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Tag: loyalty

  • This thing called loyalty

    This thing called loyalty

    In the beginning was a golden seat at the Government House, Port Harcourt, and the seat was with Nyesom Wike, and Nyesom Wike was the seat because he controlled key political structures; and without Wike, nearly no Rivers politician was made. And when time came for Wike to vacate the seat, he looked around for who was worthy among the buttocks jostling for the seat. He found none suitable and thought outside the box and decided on top civil servant Siminalayi Fubara with no known political structure.

    Adversaries rose against his choice and were poised to checkmate him. With gun-blazing Wike went to war and on May 29, 2023, the battle was won. Fubara came out top without firing a missile or throwing a stone. All he had to do was act like a man who becomes blindly loyal when he craves the unquantifiable pleasure within a woman’s thighs.

    Fubara watched as Wike used grenades, bombs, machetes and every weapon imaginable. He watched as Wike decided every single person who would make up the House of Assembly. He watched as the shape of his administration was being drawn with little or no input from him. He watched like a man whose guiding philosophy is “the end justifies the means”. Simply put, Fubara allowed he who paid the piper to call the tunes, and it was supposed to remain like that for the whole of his time in power, a feat only one politician has been able to enact in Nigeria since the return to democratic rule. But, it didn’t take too long before it was clear to all that it would be Herculean for Wike to equal this record.

    Having sated his urge and thus seeing no need for blind loyalty for fleshy pleasure again, Fubara began to reject the tunes being called by the master. First, we heard whispers, soft whispers; second, loud whispers; and third, it became above whispers—serious hullabaloo. The former House Leader, Hon. Edison Ehie, and some members of the Assembly, were suspended. An impeachment notice was issued to the governor; there was bombing at the Assembly complex; and some commissioners quit the cabinet. Fubara, with smiles on his face, also sent a bulldozer to the House of Assembly, where the majority thinks and dreams Wike. The building, he told us, needed refurbishing, a refurbishment that he didn’t start before Wike threatened to bring down the heavens. We feared blood flowing. We feared fire. We feared brimstone. We even feared Armageddon.

    And, in no time, Wike’s boss, President Bola Tinubu, chose to obey the Yoruba saying that a child’s head shouldn’t be in the wrong position when elders are around. An eight-item pact was sealed. And Wike’s men in Fubara’s cabinet, who had earlier resigned, were renominated, cleared and returned to their old positions. It was like peace was back. And the dividends of democracy would soon start reaching the people of Rivers who had watched with bated breath as their leaders squabbled for the soul of their state.

    Read Also: Tinubu’s tax drive aims to simplify process, not to overburden Nigerians – Shettima

    Sadly, hardly had a week passed before the discerning knew that the cracks hadn’t been properly cemented; they knew that the river would soon flow beyond its banks. And when it did, the Fubara, who was an apostle of no-price-is-too-much for Rivers’ peace, came out smoking, smoking hot: He declared the Martin Amaewhule-led House of Assembly non-existent; he referred to the lawmakers as a group of boys whom he helped to pay their kids school fees; he expressed disappointment about their disloyalty; and he said God used vessels to make him governor and that the vessels shouldn’t replace God. He also derided some elders in the state, who, because of “small, small money”, refused to be statesmen. That he said all these when a delegation seeking peace visited him belied his readiness to war-war. And when he followed up days after with his plan to probe his predecessor and a statement that debts from the Wike era are so heavy they are pulling his administration down, I interpreted it as the end of jaw-jaw. And his signing of an executive order relocating the House of Assembly to the Government House made me feel “Wike go hear am; Wike go feel am”.

    What is happening in Rivers State isn’t unforeseen by some of us. On May 26, 2023, these words appear on this space: “Rivers State is one place I look forward to seeing gnashing of teeth. Will Nyesom Wike, the outgoing governor, leave the man he installed to work without interference? Or will he interfere and see the other side of the gentle-looking Fubara? Interesting moments await us.”

