Tag: long walk

  • The long walk to 2027

    The long walk to 2027

    The 2023 electoral cycle is the one that never ended. Even after the Supreme Court dismissed the cases brought before it by Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Atiku Abubakar and the Labour Party’s (LP), Peter Obi, it was clear that for the two men, there was no closure.

    They never accepted defeat, never congratulated the winner President Bola Tinubu, and showed by their reaction to final judicial defeat that they were ready to relitigate the matter – this time in the court of public opinion.

    Standard behavior – even in politics – accepts that there’s time for everything; a time to campaign, a time to govern. The changing of times is usually marked by the termination of legal hostilities at the apex court. But in an age where denialism has become reality, nothing is the same.

    The only outcome that would have been acceptable to either Atiku or Obi was one in which they were declared winners. Since it is impossible to have three winners on one contest, they have grudgingly accepted the fact that there’s a president sitting in Aso Rock, while they are skulking around in the opposition wilderness. This is just a restless, holding position.

    Everything they have done since points to the fact that they are warming up for a repeat of a contest that is at least three years away. Take Obi for example. While his performance at the polls last year surprised many by its reach into largely Christian areas of North-Central, it also exposed the weaknesses of his presentation and how his candidacy was perceived.

    He would have loved to be seen as a pan-Nigerian figure whose message resonated with a younger demographic, but the lopsided results in the Southeast made him out to be an ethnic project. His performance in the Southwest was anaemic – with the exception of Lagos where a complex mix of religion and ethnicity delivered a famous win for him in the presidential poll.

    By choosing the same-faith ticket, the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Tinubu, opened the window for his rivals to weaponise religion. While Atiku attacked the ticket will all the gusto he could muster, it was Obi who really made a meal of it. He traipsed through mega churches the length and breadth of the South with the rallying cry ‘Christians, take back your country!’ Such exhortations were often greeted with exuberant cheers.

    His determined attempt to cement himself as the Christian candidate in an environment where the Muslim-Muslim ticket had been demonised would end in a scandal after his fawning ‘yes daddy’ phone conversation with Pentecostal grandee, Bishop David Oyedepo, was leaked.

    While he was pursuing the strategy of locking up the Christian vote North and South, he forgot the downside of being seen as anti the other side of the religious divide. It was no surprise therefore that the LP flagbearer made only the most perfunctory of attempts to canvass votes in the far North. It was a factor that would deny him the national spread required to win the presidency.

    It is clear the man recognises the mistakes made and has been taking baby steps to remedy them. For instance, the same person who wanted Christians to take back their country one year ago, was sighted in a couple of gatherings during Ramadan breaking fast with Muslims.

    Social media was also agog with images of a poorly executed borehole project bearing his name somewhere in Zaria. Many were quick to conclude he was was rebranding ahead 2027. Such were the extremes to which he went in 2023 that he would need more than these photo-ops and posturing to reverse the damage.

    As for Atiku, he has never hidden the fact that for as long as he has breath, he would pursue his dream of becoming president. So, next stop, 2027. But with the former Vice President there’s been noticeable change. Gone is some of the arrogance that misled him into thinking he could win the last election without the support of the Nyesom Wike-led G-5 rump of the PDP.

    The same man who preferred to hang on to the questionable electoral asset called Iyorchia Ayu rather than work with five state governors, is today feverishly marketing a grand coalition of opposition parties as the only way of toppling the ruling party at the next election. For inspiration, he points to the victory of the 44-year-old Bassirou Diomaye Faye at the recent Senegalese presidential poll as evidence of what’s possible when parties work together.

    Read Also: Tinubu devoted to interfaith unity, religious freedom — Shettima

    It can be taken for granted that all things being equal, the incumbent will run again. At least he made that obvious when at the inauguration of Lagos Red Line rail project in February, he taunted Joe Ajaero and the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) to wait until 2027 if they were interested in political power.

