Tag: Marilyn Ogar

  • Ex-DSS spokesperson Ogar fights for job

    Marilyn Ogar, a former spokesperson of Department of State Service (DSS), has filed a suit before the National Industrial Court, Abuja, challenging her compulsory retirement from service in September 2015.

    Ogar was retired along 14 other officers in 2015, seven years before she was due for retirement.

    When the case came up for mention on Friday, the respondents’ counsel were not present in court.

    The claimant’s counsel, Adeola Adedipe, informed the court that the defendants were served originating summon and hearing notice.

    Adedipe said that although the defendants had entered conditional appearance, they did not file any counter processes within 14 daysof service of the originating summon.

    Justice Olufunke Anuwe, ordered that the defendants be served hearing notice and adjourned the case until June 25, for hearing

    Ogar, wants the court to among others things, declare that her retirement was illegal and nullify her demotion from deputy director to assistant director.

    Joined in the suit are the Attorney- General of the Federation and the Director-General of DSS.

  • Finally, axe falls on Marilyn Ogar

    Finally, axe falls on Marilyn Ogar

    It may not have been done with the finesse expected of the Buhari government, but the compulsory retirement of former State Security Service (SSS) spokesperson, Marilyn Ogar, and some forty others, was long expected. How that retirement was procured, given the need to build a professional, non-partisan security organisation, may also be controversial, however, no one disputes the fact that the secret service under President Goodluck Jonathan had become so heavily compromised and politicised. Whether the ongoing restructuring in the service will reposition the SSS as a non-partisan, efficient and professional organisation remains to be seen.

    There is little doubt the SSS was poorly led, thus reflecting badly on the Jonathan government, the SSS leadership, and staff of the secret service whose character and judgement were called into question. Ms Ogar was, sadly, the public face of that appalling decline, and the archetype of the service’s misguided operations and loss of dignity and integrity. The former spokesperson is thought to have been retired over allegations of corruption and excessive partisanship. A panel headed by a director in the service had been set up to look into the allegations, and it reportedly found Ms Ogar guilty. She has refused to give her own side of the story.

    According to reports, shortly before the Osun governorship poll, Ms Ogar was allegedly allocated 10 trucks of Dual Purpose Kerosene (DPK) by an NNPC subsidiary, the Pipeline Products and Marketing Company (PPMC), valued at some N15 million. It was further alleged that it amounted to rewarding her loyalty to the cause of the PDP. All she did, it was reported, was to just sign in on the deal while three marketers/dealers did all the hard work and delivered the cash proceeds to her. While Ms Ogar has kept mum on the deal, and the complete veracity of the allegations remains in the realm of media reports and the files of the SSS, there was no confusion over her partisan role in the last polls, far beyond the call of duty. That partisanship was enough to hang her and ruin her career, some seven years before she was due to retire.

    Soon after the All Progressives Congress (APC) won the presidential poll, an outcome Ms Ogar and the service fought bravely but hopelessly to prevent, she became the focus of everything that went bad with the SSS. Not only was her promotion, which was awarded in the twilight of the Jonathan presidency, reversed, she was reportedly punitively posted to Borno State, the epicenter of the Boko Haram revolt. After her kinsmen wailed publicly that she was being persecuted, the posting was reversed, while the promotion stood cancelled. Her argument and that of her supporters was that the APC, through the new Director-General of the SSS, Lawal Daura, was pursuing vendetta against her and those who did nothing but merely carry out lawful orders.

    Her argument spawned a flurry of debates on whether her role as spokesperson was carried out strictly within the bounds of commonsense and service regulations. Two examples illustrate the controversy. When SSS operatives invaded an APC data centre in Lagos, an act many saw as persecution or intimidation of the opposition, Ms Ogar was florid in describing what she termed the subversive tendencies of the opposition. She went on to make many unsubstantiated, contradictory and technologically ignorant accusations. It was clear that the invasion could not be defended, nor did she or the service take any step to prove their allegations. They simply damned the consequences.