    I had also written: “It is near impossible for a new Sheriff to take instructions from a predecessor. Once the initial pretense of being loyal and grateful for being chosen ahead of others is over, successors mostly revolt. The way out is to leave them to enjoy their reign.”

    The precedence is there for us all to see. Samples: What became of Godswill Akpabio and Udom Emmanuel, the man Akpabio installed as his successor in Akwa Ibom? Didn’t Willie Obiano seek to cut the throat of Peter Obi who fought tooth and nail to make him his successor as Anambra State governor? How long did the romance between Chimaroke Nnamani and his anointed successor as Enugu State governor, Sullivan Chime, last? Didn’t Adams Oshiomhole and Godwin Obaseki fall apart with a loud bang? Weren’t we witness to the fallout of Liyel Imoke and his successor, Prof. Benedict Ayade? What about Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and Abdullahi Ganduje? I can go on and on and on.

    What these fall-outs show is that we must learn from the past. We can try to run away from the past, but it will always catch up with us.

    Of the current governors, nine still have good rapports with the men who helped them into power. The secret may be that they have some freedom to lead their states. Or, will things eventually fall apart as we have in Rivers State? It remains to be seen if anything good will come out of ex-President Goodluck Jonathan’s intervention.

    My final take: There is no need wasting time and resources to get someone elected with the mindset of calling the shot from outside. The reason is simple: Power is an aphrodisiac. In power, a eunuch can regain his testes. A gentleman without power can become a tiger when in power. An imbecile can wear the toga of the brainy when in power.

    Power changes most men and women. Money does the same because most times they work hand in hand. At times, money brings power and, at times, power brings money. And together they make men and women’s heads swell so much that they put aside the circumstances that get them their exalted positions. And in the long run, this thing called loyalty suffers. Big time!

  • Coordinator: your loyalty will be rewarded

    Coordinator: your loyalty will be rewarded

    Association of Nigerian Artisans and Technicians (ASNAT) has assured its members that President Bola Tinubu will reward them for their loyalty and support to All Progressives Congress (APC).

     National Coordinator, Adeshina Akinyemi, at a media parley in Lagos, described Tinubu’s policies and  governance as ‘using the right compass to navigate Nigeria out of her viruses’. 

    He said: “Fuel subsidy has to end, either now, later, or in the future. Everyone knows that fuel subsidy was a saturated fraud. And the President acted well when he stopped it immediately after he assumed office.

     “The single exchange rate formulated and introduced by President Tinubu has raised prospects of fiscal and external improvements in the country’s credit profile. Though the achievements of these policies might not have started to improve our lives, but, gradually, we will start gaining from them and enjoy the fruits of our patience.

    Read Also: Wike reads riot act to bandits in Abuja, says enough is enough

     Akinyemi implored his 12.5 million members to be patient with Tinubu.

     He said: “I know it is frustrating and disappointing when one’s expectations are not met at the time expected. But our hopes should be kept alive and kicking. The Renewed Hope understanding of our members was that their dreams, aspirations, needs and goals would be achieved and realised after Tinubu was sworn in as President.

    ASNAT is the umbrella body of and certified Artisans and Technicians in Nigeria.

  • Idiagbon was a rare example of loyalty, says Buhari

    PRESIDENT Muhammadu Buhari said yesterday that his deputy as a military head of state, the late Major General Tunde Idiagbon, was a very rare example of what loyalty to fatherland and to a superior should be.

    He spoke while receiving APC governorship aspirants and members of the party from the three senatorial zones of Kwara State at State House, Abuja.

    “Tunde was strong, loyal and extremely committed to the cause of positively changing the narrative about Nigeria, which the administration set out to do at that time,” the President said.

    He noted how his former deputy, who, while on pilgrimage in Saudi Arabia when the administration was overthrown in 1985, insisted on returning to the country despite the political uncertainty, especially as he had learnt that he, as Commander-in-Chief at that time, had not been killed in the take-over.

    The President, in a statement by the Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Femi Adesina, added that the late Idiagbon rejected the offer from the King of Saudi Arabia to bring members of his (Idiagbon) family from Nigeria to the kingdom, as he was his guest at that time, and eventually returned to Nigeria to suffer arrest like he (Buhari) did.