    The trouble for Tinubu’s rivals is that while the next elections represent a window of opportunity for those who wish to supplant an officeholder with a record, they would be reduced in that time to merely carping on the sidelines watching the president wield power.

    They may wish he stumbles from error to error – providing them with ammunition to attack his record. But the reverse is also possible; that he could go from win to win – becoming more presidential as the days go by. Critically, he’s taken some pivotal and very unpopular steps early in his tenure, giving him sufficient time to ride out any negative blowback. Early signs point to the fact that fuel subsidy removal and the forex reforms were the right calls needed to unlock the economy.

    Given what we know about the evolution of political power in these parts, it’s going to take more than opposition name-calling to bring about regime change at the next election – especially if the pace of reforms is sustained and the economy rebounds and becomes stronger. PDP, LP and others would then have to make a compelling case as to why voters should dump a tried and tested model for a pie in the sky.

    In the days when the British Tory Party seemed to have a lock on power, going from one electoral triumph to another, it was a young Tony Blair who warned his comrades in the then far left-leaning British Labour Party about the need to develop policies and an image that would make them electable. He argued that no matter how well-meaning a party’s policies were, they could do nothing about them except they found a way to get into power. He would then push Labour to be more centrist and eventually electable.

    At least the Labour Party was not just a cohesive platform, it was perceived by British voters as a credible alternative to the Conservatives. Today, the PDP which in its days in power appeared invincible and even dreamt of governing non-stop for 60 years, is on the ropes – riven with factions. This week it would hold crucial meetings that would affect its future. It is a measure of how much confidence Atiku has in it that he’s desperately marketing a joining of forces with other parties.

    The same affliction has paralysed the Labour Party which is locked in an internecine feud with NLC which claims to own it. Such is the bitterness of the dispute that it promises to be long drawn – rendering it largely useless to anyone hoping to ride it to power.

    Perhaps, the most credible challenge to APC rule lies in an opposition coalition. But its prospects are dead on arrival because of the ambitions of the would be promoters and partners. The day Atiku sacrifices his ambition for Obi or the NNPP’s Rabiu Kwankwaso or vice versa, is the day to begin to take such a project serious. Until then, any visions of power these perennial contestants may be having are nothing short of a mirage.

    •First published on April 17

  • Long walk to universal healthcare coverage

    The Federal Government has flagged off the implementation of the Basic Health Fund to provide universal health coverage for all Nigerians. In this piece, VINCENT IKUOMOLA looks at the tedious road and the promise the coverage holds for the citizenry.

    Worldwide, lack of affordable and quality healthcare has continued to put many people in poverty holes. Yearly, large numbers of households are pushed into poverty because they must pay for healthcare.

    According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), about 100 million people are forced into poverty globally yearly due to out-of-pocket expenditures on healthcare.

    Besides, the global health body also noted that about 30 per cent of households in Africa and Asia have to borrow money or sell their assets to pay for healthcare. In Nigeria, it is estimated that for every N1, 000 spent on healthcare, about N700 is out-of-pocket expenditure, a situation that is driving millions of Nigerians into poverty and denying them access to basic healthcare.

    Following the Abuja declaration in 2001, Nigeria signed to commit at least 15 per cent of her budget to improve the  sector. However, in the last two decades, the highest federal budgetary allocation to sector stands at seven per cent. With a meagre investment in the all-important sector, it is obvious that the country will continue to record poor health indices, as experts posit that the poor funding probably explains why health policies and programmes had yielded abysmal results.

    To address the problems and increase access to basic healthcare, the country has developed policies and structures, such as the first National Strategic Health Development Plan (NSHDP-I) and the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS). As usual, the interventions have been of little or no avail, as millions of Nigerians are unable to access healthcare and where they are able to, it is always funded out of pocket.

    According to experts, under-investment in healthcare will never allow many citizens to access healthcare, thus making it impossible for Nigeria to join the rest of the world in attaining Universal Health Coverage (UHC), which has been affirmed even by the United Nations as an important pillar of sustainable development.