    Shortly before and during the Osun governorship poll of August 2014, Ms Ogar spoke effusively of the subversion she claimed the APC was plotting in Osun, defended the atrocious and unconstitutional actions of the SSS, and alleged again without substantiation that the APC offered bribes totalling some N14m to SSS operatives. In this and a few other cases, Ms Ogar seemed dedicated to pulling down the APC and turning the service, like the military brass also did to the military in the run-up to the general elections, into an arm of the Jonathan presidency. Her actions were indefensible, nor has she tried to even defend them beyond the flimsy assertion that she was simply obeying orders as a dutiful public servant. Even though the fault was not just her own, she and her bosses did their utmost to damage the reputation and professionalism of the secret service. It will take years to purge the service of the filth and the morass swaddling still it.

    As the new SSS helmsmen purge and reposition the secret service, Nigerians will hope that they have learnt from the mistakes of their predecessors, especially from Ms Ogar’s unflattering acts of servility. The objectives of the new SSS leaders are undeniably sound. But given the treatment meted out to President Buhari’s former Chief Security Officer (CSO), Abdulrahman Mani, and the controversial manner they interrogated Dr Jonathan’s former CSO, Gordon Obuah, not to talk of the brusque manner the former National Security Adviser (NSA) was treated, the service may be more enthusiastic than methodical. They will need to realign and retune their methods within the parameters of civilised and professional conduct if their efforts are not to miscarry sooner or later, and if in turn they are not to open themselves up for future retribution from their own successors. For Ms Ogar, however, an officer lacking in wisdom and moderation, it is difficult to be pained by her unceremonious exit.

     

  • Between Okonjo-Iweala and Marilyn Ogar

    Between Okonjo-Iweala and Marilyn Ogar

    Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy under the Goodluck Jonathan presidency. She was effectively the country’s prime minister. But like many Nigerians, the enormous powers bestowed on her frail and eternally shrugging shoulders were not matched by a corresponding display of responsibility. Insular, cocksure of everything, and combative, she led the economy down the garden path of near total paralysis and ruination. Accused of unplanned expenditures, especially of illegal withdrawals from the Excess Crude Account (ECA) to the tune of $2.1bn, one billion of which was allegedly spent on Goodluck Jonathan’s reelection campaign, her only defence, for a woman who knows the law, is that Dr Jonathan authorised the spending. Had she been a suspect in a criminal case somewhere in Nigeria’s urban jungle, she would naturally have blamed the devil for any illegality attributed to her.

    Marilyn Ogar is another beleaguered public official. As spokesperson of the Department of State Services (DSS) until recently, she was overly enthusiastic in dishing out what the then opposition parties described as patent falsehoods. But she was unrelenting and unapologetic. Not only was she ordered, among others, to revert to her previous rank when a leadership change occurred in the agency, her friends and supporters now allege that she is being witch-hunted, as evidenced by her posting to Maiduguri, a posting that they said was immediately reversed. In a signed advertorial in the Vanguard newspaper of July 14, the South-South Congress for Justice and Equity accused the APC and the DSS of improper conduct. She should be left alone, the signatories said, for she did nothing beyond the call of duty.

    For both Dr Oknjo-Iweala and Mrs Ogar, it would be interesting to find out how the shoe pinches now that it is on the other foot. Maybe, soon, public officials will recognise how to serve the nation, not individuals.

  • Amaechi vs DSS

    Amaechi vs DSS

    Security agencies cannot circumscribe freedom of speech

    The warning issued by the Department of State Security (DSS) against the use of inciting and inflammatory statements by politicians in the run-up to the February 2015 general elections once again shows how partisan and unprofessional government agencies and parastatals have become in recent times.