    Buhari enjoined Nigerians to remain faithful and loyal to the country in all their dealings.

    “You don’t have to be in uniform to be loyal.  What I said long ago in 1984 is still valid today. We have no other country, but Nigeria. Others, who feel they have another country, may choose to go. We will stay here and salvage it together,” he said.

    The President thanked the APC stakeholders for the position they have taken to continue to support the party regardless of the outcome of the primaries.

    He assured them that, with the unity displayed so far, APC will form the government in Kwara State after the 2019 elections.

  • House of Reps aspirant calls for party loyalty, peace

    A house of Representatives aspirant in Oyo State on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Otunba Rotimi Ajanaku, has called on party stakeholhers, particularly within his constituency, to remain peaceful and true to the visions of the founding fathers of the party.

    Ajanuku who is eyeing  the party’s ticket for Ibadan Southwest/Northwest Federal Constituencysaid the ruling APC remains the party to beat in the 2019 general elections.

    The aspirant made the remarks while addressing his supporters, as he rounded off visits to the wards in his constituency, to consult stakeholders and members.

    Ajanaku, who kicked-off the recent tour from Ibadan Northwest Local Government, had earlier met with the party leadership in Ibadan Southwest and Northwest Local Governments, to intimate them of his ambition, as well as to present gift items, including food stuffs, cash, materials among others, in the spirit of the Eid-al-Adha celebration.

    The aspirant was well received by stakeholhers in all the wards and was assured of their support to emerge victorious in the primary and the general elections next year.

  • PMB and the limits of loyalty

    Loyalty is unquestionably a key element of President Muhammadu Buhari’s political philosophy even if he has not espoused any systematic or coherent set of principles or ideas that guide his politics. Buhari is enamoured of loyalty and seemingly finds those who proclaim their fanatical commitment to him from the rooftops particularly endearing.  But then, Buhari is not alone in this. Most political leaders in history, across time and space, have cherished the loyalty of their aides and associates, above all other virtues.  Many great historical personages have been undone, sometimes fatally, by the treachery and betrayal of those in whom they reposed much trust.

    PMB has personally experienced the painful thrusts of treachery and disloyalty when the military regime he headed alongside the late General Tunde Idiagbon was overthrown in 1985.  The forceful change was effected through a palace coup conceptualized and executed by insiders in the top hierarchy of the regime right in the inner recesses of state power.  But then, it could be argued that the logic of forceful seizure of power by the military is that those who assume office through the barrel of the gun can also be forcibly removed legitimately by the barrel of the gun. It is not a question of morality.

    In the aftermath of his 1985 ouster from power, Buhari was in forced incarceration for about three years. That experience, some suggest, may subliminally be responsible for PMB choosing the heads of practically all security agencies from his part of the country and with all of them also being of the same religious faith. The implication is that these are the heads of our security architecture that PMB can feel safe and secure with. Of course, there is no way to prove this. But PMB’s greatest strength and defence, he should know, lies not in force of arms through the military but rather in the support of millions of ordinary Nigerians who admire his asceticism, discipline, simple outlook on life and his relentless onslaught against corruption.

    In 1985, PMB and Idiagbon were patriotically fixated on fighting corruption but remained absolutely impervious to loud outcries from the populace on the excruciating impact the regime’s policies was having on them particularly in the areas of human rights violations. Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka, was forced to declare at that time that the public seemed to be talking to a deaf and dumb government.  Of course, the wily and politically astute Ibrahim Babangida and his collaborators took advantage of the situation to seize power.

    Today, PMB once more wields power legitimately acquired through the ballot box within the context of constitutional democracy.  But again, just as during his earlier coming as military Head of State in 1984, the PMB administration is frontally and aggressively fighting corruption while remaining utterly indifferent to outrageous public outcry on diverse issues. These include, unlawful detention of persons despite court rulings to the contrary, rampant nepotism, non-inclusive governance, alleged double standards in the war against corruption as well as the unprecedented and manifestly dangerous appointment of heads of the various arms of the military as well as those of paramilitary and security agencies from the North with most of them being Muslim to boot.