    If properly implemented, UHC provides healthcare and financial protection to citizens, irrespective of economic status. It provides a specified package of benefits to all members of a society with the goal of providing financial risk protection, improve access to healthcare, and health outcomes. The WHO described it as a situation where citizens can access healthcare without incurring financial hardship. It is a “single most powerful concept that public health has to offer”since it unifies “services and delivers them in a comprehensive and integrated way,” says WHO.

    The main goal of UHC is to create a system of protection, which provides equality of opportunity for people to enjoy the highest possible level of healthcare.This also explains why it has been made part of the Sustainable Development Goals by the UN’s UHC by 2023.

    UHC is usually determined by three critical dimensions: who is covered, what services are covered, and how much of the cost is covered. The funding options available for the laudable concept for a country like Nigeria with low budgetary provision for healthcare include taxation, which is supplemented by specific levies; compulsory insurance, which is usually enforced via legislation unlike the optional insurance that is obtainable in the country. Hence, UHC means Nigerians will have access to quality healthcare  where and when needed without suffering financial hardships. The meagre investment in health sector is further compounded by delay or non-release of funds appropriated. Even when funds are released, there are challenges of utilisation and accountability.

    Other barriers to UHC include low political will to adequately fund healthcare, poor governance, mismanagement of resources and lack of coordination among federal, state and local governments.

    A review of health-system financing for UHC shows high out-of-pocket expenses for health care, a very low budget for health at all levels of government, and poor health insurance penetration.

    According to WHO, government expenditure on health as a percentage of government expenditure was very low while private expenditure on health as a percentage of health expenditure remains high. Out-of-pocket expenditure as a percentage of private expenditure on health has consistently remained higher than 90 per cent since 2002, and at a time it was as high 95·7 per cent. Less than five per cent of Nigerians have health insurance coverage; most enrolees are in the formal sector with very poor coverage in the informal sector.

    An effective UHC means that people and communities can use the promotive, preventive, curative, rehabilitative and palliative health services they need at an acceptable quality level, while also ensuring that the use of these services does not expose the user to financial hardship.

    Hence, experts pointed to the 2014 National Health Act, as a viable framework to achieving universal healthcare access, as the Act earmarks certain public resources to health to strengthen primary health care through the Basic Healthcare Provision Fund. It states further that 50 per cent of the fund will be managed by the National Health Insurance Scheme to ensure access to a minimum package of health for Nigerians and 45 per cent by the National Primary Healthcare Development Agency for primary healthcare facility upgrade and maintenance, provision of essential drugs, and deployment of human resources to primary healthcare facilities.

    The Federal Ministry of Health will manage the remaining five per cent for national health emergency and response to epidemics. States and local governments are expected to provide counterpart funding.

    This further explained the euphoria that greeted the flag-off of the implementation of BHCF about two weeks ago, where the Federal Government declared free healthcare for mothers and children. It covers free ante-natal care in public primary health centres, deliveries, treatment for children under age five, surgeries for women who have complications during delivery; screening for diabetes and hepatitis; and treatment for malaria and tuberculosis.

    At the launch, President Muhammadu Buhari said the Strategic Health Development Plan and the Basic Healthcare Provision Fund were geared towards achieving UCH. He said his administration had provided N55 billion to cater for Basic Healthcare Provision Fund in fulfillment of the National Health Act 2014, which stipulated that one per cent of the consolidated revenue shall be allocated to health. He added that international partners such as World Bank, Bill and Malinda Gates Foundation and USAID would also contribute to the Basic Healthcare Provision Fund.

    To ensure sustainability, the President assured that transparency and accountability mechanism had been put in place to ensure that there was no corruption in the use of the fund. The first six states to benefit from the Basic Healthcare Provision Fund are Abia, Niger, Osun, Katsina, Yobe, Edo and Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

    The President, represented by the Minister of Budget and National Planning, Senator Udoma Udo Udoma, also reiterated that efforts to revitalise healthcare were to ensure that quality healthcare was delivered to many Nigerians irrespective of their education or social status.