    In a statement signed by Mrs. Marilyn Ogar, the DSS’s Deputy Public Relations Director, the service claimed that it would no longer tolerate the use of “unguarded” statements by politicians whose actions it described as “irresponsible, selfish and against our collective well-being as a nation.” Warning that no one was above the law of the land, Ogar specifically denounced “a serving governor” who had apparently called on members of the Armed Forces to “rise up in protest against constituted authority.”

    Even by the abysmally low standards of neutrality found in most government agencies, the DSS stands out for its notoriously partisan approach to the performance of its duties. Ever since it became more visible with the rise in insurgent activities in the country’s north-east, the service has made no attempt to hide its support for the government in power, even at the cost of its own image in the eyes of the citizenry.

    The service appears to believe that attacking perceived political and other opposition to the Jonathan administration is synonymous with ensuring national security. In August last year, it all but accused the All Progressives Congress (APC) of attempting to bribe DSS personnel during the Osun State gubernatorial elections. No one has been charged to court on the matter. In the same month, Ogar infamously asked why bomb blasts do not occur when the APC won elections, only to become manifest when the party lost them. Even the respected “Bring Back Our Girls” campaign has not escaped DSS attention, having been described as fraudulent and a political tool.

    The latest warning issued by the service is simply the continuation of this ill-disguised campaign of calumny. Rivers State governor, Rotimi Amaechi, who was the main target of the latest DSS attack, merely expressed the opinion that soldiers engaged in anti-insurgency operations had a right to protest the lack of arms, ammunition and other supplies essential to success against the insurgents. Taken in context, it does not amount to endorsing mutiny or insubordination. The governor’s position has been supported by respected retired officers like General Ishola Williams (rtd.), who said that the 54 soldiers recently sentenced to death for mutiny had a right to refuse to go to war if they lacked the necessary arms and ammunition.

    The position of Amaechi and Williams is borne out by objective confirmation of the fact that the anti-insurgency campaign is not going as well as it should have because the soldiers are ill-equipped, poorly-resourced and badly-motivated. Why else did President Goodluck Jonathan seek an emergency US $1 billion loan if the armed forces had received all that they required? If criticism of the anti-insurgency campaign is simply partisan political sniping, why has he not visited Chibok since the mass abductions took place in April? Why was Major-General Ahmed Mohammed, the General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the 7 Division removed after he was allegedly shot at?

    If there is anything Nigerians should be worried about, it is increasing partisanship of supposedly-neutral government organs, rather than allegedly inciting statements from politicians. The world witnessed the antics of the Nigeria Police and the DSS during the elections in Ekiti and Osun states last year, when both worked to suppress the political campaigns of the APC while providing protection and succour to candidates of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). In December 2014, the DSS invaded an APC data centre on allegations that “unwholesome activities” were taking place within it. One month later, the service is unable to come out with any evidence to back up its accusations.

    The danger to the polity of blatantly partisan government agencies cannot be underestimated. It denotes a glaring lack of professional ethics and competence which will definitely undermine the efficiency and effectiveness of such agencies. The lack of trust spawned by the obviously-jaundiced statements of people like Ogar can only serve to erode public confidence and trust at precisely the moment when they are most needed, and by extension, can further weaken confidence in the operations of government as a whole.

    Rather than make common cause with any political party or public office holder, the nation’s security agencies should simply focus on their duties. If anybody falls foul of the laws of the land, that person should be taken to court. This is the least requirement, especially in a democratic dispensation where free speech is an essential ingredient. No one should attempt to take that right away under the guise of ensuring security in the country. We would have understood the concerns of the security agencies but for our experiences with them, especially in recent years. Agencies like the DSS would do well to remember that while governments are temporary, the self-inflicted damage caused to their own reputations by their partisanship will last much longer.

  • DSS to appeal judgment on el-Rufai

    DSS to appeal judgment on el-Rufai

    The Department of Security Service said Tuesday that it would appeal the Federal High Court’s judgment asking it to pay N2 million to former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mallam Nasir el-Rufai with an apology.