    This time around, the danger is not military intervention. Nigeria has thankfully evolved beyond that stage in the process of our political development with 19 years of unbroken civilian rule over the last 19 years. However, the All Progressives Congress (APC) must realize that it is not immune from the kind of electoral tsunami that swept away the PDP in 2015, following the latter’s arrogance, insensitivity, unconscionable corruption and the complacency arising from its delusion of being ordained to be in power indefinitely irrespective of the will of the people.  The APC must be wary of treading that path, which it unfortunately is doing now, unless it plans to remain in office in 2019 in spite of, rather than as a result of the freely expressed will of the people.

    One admirable feature of PMB’s leadership style is his fierce and uncompromising loyalty to his appointees and associates. This can be a positive strength but it can also be a great weakness. It might inspire some to work hard, always going the extra mile to compensate for the loyalty of the boss and his faith in them. For others, it might encourage a sense of lethargy, indolence and complacency in the belief that they are untouchable and can do no wrong as far as their principal is concerned.

    The spate of sustained killings across the country particularly through the nefarious activities of ‘unknown herdsmen’ has elicited widespread calls for the appointment of new service chiefs. However, PMB has remained stoically impervious to and absolutely unperturbed about this demand from large sections of the citizenry.  Rather, he has extended the tenure of the service chiefs twice upon the expiration of their statutorily stipulated terms in office. This column does not believe the service chiefs should be sacked because of the security situation in the country.

    They certainly have tried their best and made some impact especially in substantially caging the Boko Haram monster in the North East. Even if PMB removes the service chiefs today, it will not necessarily bring about an automatic end to the diverse security challenges confronting the country. No less critical is the need to urgently and radically re-configure our entire security architecture to achieve greater operational and functional efficacy in a culturally diverse, politically complex, ethnically plural, geographically vast and supposedly federal polity like ours.

    This column believes there are three reasons why PMB should urgently allow the service chiefs to bow out honourably and let fresh hands take their place. Firstly is the fact that statutorily, their tenures have expired and PMB must maintain his reputation as a stickler for due process. No matter how well they may have done, others should also be given an opportunity to showcase their abilities and bring fresh ideas into the struggle to confront and contain the country’s sundry security challenges. Secondly, the continuation in office of these service chiefs beyond their statutory terms creates the impression that they are indispensable and that there are no competent hands to take over from them. This will certainly have serious implications for morale, sense of fulfilment as well as self-confidence down the hierarchical chain of command. Thirdly, PMB can utilize the opportunity of appointing new service chiefs to address the very serious issue of the obvious ethno-regional and religious skewing of security appointments in favour of the north – an issue that is daily eroding the President’s good will.

    Buhari, El-rufai and Yaya Bello
    Buhari, El-rufai and Yaya Bello

    In any case, what exactly is loyalty? Are many of those proclaiming themselves to be fanatical ‘Buharists’ today, doing so because they love him or because of the benefits they are reaping from his present position? Let us take Governor Nasir el Rufai of Kaduna State for instance. Today he poses continuously as an unrepentant ‘Buharist’. Yet, is this not the same el Rufai, who as head of the Bureau of Public Enterprises, endlessly sang former Vice President Atiku Abubaka’s praises to high heavens claiming that Atiku never interfered in the privatization process?

    When Atiku fell out with President Obasanjo, el-Rufai, made a 180 degrees turn and began his new swan song portraying his new benefactor, Obasanjo, as a saint and Atiku as  corrupt villain. Today, el Rufai is at the fore front of the ‘Buhari is our Messiah’ orchestra. Where he will be tomorrow on the political spectrum will certainly not be a matter of principle or honest conviction but one of expediency, opportunism and personal aggrandizement. This is a perfect example of chameleonic loyalty.