    “We shall focus more on the people leaving in the rural areas and the vulnerable population in our society, such as women, children under five years of age and the elderly. The Basic Health Care Provision Fund provides the sustainable fiscal space for health care and will increase the human capital base of our economy. We must recognise that Universal Health Coverage is a destination and Nigeria is putting in place processes to achieve it. I am told that very strict accountability and transparency mechanisms have been put in place to ensure there is no corruption in the use of the funds,” he said.

    The President assured that his administration “will fulfill all the promises made to Nigerians. It is my hope that with the provision of quality health care to our people, our citizens will be healthy and more productive”.

    The Minister of Health, Prof. Isaac Adewole, said the NSHDP II was designed to enable federal and states government implement health policies, according to laid-down procedure. He assured that implementation of the plan would, in next five years, improve the health system and also drastically reduce maternal mortality rate.

    The Minister said Nigerians would benefit from 52 healthcare service interventions in the hospitals practising the Basic Healthcare Provision Fund Programme, free. The free services, Adewole hinted, would cover antenatal care, labor and delivery care (including caesarian sections) and emergency obstetric and neonatal care.

    Although the roll-out would initially cover six states, Adewole assured Nigerians that within the next six months, the initiative would have cascaded down to all the 36 states.  NSHDP II is expected to reduce maternal mortality rate (MMR) from 576 to 400 per 100,000 live births, representing 31 percent reduction towards the attainment of global target; neo-natal mortality rate (NMR) from 39 to 26 per 1,000 live births representing 33 percent reduction towards the attainment of global target; and under-five mortality ration (U5MR) from its current 120 to 85 per 1,000 live births, representing 29 percent reduction towards the attainment of global target.

    The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation has contributed $1.5million, and pledges to add more should the government make funds available for the programme.

    President of the Dangote Group, Aliko Dangote, will raise $2 billion through the private sector into the programme. Similarly, the Gates Foundation pledged additional $75 million for immunisation, others for the nation in the next five years.

    The World Bank said it released $20 million for initial stage of the programme in three states, namely Abia, Osun and Niger.

  • A Long Walk to Freedom

    As the world settles into the new millennium, a radical shift in the balance of demographic composition appears to be under way.  A huge change in global population and the pattern of human settlement is taking place before our very eyes.

    As the phenomenon of globalisation abolishes time and space, as its momentum dissolves barriers, as its dynamic collars and corrals nations into involuntary cooperation, those left behind in the remaining hells on earth are also “globalising” with their feet. The result is human migration of awesome proportions which often rivals the best space adventure in terms of imaginative daring and resourcefulness.

    The world, particularly its better managed metropolitan centres, is under siege from this human armada. For the first time in its history, the Hispanic population in the United States is poised to outstrip the Black populace as the dominant minority. In Britain, David Blunkett, the newly elevated Home Secretary, is already perfecting a revolutionary new policy to stem the tide of immigrants. Unwanted guests show up at royal banquet. Primeval cousins long abandoned in ancestral homesteads suddenly pop up at dinner in the affluent west.

    A huge human tornado with origins in the distressed nations of sub-Saharan Africa is assaulting the European coastline. From Mexico and Cuba, and particularly from the human fiascos of Haiti and the Dominican Republic, it is a daily battle of wits and will with American coastguards; from Central Europe, the Western European gateway is often subjected to amphibious assaults combined with an infantry dash across the channel tunnel as human initiative and sheer will power make nonsense of impregnable fortresses; from  Asia  the boat people still take to the perilous seas.

    Accompanying the tragedy of this people are tales of extraordinary courage in the face of unimaginable adversity. These are epics of heroism stretching the limits of human endurance and the threshold of pains. They would make the fabled Moses wince in admiration. Almost without exception, the ordeal invariably ends in forced cannibalism as the logic of survival takes over from the imperative of civilising refinement.