    In a statement issued by the spokesperson of the DSS, Ms. Marilyn Ogar, the Service said some facts may have been inadvertently overlooked by the court that gave the judgment.

    The statement said: “As a responsive Service, we hold the judiciary and its sanctity in high esteem, but when you disagree with certain pronouncements of the court, you have the right to appeal and in this case, we will appeal.

    “The instrument setting up the Service and the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended, give the Service statutory powers to detain and investigate any suspect for not more than 48 hours before recourse to a court of law.

    “In this instance, the complainant was not confined or detained for more than two hours. If we cannot intercept, detain and investigate, then we would, with due respect, be operating like any ministry of the Federal Government.

    “It is also pertinent to clarify that the Service never imposed a general restriction on movement during the elections as averred. It is the duty of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), to take measures necessary for the smooth conduct of any election, and in this case they deemed it proper to restrict movement during voting hours.”

     

  • DSS on a sad familiar terrain

    DSS on a sad familiar terrain

    The tragedy of state apparatus in Nigeria is usually that of blind loyalty to the proverbial piper that dictates the tune. The recent altercation between the spokesperson of the Department of State Security, DSS, Marilyn Ogar and that of the opposition All Progressive Congress, APC, Alhaji Lai Mohammed provides a sad commentary on what a government agency should not turn itself into.

    It’s so sad that history beacons on us concerning state agencies like the police, the armed forces, customs, immigrations as well as, of course, and particularly, the Department of State Services.

    Nigerian Security Organization (NSO) was the security and intelligence service of the Nigerian government in those days (1976-1983), set up shortly, in response to, and after the unfortunate assassination of the charismatic military leader, General Murtala Ramat Mohammed.

    NSO was given a mandate of coordinating both domestic and foreign intelligence. Under the military regime and continuing through the Second Republic, the NSO was accused of carrying out systematic and widespread human rights abuses, especially of those seen to be critical of the government. Of these, repressions against journalists, opposition figures, government officials and the 25-month imprisonment of late musician Fela Ransome-Kuti, are especially remembered.

    After handing over power by the military to a civilian government in 1979, the Umaru Shinkafi-led NSO had the difficult task of transforming from a military-era secret police organisation to one which respected the constitution. Although there was a reduction in the number of human rights abuses committed by the NSO, during the Second Republic, their overall human rights record still remained poor. Political parties and opposition groups complained of harassment by NSO, particularly the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo – a keen rival of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN).

    President Shehu Shagari later nominated Lawal Rafindadi to head the agency. His tenure as the Director General of the NSO was plagued by arbitrary arrests and detentions of anybody suspected of being a threat to the regime, imagined or real. This attitude crept down the ranks of the NSO and led to heavy handedness among some of the agency’s operatives. A good example is the case of Brigadier Abbas Wali, a former defence attaché to the UK and Adjutant-General of the Nigerian Army arrested in Kano by an operative named Bishara and detained at the NSO office for a week without anyone knowing about the arrest – including Rafindadi, the DG and his deputy, Albert Horsfall.

    Also, under Rafindadi, the agency began a wire tapping and eavesdropping programme against government officials and military officials including Supreme Military Council (SMC) members. Rafindadi also used his position as member of the SMC to initiate a purge of senior officers in the diplomatic service many of whom lost their jobs and entitlements.

    The establishment mission of the SSS is to protect and defend the Federal Republic of Nigeria against domestic threats, to uphold and enforce the criminal laws of Nigeria, and to provide leadership and criminal justice services to both federal and state law-enforcement organs. The SSS is also charged with the protection of the President, Vice President, Senate President, Speaker of the House of Representatives, state governors, their immediate families, other high ranking government officials, past presidents and their spouses, certain candidates for the offices of President and Vice President, and visiting foreign heads of state and government. The SSS has constantly adapted to various roles necessitated by evolving security threats in Nigeria including counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency.