    Or take my governor, the youthful and ebullient Yahaya Bello of Kogi State.  Here was a man who was at the forefront of the advocacy for the extension of the tenure of the Chief John Odigie-Oyegun-led National Working Committee (NWC). When he saw that PMB was unbending in his resolve that the APC constitution must be adhered to and congresses and the convention held, Bello quickly made an amazing somersault. He told an obviously astonished and startled Oyegun at a party meeting at the APC national secretariat that he was prepared to dive into fire if that was PMB’s wish.

    Pronto, the next time we saw Bello, His Excellency was on crutches, his right foot heavily bandaged. The inimitable Azu Ishiekwene, publisher of The Interview and columnist, speculated that Bello may have sustained the injury while rehearsing the art of fire diving. I am reliably informed that some citizens of Kogi State have since embarked on intensive prayer and fasting to influence PMB to request his beloved son to take a dive into a blazing inferno.

    There is no doubt that this kind of prayer is being uttered with undisguised ‘malicious and malignant’ intent (apologies to T.M. Aluko). PMB should certainly be wary of Bello’s kind of acrobatic loyalty. As for Mr. President, your loyalty should, first and last sir, be to the constitution and people of Nigeria and not to those who proclaim their love for you from the hilltop for selfish gains.

  • Media aides: the crisis of loyalty

    Ethical and loyalty concerns for the army of media aides have of recent, been in the public space. By media aides, reference is made to special advisers on media; senior special assistants, press secretaries, publicity secretaries to political parties and others in similar roles irrespective of their training and nomenclature.

    The moral bearing of media aides was brought to the fore by recent altercations between Senior Special Assistant to President Buhari on Media, Garba Shehu and former media aide to former President Jonathan, Reno Omokri. There was also the adjunct arising from the defection of former publicity secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party PDP, Adedayo Adeyeye to the All Progressives Congress APC.

    These conversations raised profound issues that should not be allowed to peter out. In his reaction to a claim by Shehu in one of his write-ups, Omokri had accused him of lacking in strong moral values given that he (Shehu) was a special assistant in Obasanjo’s regime, during which period he issued anti-Buhari statements.

    He could not fathom how the same Shehu who authored critical statements against Buhari when he served the PDP, turned round to attack the party and its functionaries now. Omokri queried: “What moral standing does Garba Shehu have for today writing and releasing statements against the same PDP administration and officials he once served?” For him, Shehu was made by the PDP and if he accuses the party of any misdeed, he must share in that blame.

    Omokri could not come to terms with the apparent contradiction in serving a particular government as its media aide only for the same person to assume the same role in another government to attack and criticize the government he hitherto promoted. He sees that as evidence of dearth of strong moral principles.

    Shehu, while acknowledging his former assignment as a long time aide to former Vice President Atiku Abubakar admitted he worked in the media office of a PDP administration for six months. He explained that when his former boss Abubakar and other contestants in the APC primaries lost to Buhari, they agreed to surrender their media assets to the winner who asked him to lead the team.

    “When we won, he (the President-elect Buhari) invited me to serve as one of his two spokespersons and I pledged 100 per cent loyalty to him and that’s where I am. This cannot be classified as just serving Any Government in Power AGIP”, he explained.

    Though both combatants raised other issues, this article is only concerned with the moral and loyalty concerns of the engagement. Omokri is not out of place to have tasked Shehu on the moral concerns arising from his role as a former aide to the PDP government in which position he must have been critical of the opposition, any opposition and his current role.

    In that previous position irrespective of its duration, he would have taken up issues against Buhari as a key opposition leader while performing his role as one of the attack dogs of the PDP regime. That is within his call of duty.

    But are there no issues in serving the PDP or any other government as one of its image makers at one time and at another finding oneself in the APC or another party in an inverse task of taking the former to the cleaners? That is the moral issue Omokri raised and it will be uncharitable to dismiss it with a wave of the hand. The matter is fundamental and goes beyond the diatribe between the two combatants. It centres round the job journalists do and the precarious situation they often find themselves when they serve ‘two masters’.

