislators whose humongous allowances owe nothing to the Revenue Mobilisation and Fiscal Commission? Nigerians have not forgotten how Speaker Dimeji Bankole and the House leadership, rather than the RMAFC,   self- awarded to themselves the outrageous allowances to which their senate counterparts not only acquiesced, but went on to borrow to pay even when it was not appropriated in that year’s budget.

It is apposite here to invite Uncle Bola Ige, unarguably one of Nigeria’s most knowledgeable politicians of any era, to put these legislators through a learning curve.

Writing in his column in the Tribune of 27 April, 1996 he asserted as follows, just as Charles Soludo would incisively postulate at Platform Nigeria 24 on Wednesday, 12 June, 2024 that:”In a federal set-up, the federal government must have nothing to do with the creation or running of local government. Nigeria is the only federation in the entire world where the federal government decides how, where, and when a local government council must run. In all civilized countries, and in all democratic countries, it is the state or provincial or regional government that legislates on local government”.

He wrote further: “Unfortunately, the Murtala-Obasanjo federal military government began the nonsense that has remained with us ever since when it set up the Ibrahim Dasuki commission whose recommendation is the worst disaster to happen to local government system in Nigeria because it was there that the idea of uniformity in size, scope and administration was introduced”.

Of course, the ever perspicacious legal guru naturally suspected a hidden agenda, which he said, was to “strengthen the administrative stranglehold of the North over the whole of Nigeria”.

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Without a doubt, that same Northern agenda is in play in this Local Government autonomy affair. It is, in fact, as I will show below, now more urgent than ever before, in this era of grazing land seeking, murderous Fulani herdsmen.

I shall now proceed to a write up, which I did not author, but shared on my Face book wall during the past week.

Titled: Local Government Autonomy, Abrogation of State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC) and Why the Federal Government Must Reliquish Responsibility for Creation of Local Government Councils, the author wrote:

“We are all aware of the efforts to make Local Governments autonomous. We are told it is to curb ‘corruption and ensure development at the grassroots” because state governors do not allow their funds to reach them thereby stagnating growth at that level. There is equally a strong move to abrogate State Independent Electoral Commissions [SIEC].

Let us now analyse the hidden objectives of this sweet smelling idea, to see if it is the way to go in a federation.

Firstly the Federal Government creates Local Governments a preponderance of which has gone to the North. Secondly to be deemed an indigene of a state, one’s Local Government must formally confirm your status. Thirdly the State Independent Electoral Commission is responsible for Local Government elections. To contest an election, your status as an indigene must be confirmed by your Local Government.

Impact of Local Government Autonomy:

Immediately it becomes law, Federalism, as we know it, ceases to exist and Nigeria, in effect, becomes a unitary state with 774 Local Governments and 36 State Governments. We will then have 36

governors and 774 Local Government Chairmen, all running to Abuja to collect money, thus rendering state governors irrelevant in states which they were elected to govern.

Since the Federal Government   creates Local Governments, let us assume it decides to create Local Governments in Lagos state.

If Hausas in Obalende or Agege are inspired, by federal forces, to begin an agitation for whatever reason, or Agege is broken into two Local Governments, and the Federal INEC now conducts LG elections, Hausas are guaranteed to get a distinct local government in Agege where they are an obvious minority.

1.That will be a first step for Hausas in Agege, or Igbos in Festac, to become ‘Indigenes’ of Lagos state, and so can, effortlessly, contest the state’s governorship election.

Meanwhile, that will never happen in Kano or Enugu.

2. Before we know it, a bye-law can be passed whereby the new Local Government becomes sharia compliant in an LG area where Muslims are in the minority.

3. They can then legislate to have an Emir or Eze as the LG’s number one traditional authority; all in another man’s land.

4. They will now be able to receive funds directly to fund their activities, qua activities, in other peoples’ states.

5. The Local Governments could then become Abuja’s staging post for their next moves, whatever these are, in states belonging to other people.

6. This cannot happen in the north where they will be chased away, at best, or in the East where, as a stranger, you cannot now buy a plot of land. Some Igbos are even refusing a Pope – appointed Igbo bishop, for not coming from their own state.

The most dangerous scenario, however, will be where the Federal Government desires to pursue an objective which the State government objects to, either for religious or cultural reasons, or on principles of federalism, but which the Federal Government, relying on such Local Government chairmen in the state will get done, regardless, since he who pays the piper dictates the tune.

Some citizens would thus have lost the ability to protect their traditional institutions, especially land, even religious affinity in their own state.

The consequences are better imagined, especially in Southern Nigeria, as dipping the Koran in the Atlantic ocean, as long prophesied by Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sadauna of Sokoto, may no longer be a mirage, only delayed.

Concluding, if the urge for autonomy for Local Governments was the mindset of the Muhammadu Buhari administration, I cannot, in my wildest imagination, fathom its attraction for the Tinubu government unless we are being told that they know, in advance, the mindset of all future Nigerian presidents.