    The SSS has been criticised for allowing Umar Farouk Abdul Mutallab, the “underpants bomber”, to board Northwest airlines flight from Lagos despite his father having previously warned security officials of his son’s radical views on America. The agency was also criticized heavily in the wake of the August 26, 2011 United Nations House bombing in Abuja. The Nigerian public grew even more critical of the agency after newspapers ran stories in which they claimed that the agency had received intelligence about the bombing beforehand from the Americans.

    Indeed, the Nigerian press ran stories early November 2011, alleging that the United States government had issued a travel advisory on Nigeria. The travel advisory included the threat of bomb attacks at major hotels in Abuja frequented by expatriates. The story generated panic among the populace and accusations of incompetence made against the security agencies, the SSS inclusive.

    The SSS has a long history of repressing the political activities of opposition groups. Public meetings are arbitrarily canceled or prevented, including cultural events, academic conferences, and human rights meetings. September 25, 1997, police and SSS agents broke up a Human Rights Africa (HRA) seminar for students in Jos, arrested then HARA director Tunji Abayomi and four others, and briefly detained some 70 students. Abayomi and the others were held for 10 days and then released on bail. A workshop on conflict management in Port Harcourt on May 1, 1998 was canceled when the SSS warned local coordinators that such a meeting could not be held on Workers Day, a local holiday. Similar workshops elsewhere proceeded unimpeded despite the holiday.

    So, when a long convoy of DSS operatives arrived in Osogbo, Osun State, weeks prior to the governorship election in the state, not many following the historical atrocities of the agency were amused. If an organisation, serviced through taxpayers money could easily turn against such people, then, something may be wrong somewhere.

    Alhaji Lai Mohammed is certainly not the type to be accused of loitering especially on the eve of an election involving a party in which he is a national officer. If an incumbent state governor, in the person of Rauf Aregbesola, a contestant is holed up in his residence by this same organization; if Mohammed could be blindly arrested and detained; if hooded operatives could harass and arrest citizens randomly and members of a political party singled out for arrest and harassment on the eve of an election; if a spokesperson of DSS could gleefully allege on national television, that a political party is the sole sponsor of insurgency and bombings in the land, without any credible evidence to support; if the same image maker is alleging bribery of her men without concrete evidence; if a security agency is supporting a faction of labour union against another instead of being impartial; if our own equivalent of Central Intelligence Agency, CIA, chooses to strangely come out in the open to announce its presence and through intimidation of innocent voters and opposing parties, then a lot has certainly gone wrong.

    In the 80’s when yours truly was a young NSO operative in the old Oyo State, being seen as such was like breaking a taboo. Your pride and strength resided in being anonymous. But today, the bravado of our intelligence agency operatives calls for utter concern.  Just like the defunct NSO, it is just a matter of time for the proverbial chicken to come home to roost.

    • Akinola is a social commentator

     

  • Marilyn Ogar, career official or party hack?

    Marilyn Ogar, career official or party hack?

    “Thank God the APC won the Osun election or else…(APC’s loss would have been blamed on the N14 million bribe which SSS personnel refused to collect?)”
    – SSS spokesperson, Marilyn Ogar
    “Thank God, the APC won the Osun election. There was no bomb blast” (But there were bomb blasts in other states lost by the APC, especially, Ondo captured by the Labour Party, Anambra won by APGA, and Ekiti won by the PDP)
    — SSS spokesperson, Marilyn Ogar

    If the two pull-out quotes reproduced above reflect Ms Marilyn Ogar’s true feelings, the spokesperson for the Directorate of State Security/DSS has two reasons to thank God, not once, but twice, for one favour. The favour is the APC’s victory in the recently concluded gubernatorial election in Osun State. No matter whether she was genuinely elated by the APC’s victory, or she was just being cynical and downright deceitful, Ogar will soon have additional reasons to thank the Omniscient, undeceivable, and justice-dispensing God. Enraged by her persistent violation of public service professional and ethical code of conduct—specifically, by her inability to distinguish between her role as SSS spokesperson and that of a typical PDP propagandist—the opposition APC has not only threatened to institute legal proceedings against her, but has also demanded her immediate separation from the public service of Nigeria.