    There is the thinking that once you have been identified with a particular government or political appointee, you are expected to remain with them and whatever they represent. You are also to rise and fall together with their political fortunes. But whereas politicians are largely comfortable in and out of office, media aides are not that lucky as they still have to engage in meaningful work to meet their daily needs. Requiring them to be permanently attached to their former bosses or refuse appointments from political opponents (though morally plausible) would rather be a tall order. Political situations are in constant state of flux in this clime even as politicians are very unpredictable and may not care about the fate of their former aides.

    Shehu seemed to have captured this dilemma when he recounted how he served Abubakar for many years; the collapsing of his (Abubakar’s) media assets into that of Buhari after the APC primaries and his emergence as one of his spokespersons. He sees his current position as circumstantial and not a deliberate decision to pitch tent with any government in power.

    No doubt, Shehu owes his position to Abubakar- a key player in the PDP who later decamped to the APC before his final defection back to the same PDP. That turn of events was bound to create problems for him especially having been ceded to Buhari. So the accusation of pandering to the lure of the stomach or lacking in strong ethical bearing may not properly fit in here. There are also moral issues in abandoning Buhari just because his mentor Abubakar jetted back to the PDP.

    But he was not entirely helpless. He had the option to stay or exit when his boss Abubakar defected. But his conscience (for whatever promptings) instructed he should continue and pledge total loyalty to Buhari. That is where he is now and he is entitled to that. The issue is not just that he works for the Buhari government. It is with the nature of job he does for him. If he were a minister in one of the ministries except perhaps information, the moral issues being traded may never have arisen. That raises a paradox of classification of media aides either as appendages to their former bosses or professionals.

    Perhaps, the case of Adeyeye will further drive this contradiction home. Here was a former publicity secretary of the PDP during its recent turbulent times. He not only believed in the PDP but was its mirror to the outside world. He ran for the PDP governorship primaries in Ekiti State and came second. Less than two weeks after, he decamped to the APC citing irreconcilable differences between the state governor and himself.

    Rationalizing the volte-face, he said he was forced to take a decision between loyalty to his political party and loyalty to his community, and he chose the latter. According to him, “I cannot change my state or hometown but I can always change my party if I feel it can no longer serve as a vehicle for our collective good as a people”.

    It is unclear what ‘forced’ Adeyeye to put the two loyalties on scale. That he was so compelled, underscores the moral and ethical burden he contended with especially in his capacity as former spokesman of the PDP. If he was not the image maker of that party, his defection would have made little difference as it is in keeping with the character of our politicians. He even said that much by opting to ditch his party. So we can see the interface between the dilemma Adeyeye was confronted with and the issues canvassed by Omokri.

    But the difference is that Adeyeye is a politician and very unlikely to be entrusted with the role of managing media affairs of his new party. Soon, he will get away with that contradiction. Journalists are likely to carry that baggage for a long time to come. For some, it will mark an end to their career. That is the cross those of them that took up such appointments bear.

    A contrasting case was the attack on fiery lawyer, Mike Ozekhome at the 14th Gani Fawehinmi Annual Lectures by a gang of hired protesters. Their grouse: he defended Ekiti State governor, Ayo Fayose, former First Lady Patience Jonathan and Senate President, Bukola Saraki.  The general feeling after the attack, was that he had a professional job to do and could advocate for anybody irrespective of their political leaning or alleged offence. That is for the legal profession. But not journalism! Ironically scant attention is paid to the predicament of journalists in such political engagements even as they only get crumbs from their masters’ tables.

  • GYB, between loyalty and sycophancy

    IR: The first method of estimating the intelligence of a ruler is to look at the men he has around him (Niccole Machiavelli). The failure of the present administration in Kogi State began from day one, as a result of the calibre, quality and mentality of the men and women the governor, Yahaya Bello, chose to work with to pilot the affairs of the state. Didn’t the holy book say that he who walks with wise men shall be wise, but a companion of fools shall come to ruin and destruction?

    Governor Bello got it wrong from the beginning by appointing people who have got no value or something to add to his government but would rather use their appointments and positions as opportunities to further massage their ego, oppress the people and swell their bank accounts.