    They tackle their grim fare with mournful restraint rather than the joyous relish of the truly famished. When rescued, survivors are usually in a state of delirium babbling insensate nonsense or staring at their rescuers in terminal disorientation. The desert and the high seas are not the most hospitable of places.

    Whatever it is that would make human beings subject themselves to this extreme torture and tribulation must be quite unsettling. Human migration, to be sure, is the first condition of humanity, and is the biological equivalent of shifting cultivation. No nation, tribe, race or people can boast with any assurance that their current location is the precise origin of their ancestors.

    Reeling before victorious armies, escaping from social hostilities, absconding from pandemic pestilence and other epochal disorders, or literally in search of greener pastures, mankind has always been on the move. Indeed, it is said that during the glacial age, certain precursors of the human race went back to water from whence they came rather than face the intense hostilities on land. Hence, the anomalous features of certain sea mammals, particularly the whale and the dolphin.

    But migration can also be an internal continental affair. The Yoruba wax eloquent about their origin in ancient Egypt which they left after a fierce battle of succession. The Fulani almost certainly left the Atlas Mountain, incubating and mutating for several centuries in the Futa Jallon plateau from where they eventually fanned across northern West Africa. The Itsekiri of the Niger Delta are almost certainly of Yoruba extraction. Sometimes, a triumphant army can engender dislocation and dispersal of epic proportions.

    This is what is behind what is known as the mfecane phenomenon in South Africa when the victorious Zulu army scattered all the tribes to the wind. The one hundred year civil war which attended the collapse of the old Oyo Empire in the eighteenth century altered the demographic constitution of the Yoruba nation forever, engendering little local difficulties such as the Modakeke phenomenon, the Owu diaspora and other contemporary political imbroglios.

    Africa, as usual, occupies a unique position in this migratory conundrum. Something new always comes out of Africa. And we are not talking of bizarre exotica. There are three features unique to the benighted continent. First, there is no record of human migration back to Africa. The much storied captivity of the children of Israel in Egypt ended when Moses led his people back to freedom. The Jews have travelled long and hard ever since then, but certainly not back to Africa.

    Human beings may have erupted from the plains of East Africa, but it would seem that the natural human instincts lead away from the stifling heritage of the founding continent. When the heroic Colonel Netenyahu led his men on the famous Entebbe raid against the murderous thugs of Idi Amin, he was re-enacting an atavistic ritual.

    The second distinguishing characteristic for Africa is the absence of a civilising hub or nucleus to act as a magnet for the disconsolate and discontented of the continent with the exception of negligible and miniscule oases such as Botswana, Namibia and Senegal. North America has its United States and Canada; Europe has its affluent western nations and Asia has its Asian tigers.

    With Zimbabwe having joined the common ancestry of failed postcolonial states, with South Africa slowly unravelling as the revolution begins to consume its children and noble ideals, with the Nigerian mammoth taking its time to fulfil its manifest destiny as a multinational haven for the black person, Africans are left with no alternative than to flee Africa.

    The third characteristic is a function and a working out of the logic of the first two. It is true that Africa is not unique when it comes to hellish spots on earth where everything is short, nasty and brutish. The hell-hole of Haiti, the voodoo-ravaged disaster zone that is the Dominican Republic, the stone-age zealotry of the Taleban conquerors of Afghanistan, the trigger-crazed weirdoes of Chechnia, the morbid cruelties of the Balkan triangle of Kosovo-Macedonia-Serbia and of course the dark caves of Irian Jaya all compete for supremacy in the absolute misery index.

    But it needs restating that it is in Africa, particularly the vast human zoos of the sub-Sahara, that hunger, disease, want , famine of biblical proportions, epidemics of dereliction such as AIDS and the pestilential Ebola virus have combined with evil governance to produce a new paradigm of human affliction and destitution. Those who are looking for a vision of the apocalypse need not look very far. It is here on the continent that gave birth to humanity.