June 23, 2024
Local government autonomy key to national development

The bold step taken by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of going to the Supreme Court of Nigeria to confirm – if, or not, state governments have the right to have direct access and control of funding that is due to Local Governments Administrations (LGAs). It is trite in law, that local governments are supposed to be credited worth funding directly from the Federation Account. But for over 40 years since the second republic, Governors have been taking the funding allocations on behalf of the local government administrations, which in my opinion is a violation of Section 7 and other relevant sections of the 1999 Constitution as amended. Surely, the suit instituted by Mr. President will settle this Constitutional logjam/lacuna, and clear the way for accelerated growth and development and the grassroots of Nigeria.

It is instructive to note that President Tinubu is living up to his campaign promises as outlined in his Renewed Hope campaign Manifesto build-up to the 2023 presidential elections. In Page 69 of the manifesto, Mr. President promised to, “Embark on a review of the federation revenue allocation system to recalibrate the division of funds amongst the three tiers of Government: Federal, State and Local. More funds should be allocated to the States and Local Governments so that they can better address local concerns and fulfill their expanded constitutional obligations to the people……. This promotes stronger governance at the state and local levels, thus reducing political congestion and competition for resources at the federal level. The performance of federal, state, and local governments shall improve while the people will benefit by having more political democracy and economic development more closely at hand.”

It is also timely, that recently, the 10th National Assembly has commenced the process of the amendment of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as they are deliberating on about 44 Bills which will include; devolution of powers, state police, local government autonomy, transition to parliamentary system, etc.

Taking development closer to the people

It is worthy of note that according to the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), the current revenue-sharing formula is as follows: The Federal Government takes 52.68 % of the revenue share, states get 26.72 %, while local governments get 20.6 %. So far, Governors have taken 46.78%, i.e. 26.72% + 20.6% – with no commensurate tangible impacts to show for the masses of Nigeria, i.e. the grassroots.

A very worrisome situation in Nigeria is the lack of deepening commitments and impacts at grassroots levels where the majority of Nigeria reside and live.

A good example of the importance of the role of local governments is that local governments remain the critical platforms for our Agricultural value chain and its socio-economic contributions. There is currently no active development process flow between the Federal Government interventions and direct local government initiatives.

The acceleration of the provision of basic infrastructure like pipe-borne water, basic roads, waterways, culverts, etc. has eluded our people at the local governments and hinterlands due to a lack of direct funding to our local governments. Therefore, we must ensure effective financial and operational autonomy at our local government levels, going forward.

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I am very glad to hear that the perennial issue of undercutting or stifling the cash flow of local govern The bold step taken by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of going to the Supreme Court of Nigeria to confirm – if, or not, state governments have the right to have direct access and control of funding that is due to Local Governments Administrations (LGAs). It is trite in law, that local governments are supposed to be credited worth funding directly from the Federation Account. But for over 40 years since the second republic, Governors have been taking the funding allocations on behalf of the local government administrations, which in my opinion is a violation of Section 7 and other relevant sections of the 1999 Constitution as amended. Surely, the suit instituted by Mr. President will settle this Constitutional logjam/lacuna, and clear the way for accelerated growth and development and the grassroots of Nigeria.

It is instructive to note that President Tinubu is living up to his campaign promises as outlined in his Renewed Hope campaign Manifesto build-up to the 2023 presidential elections. In Page 69 of the manifesto, Mr. President promised to, “Embark on a review of the federation revenue allocation system to recalibrate the division of funds amongst the three tiers of Government: Federal, State and Local. More funds should be allocated to the States and Local Governments so that they can better address local concerns and fulfill their expanded constitutional obligations to the people……. This promotes stronger governance at the state and local levels, thus reducing political congestion and competition for resources at the federal level. The performance of federal, state, and local governments shall improve while the people will benefit by having more political democracy and economic development more closely at hand.”

It is also timely, that recently, the 10th National Assembly has commenced the process of the amendment of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as they are deliberating on about 44 Bills which will include; devolution of powers, state police, local government autonomy, transition to parliamentary system, etc.

Taking development closer to the people

It is worthy of note that according to the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), the current revenue-sharing formula is as follows: The Federal Government takes 52.68 % of the revenue share, states get 26.72 %, while local governments get 20.6 %. So far, Governors have taken 46.78%, i.e. 26.72% + 20.6% – with no commensurate tangible impacts to show for the masses of Nigeria, i.e. the grassroots.

A very worrisome situation in Nigeria is the lack of deepening commitments and impacts at grassroots levels where the majority of Nigeria reside and live.

A good example of the importance of the role of local governments is that local governments remain the critical platforms for our Agricultural value chain and its socio-economic contributions. There is currently no active development process flow between the Federal Government interventions and direct local government initiatives.

The acceleration of the provision of basic infrastructure like pipe-borne water, basic roads, waterways, culverts, etc. has eluded our people at the local governments and hinterlands due to a lack of direct funding to our local governments. Therefore, we must ensure effective financial and operational autonomy at our local government levels, going forward.

I am very glad to hear that the perennial issue of undercutting or stifling the cash flow of local government administrations in Nigeria will come to an end soon. Because this has been one of the key banes of the progress of this Country. For over 40 years, the State Governors have been holding the local government administrations hostage, and rendering them at the beck and call of the Governors. Suffice it to say that the refusal of successive state administrations from the 2nd republic to date to allow the autonomy of local governments as enshrined in Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution as amended, which recognizes: “The system of local government by democratically elected local government councils.” is a testament to the hypocrisy of our expectations as a nation.