    The activities of many of his overzealous appointees who go about threatening and harassing members of the public with SARS and other security agencies, including thugs, if allowed to continue unchecked could result into violence and chaos capable of threatening the fragile and volatile peace of the state. See how the ineptitude and incompetence of the media team was exposed when the news of the purported dissolution of the state executive council and local government caretaker committees found its way into the public space even before the conclusion of the council meeting? Such embarrassment is what you get when you choose to work with intellectually deficient and redundant personalities.

    While aides of other governors were busy posting pictures and updates of landmark achievements and laudable policies, projects and programmes on the social media for the whole world to see, the governor’s clueless appointees were celebrating pictures of the governor’s newly built mansion in Okene on the social media. It is said that a good friend wouldn’t get on your way unless you are on you way down. Sadly, none of the appointees was clear-headed enough to advise that at the time when civil servants and pensionaers wallowed in poverty and untold hardship, a flashy, reckless and a lavish celebration of personal house was tantamount to insulting the sensibilities, understanding and patience of the good people of Kogi State.

    For a governor expected to be the beacon of hope, an ambassador and a role model to the millions of youth in Nigeria, he is being tossed around, influenced, manipulated and misled by sycophants who have hijacked his government for self-serving favours, political influence and financial enrichment. We are in the 21st century and in a digital age, so having around people who calls him “white lion” or “digital governor” is ridiculous and laughable.

    Since none of the governor’s appointees love him enough to look into his eyes and boldly tell him that his popularity and goodwill enjoyed at the inception of his government more than two years ago is fast eroding, the reality of the day is that he is not only despised and hated within the state but his actions and utterances, coupled with the recklessness and egoistic manner with which many of his appointees behave has earned him more enemies than friends all over the country.

    It is never too late to make amends.  All that the governor needs to do at this point in time is to draw the line between genuine loyalty and sycophancy. Identify those who really share and believe in his vision and give them responsibilities, separate the trouble makers who go about using his name to harass members of the public and show them the way out. He should do away with sycophants who have turned themselves into praise singers instead of doing what they are appointed for and purge the government of inexperienced and inept appointees.

    • Hussain Obaro,

    Lokoja.

  • Osun APC hails residents for loyalty, understanding

    Osun APC hails residents for loyalty, understanding

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Osun State has praised residents, including civil servants, for “their loyalty and understanding in the difficult period of massive economic recession that Nigeria has been living through since 2014”.

    In a statement in Osogbo, the capital, by its Chairman, Gboyega Famodun, and Publicity Director, Kunle Oyatomi, the party said it was “proud of the people’s resilience and determination to forge ahead with progressive ideas, despite the difficulties that 2017 has presented”.

    The statement added: “Regardless that the state is one of the least resourced in the Nigerian federation, it has demonstrated perhaps the most innovative capabilities in effecting the changes and developments necessary for economic growth in unprecedented circumstances.

    “We have seen one of the most destructive opposition yet in Osun over the last seven years and the most evil campaign is in the making to lay to waste all that the Rauf Aregbesola-led APC government has done since 2010.

    “But you, the people of Osun State, have seen it all: you have experienced the difference between light and darkness, evil and good, and you are in the best position to make a choice.

    “In 2014, amid a vicious Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) campaign, which drew blood and tears from the people, Osun stood firm behind the good, and they threw evil into the garbage heap.

    “Yet, for the second time in four years, the good people of Osun will again be required to decide whether they will reject the evil as they did in 2014. That momentous year starts this January.

    “In 2003, Osun made a terrible mistake of giving the PDP a chance. It was such horrible experience that in 2007, they had to vote that party out of office.  Their choice was violated until 2010, when justice was served.

    “However, evil continued to fight to steal the soul of Osun State; despite all the then Federal might and force of violence, the people of Osun stood their grounds and the PDP was again rejected.

    “This year, they will be pitching up a battle royale in the unlikely event of attempting to capture Osun and avenge 2007 and 2014. And like wounded lions, they will ravage the state by discontinuing every policy of the APC (God forbid) that had brought joy to the people of Osun.”