    Those who have not been devastated are voting with their sturdy limb. Their patience exhausted by the moral, spiritual, economic and political bankruptcy of the continent, they turn their back on family and friends forever. Let the dead bury the dead, they seem to be saying. But to reach civilisation, they must first confront the immense void of the Sahara, a monstrous wasteland stretching over three thousand miles teeming with ancient and recent bones.

    As the scalding sun singe their hair and the roasting sand burn their feet, they turn into hallucinating wrecks often before wild animals put finishing touches to them. This Old Testament suffering has now been memorably captured in a documentary titled, Exodus From Africa. It is a crying shame for humanity in general and Africans in particular.

    Those who subject themselves to this terrifying ordeal are by no means feckless or irrational. Indeed it may be one last act of stupendous will as they seek to rejoin remote cousins whose ancestors’ better honed survivalist instincts led them away from a sinking hulk. It is a leap from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom.

    To be devoured by wild animals in the Sahara desert may well be a better fate than to be eaten alive by the RUF savages of Sierra Leone. To die with hope in the Sahara inferno is probably a better deal than to expire under the heaving institutional debris of post-colonial Africa. Meanwhile as this goes on, as the flowers of Africa are daily scorched in the Saharan hell, African leaders are busy changing the name of their moribund and comically inept organisation, as if a name-change has ever kept receivers at bay.

    The question then is: Who will save Africa? Certainly, not the hypocritical West and its institutions and instruments of domination. Too selfishly preoccupied with the gains of globalisation, Western nations have failed to note the debilitating effects of this phenomenon on fragile economies and still more fragile nations, delinked, decoupled and un-networked as a result of a different mode of production and the different logic of their mode of insertion within the structure of the modern nation-state.

    Without ever consolidating the gains of the nation-state, African nations are compelled to abolish embryonic national institutions and seek their fortunes in a solidarity of aberrant states. As it was with the internationalisation of slavery when Africa was occupied and its territorial mass forcibly organised along the image of the conqueror without any regard to internal dynamics, so it is with globalisation.

    Yet if one cannot argue with an earthquake, one can at least study its momentum and master its inner logic. Rather than being demonised and diabolised, globalisation ought to be rigorously encountered. This is the urgent task for the intellectual and political elite of Africa. Human development is not a charity ball, and western nations do not owe any obligation to any continent, beyond their own enlightened self-interest.

    To be at the periphery of any mode of production is not the disaster it seems. Western nations were able to overcome the contradictions of feudalism precisely because they were at its peripheral formation. This feat would have been impossible in the classically feudal economies of ancient Ethiopia, China and the old Tsarist Russian Empire.

    While consolidating their national institutions, African nations can creatively deploy the political devolution and economic deregulation of globalisation to overcome the contradictions and monstrosities of the authoritarian colonial state. If astutely handled, an unviable and unworkable monolithic behemoth like the current Nigerian nation can transform into a genuine multi-national state which can then serve as a transforming hub for other failed colonial contraptions.

    Either way, it is going to be a long walk to freedom. Where reforms fail and earthly authorities falter, people lose interest in the pursuit and possibility of worldly happiness, and those who remain will be driven to seek otherworldly succour and solace accordingly. This is not because religion is the opium of the people but a result of a basic human need for reassurance that life itself is not an expensive joke.

    In periods of political and social disorder and the total collapse of values, humanity seeks refuge in the transcendent morality which ennobles suffering and canonises pain. If this makes them vulnerable to religious charlatans, it also prepares the ground for the emergence of genuine redeemers, prophets and twelfth imams who will be at the head of rampaging social forces with absolutely nothing to lose. By then it will be too late for the undeserving elite of Africa and for many who would have taken one long last look at the crumbling cradle of mankind.

     

    • First published in Africa Today, April, 2002.
  • Long walk to recession

    SIR: How did we even get here?  At least we should have clear idea of what brought us here, even if we have not mapped out how to get out.