The sustained choke-hold of the Local Governments of the Federal Republic of Nigeria by State Governors is not just for the control of the financial inflows of the LGA, but also to ensure continuous political control of the local government areas to perpetuate their control of the political structures of the local government areas for political supremacy, while and after leaving office as governors. The choke-holds on the LGAs have further stunted the growth of local government areas across Nigeria, and more importantly the assurances of good governance. Over time, the local Government administrations have become voiceless, powerless, and almost useless. The local government management and operations have been almost comatose, and therefore, they have not been able to add tangible values to our political evolution. The LGAs are mere appendages of the State Governors, while their offices are more or less liaison offices of the Governors. That is why the local government chairmen/ sole administrators sit out their tenures without making any impacts on the communities.

Due to the aforementioned reasons, there is so much opaqueness in the administration of local government administrations in Nigeria. Most of the local government chairmen also end up helping themselves from the remnant of funds credited to the coffers of the local government – that is what bad leadership at the top does – i.e., “when the head is rotten the body subsequently rots away. In the end, the citizens of Nigeria are systematically and consistently short-changed. Consequently, year-on-year we do not see any serious developments taking place at local government levels; rather, what we see are multi-dimensional retrogression and poverty.

Indeed, a visit to local government headquarters around Nigeria will evidence how bad things are; the offices are shadows of themselves, the operations are comatose and there are basically no serious structures for people to lean unto in demanding the delivery of good governance. Therefore, I am very happy to hear that the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is ready to deliver one of his campaign promises to ensure that local governments do not just get autonomy on paper, but that the autonomy is actualized and made fully operational.

Furthermore, one of the key reasons why we do not witness major and tangible developments at state levels is because the inactivates at local governments are due to undue interference by the state Governors to the extent that, it is only the local governments that are of interest to the Governors that experience of measure of development.

It is an established fact that “politics is local”. That is why everywhere democracy has thrived, and everywhere leadership has been effective and impactful; it is because the local governments are autonomous and fully operational – across the three arms of government at that level, i.e. Executive, Legislature, and Judiciary. It is because politics is local and where the votes are garnered to ultimately achieve political success, which is the reason why the grassroots should not be abandoned after campaigns and elections. The people at grassroots levels MUST be catered for, if we want this Country to make any form of progress, and the only way growth and socio-economic development can be achieved at grassroots levels is to eliminate poverty and strife by fully operationalizing the independence of local government.

Sadly, most of the projects we see at state levels are around the State capitals with a lot of “white elephant” projects situated at the local government levels. This is why most of the Counsellors are almost non-existent but by title and by the little “change” and “crumbs” they pick out of whatever remains from the “financial leftovers” that trickle to their pockets from the coffers of the local government administration.

However, just operationalizing the local government administrations and giving them full autonomy is not enough to ensure the delivery of good governance at the grassroots level. Citizens should also actively demand for good governance from Governors and local government administrations – to put the local government chairmen on their toes so that they do not feel entitled and take things for granted.

We look forward to successful legislation to further activate and operationalize the provisions of the 1999 Constitution regarding the autonomy of Local Government systems, and the successful execution of the laws especially the role that the Supreme Court will play in ensuring that the local government administrations are rescued from the stranglehold of the State Governors of Nigeria. I am very hopeful that when that is done, we will see better performance of President Tinubu and subsequent administration, while as citizens we will directly hold the local government administrations to account.

Thank you and God Bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria. ment administrations in Nigeria will come to an end soon. Because this has been one of the key banes of the progress of this Country. For over 40 years, the State Governors have been holding the local government administrations hostage, and rendering them at the beck and call of the Governors. Suffice it to say that the refusal of successive state administrations from the 2nd republic to date to allow the autonomy of local governments as enshrined in Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution as amended, which recognizes: “The system of local government by democratically elected local government councils.” is a testament to the hypocrisy of our expectations as a nation.

The sustained choke-hold of the Local Governments of the Federal Republic of Nigeria by State Governors is not just for the control of the financial inflows of the LGA, but also to ensure continuous political control of the local government areas to perpetuate their control of the political structures of the local government areas for political supremacy, while and after leaving office as governors. The choke-holds on the LGAs have further stunted the growth of local government areas across Nigeria, and more importantly the assurances of good governance. Over time, the local Government administrations have become voiceless, powerless, and almost useless. The local government management and operations have been almost comatose, and therefore, they have not been able to add tangible values to our political evolution. The LGAs are mere appendages of the State Governors, while their offices are more or less liaison offices of the Governors. That is why the local government chairmen/ sole administrators sit out their tenures without making any impacts on the communities.

Due to the aforementioned reasons, there is so much opaqueness in the administration of local government administrations in Nigeria. Most of the local government chairmen also end up helping themselves from the remnant of funds credited to the coffers of the local government – that is what bad leadership at the top does – i.e., “when the head is rotten the body subsequently rots away. In

June 7, 2024