  • Group declares loyalty to Obiano, unveils book

    Group declares loyalty to Obiano, unveils book

    A group, the Independent Media Support Organisation (IMSO), has expressed support for the Governor Willie Obiano administration in Anambra State. The group made the declaration during a press conference in Awka, the Anambra State capital, to unveil a book on Obiano’s achievements.

    Portrait of Performance: Understanding the Vision Behind Obiano’s Performance was written by Ngozi Emedolibe.

    Unveiling the book, its Executive Director Mr. Harris Chuma said Obiano’s achievements within three years has surpassed the claimed achievements of previous administrations.

    He said: “It is hard to overstate Governor Obiano’s popularity in Anambra; the state under his watch has witnessed true rebirth.”

    Chuma said Obiano’s stock of achievements had remained undimmed through the course of his administration.

    Chuma added: “`His second term bid will highlight the changing dynamics of the relationship between the state and rest of the country. Anambra has been saddled with the task of improving the economic fortunes of the state; certainly Anambra is set for prominence in Nigeria.”

    Chuma described Anambra as a state of investment, adding: “Anambra under Willie Obiano is globally progressive; it has 21st-century connectivity and an impressive pool of human capital.

    “This is a view echoed by millions of discernible people of the state. As we march toward the ongoing election campaigns, let’s be cautious of our choices. Let’s be mindful of the choices we make. We should elect to stand on the side of truth. We should not endorse the choices made by questionable characters, who claim that Anambra is their personal estate.”

    He, however, urged Anambra people to ensure their maximum support to the governor to solidify his (governor’s) blueprint for the state.

    The author, Emedolibe, said ‘Portrait of Performance’, highlighted the reality that the administration had deployed its energy toward some enabling projects, with an ultimate aim of improving the economy of the state for the general well-being of the people.

    He said: “The issue of paying salaries promptly, this has a direct effect of keeping afloat the local economy, considering the fact that the workers at all levels will still spend the money in Anambra to reflate the system.”

  • PMB, Alhassan and loyalty

    SIR: Loyalty according to the dictionary meaning is “a feeling or attitude of devoted attachment and affection”. According to Minna Antrim “love often wears a mask In order to test loyalty”. This is somewhat corroborated by Edwin Louis Cole in his philosophical quip “Confidentiality is a virtue of the loyal, as loyalty is the virtue of faithfulness”

    Mark Twain was more pragmatic in one of his intellectual prognosis – “Loyalty to the nation all the time, loyalty to the government when it deserves it”.

    Now Mark Twain’s wisecrack seems to approximate the frontiers of tectonic loyalty in a tripod; loyalty to the nation, loyalty to the government and loyalty to the leader who is the commander in chief as it applies to Nigeria.

    It would amount to a political suicide of a ruinous proportion for any president wishing to achieve any success in governance to exhibit nonchalance on issue of loyalty.

    The Minister of Women Affairs and Social Development, Aisha Alhassan showed a crass disdain for loyalty especially at a time the nation is passing through challenging times which demand that all cabinet members put their very best into deliverables cognate to their ministries and parastatals and not to be so insouciant as to publicly embrace political frolicsomeness.

    President Buhari should learn from the President of the United States who takes loyalty as an article of faith; needless to say that President Donald Trump’s obsession for loyalty has kept him afloat in the Oval Office for which he has demonstrated little leadership experience.

    Alhassan’s insubordination is not an isolated case under President Buhari’s watch. It remains a mystery till this moment what motivated the DSS to transmit an adverse report on the acting Chairman of EFCC to the National Assembly without presidential input. The same presidential docility that gave the DSS impetus seems to have been explored by the minister albeit with brazenness.

    The president must quickly put his house in order by allowing officials with questionable loyalty a timely exit, otherwise the little time remaining for his cabinet to impact the nation will end up in political horse-trading and tectonic failure.

     

    • Bukola Ajisola,

    bukymany@yahoo.com