    As far back as one may recall Nigerian banking sector was tilted towards rent seeking.  Always contented to play safe, their rent seeking activities never went beyond interbank, Treasury-bills, Forex buy and sell customers, and largely speculation on equities.  They never channelled loanable funds to the real growth sectors.  They outdo one another in stock market speculations to the extent that they buy and sell their own shares, a misdemeanor contrary to Companies and Allied Matters Act.  So when the stock market went crashing losing whopping N7 trillion within six months, the banks went crashing along with it.

    Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, then governor of CBN wielded the big stick. The misadventure cost Nigerian taxpayers trillions to bail out the banks – the highest bail out in Nigerian economic history.

    Late Yar’adua left on over $18.5 billion in excess crude account and another $62 billion to former President Jonathan.  On top of this hefty purse, crude price was selling above $120 / barrel.  Then came ‘’Ghana must go’’ politicians!  Throughout Jonathan’s tenure, excess crude account nevergrew; in fact it shrank to paltry $2.2 billion before he left office.  If Jonathan acted like his predecessors, maybe he ought to have handed over $125 billion worth of treasury to Buhari.  But despite huge depletion and reserves, 27 state governors were still owing salary arrears, before 2015 general elections!

    Here is a country that has over seven million vehicles on the road but had to import every liter of petrol and diesel, tyres and tubes, batteries and electrolytes, windshields and side mirrors, to mention just a few!   Meanwhile, governors, ministers and legislators have unquenchable appetite for best limousines from Japan!   In the first 11 months of 2011, government paid $8 billion to subsidize petrol consumption and another $8 million to import same product.

    How can a civil service system accommodate over 43,000 ghost employeeson its payroll?  Even Abuja national stadium is not likely to accommodate up to 43,000 spectators to watch a football event!

    PresidentBuhari must change these things with one‘’big bang’’, and woe betide him if he does not deliver because he promised change!  Minus security challenges from South-south and North-east regions, who still envy the old general?

     

    • Joba Akinpelu,

    Lagos.

     

  • Ugwuanyi’s long walk to good governance

    There is no doubt that the recent alarm by the Monetary Policy Committee of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) that hard times await Nigerians following its projection that low oil revenue will linger for a long period, has set a new agenda and dimmed the hope of Nigerians towards a possible viable economy that would impact positively on their lives and enhance the pace of development.

    It is quite unfortunate that today’s crop of leaders are witnessing the worst economic depression in the annals of the country. Most economic indices keep pointing to the fact that diversification of the economy remains the only viable option for the nation’s economic recovery, as the mantra has changed from excess crude to bailout fund.

    But the consolation lies on fact that a handful of leaders had taken the bull by the horns and swung into action through their steadfastness, commitment and wide-range of visionary and innovative approach towards exploiting other avenues of revenue generation to tackle the needs of their people.

    In Enugu State for instance, where Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi holds sway, the present economic realities characterized by paucity of revenue in the midst of avalanche of demands have not dampened the detemination of the governor to advance good governance.

    Apart from the fact that Gov. Ugwuanyi’s administration has continued to pay workers’ salaries promptly despite the economic meltdown, it has also maintained a harmonious working relationship with the organized labour in the state.

    It is on record that Governor Ugwuanyi in his desire to ensure delivery of quality jobs within stipulated contract period, had, through the chairman of the Enugu State Urban Renewal Committee, Arc. Chris Offor, ordered contractors handling various road projects in the state to speed up work, on the grounds that the government was in a hurry to deliver on its promises to the people despite the drastic effects of the economic meltdown.

    It is also on record that the state Commissioner for Works and Infrastructure, Engr. Patrick Ikpenwa, had on several occasions during his routine inspection visits to sites, told contractors to stick to work specification, ensure that standards are maintained and work to ensure that the projects are completed within the specified period.  He added that the state government will not tolerate any form of laxity that could undermine its estimated time lag for the completion of the projects.

    In the Nike Lake Road project for instance, which is being undertaken by Setraco Construction Company, one is impressed to observe that work has reached the advanced stage of asphalts placement in the first one kilometre of the road. Also, in the Udenu Ring Road project, being handled by Ferotex Construction Company, progress report shows that drainages, culverts and earthworks are on-going. In the Amaeke- Nsude – 9th mile by-pass road project, being handled by CCC Nig. Ltd, earthworks have been completed; culverts are on-going while stone-base is 50% completed.

    In the Opi-Nsukka dual carriage road project, being done by RCC Nig. Ltd, clearing, earthworks, drainages and culverts are in progress while relocation of utilities is almost completed for the first seven kilometers of the road.  In the Amangwo- Amaeke-NBL junction road project, being handled by Tomando Nig. Ltd, clearing, relocation and earthworks are seriously on-going. In Emene – Adoration Ministry praying ground road project, being handled by Coys Construction Company, clearing, earthworks, drainages and relocation of utilities are equally on-going. The same can be said for other on-going road projects in the state.

    It also worthy of note that the governor, through the Ministry of Works and Infrastructure, had successfully repaired most potholes in Enugu metropolis including the popular 9th mile corner roads, under the Operation Zero Pothole (OZP) programme initiated for aggressive maintenance of all the existing roads in line with his principle of seamless continuity and consolidation.

    All these landmark achievements and numerous remarkable feats recorded in other sectors of development, such as in the areas of education, health, agriculture, housing, etc, have left many to wonder about the secret behind the governor’s success story and long walk to good governance in Enugu State.

    Recently, the governor and his team were in Dublin, Ireland as part of investment drive, in keeping with his campaign promises to navigate the state through the current economic crunch and exploit other avenues of revenue generation for development.

    One appreciates the fruitfulness of the trip which led to the signing of Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Enugu State Government and the authorities of Dublin City University on how to promote and develop education in the state as one of the focal points of the government’s development initiatives.

    The visit also recorded other remarkable successes in shopping for investors and donor agencies that would key freely into the new phase of development in Enugu State. It is strongly believed that the fruitful discussions and other fallout of the investment trip would be felt by the people of the state in no distant time.

    Still on the governor’s long walk to good governance, Ugwuanyi has in recent times spent more time on the field than in the office in his bid to address the needs and problems of the people of the state.

    Within a space of three days, the governor made appreciable interventionist moves towards brokering peace between the two warring communities of Umuodo and Oruku in Nkanu East Local Government Area of the state through unscheduled peace mission visits and meeting with stakeholders of the two communities.

    He also embarked on a long trip through the communities of Amechi-Idodo, Amuzam and Amagunze in Nkanu East Local Government Area to inspect the mind-boggling dilapidated Uzam/Amechi Idodo/Inyaba/ Umunevo/Amagunze Inter-Community wooden bridge which has effectively cut the people of the areas off from other neighboring villages.

    After taking a long walk on the bridge during the inspection, he promised that his administration will do its best in spite of the economic meltdown to construct the bridge. The excitement that followed his promise was electrifying, as the villagers could not stop thanking him for the kind gesture and his prime honour as the first governor of the state to visit the site.

    The governor who made a brief stopover at Uzam Community Primary School, Amechi-idodo on his way to the bridge, to appreciate pupils of the school who lined up on the road in large numbers to welcome him, after identifying the needs of the school promised to improve on the learning condition of the pupils.

    In all, there is no doubt that Ugwuanyi  has through his absolute faith in God continued to maintain his promise to the people of Enugu State, “to deploy government services to create fair and equal opportunity for every willing citizen to make a living and create wealth, educate our children and enjoy life in a peaceful and secure environment”.

    These, he has pursued vigorously with all sense of commitment, vision, steadfastness and passion in spite of all the present economic tribulations.  It is, therefore, the responsibility of the people to continue to encourage and give his administration the maximum support it deserves to successfully drive the wheels of governance in this moment of economic depression.

    • Amokewritesfrom Enugu.