    Does the APC have a case it can successfully make against Ogar in a court of law? Probably. Although I know a thing or two about the law, I would prefer that litigation issues be handled by those duly called to the Bar. Besides, if the case is already before a judge by the time this article is published, we don’t want to be cited for contempt! Readers can therefore understand why I have decided to leave the broad legal issues to the lawyers, and proceed quickly to the next question, which is whether the APC is right to demand the SSS spokesperson’s voluntary resignation, or failing that, her instant dismissal. On that latter question, I can say without any fear of contradiction (and as one who has researched the subject thoroughly and advised inter-governmental organizations in different parts of the world) that Ogar should have been separated from the public service of Nigeria the instant she embroiled the DSS in public and political controversy. Under the rules, the very minute a public servant issues a statement that could be “reasonably interpreted” as endorsing or opposing a political party’s stand on any subject, that is the minute s/he ceases to be in the public service of Nigeria.  The rules should have been applied to Police Commissioner Mbu Mathew Mbu when he unilaterally inserted ‘making political utterances’ and ‘locking partisan political horns with the Executive Governor of Rivers States’ in his job description as Police Commissioner. That is, of course, by the way.

    In retrospect, and with what we now know about the disproportionate amount of time and resources spent peering under private tents to ferret out “PDP enemies” (to the neglect of the substantive terrorism tracking functions), it is no wonder that we have made little headway containing the insurgency in the North-east, and confronting sundry security challenges (like armed robbery, kidnapping for ransom, ritual killing, and oil bunkering) in other parts of the country.

    In the latest case of goal displacement, Ogar threw caution to the wind when, without producing any evidence, concrete or circumstantial, she not only accused a political party of trying to bribe SSS officials, but also implied that the APC was behind bomb explosions in states where election results didn’t go the party’s way. She claimed that the SSS officials dutifully turned down a N14million bribe that the unnamed political party offered to swing the Osun election to its side. Oh yes, she remembered all the bombs that went off in Ondo, Anambra and Ekiti states where the APC lost, but she left out one crucial detail, that is, the blast that rocked Ile-Ife a few days to the conduct of the Osun State election which the APC won! She also conveniently forgot to underscore the point that the APC was not the only contestant in Ondo, Anambra, and Ekiti, much less the only party that lost. If bombs went off in the three states, what evidence is there that implicates the APC but exonerates the other losers—i.e., evidence that exonerates the PDP in Ondo; the same PDP in Anambra; the Labour Party in Ekiti; and the PDP, the Labour Party, and the remaining competing parties in the Osun State’s gubernatorial election?

    The same Ogar regurgitated the PDP’s unproven allegation linking the APC with Boko Haram!  Again, it escaped her memory that the Presidency had once pinned the Boko Haram label on Muhammadu Buhari only to retract the allegation abruptly and to plead with the APC chieftain to let the matter be settled out of court. In any case, now that Modu Sheriff, the alleged sponsor of the Boko Haram insurgency, has finally defected to the ruling party, the world is waiting for the garrulous Ogar to say something—this time, something logically sound and empirically verifiable. After all, Modu Sheriff’s membership of the opposition party was the smoking gun that the ruling PDP (and its self-appointed mouth-piece, Ogar) gleefully and persistently held aloft to link the APC with terrorist acts.

    As if she had not done enough damage, Ogar went on television to justify the unjustifiable—notably, the illegal detention of Lai Mohammed, the APC spokesman, in Osogbo. Ogar wanted to know what Lai, a Kwara State indigene, was doing in Osun State and in the wee hours of the morning. To legitimize the encroachment on Lai’s personal and citizenship rights, she invented a crime, “loitering”, and promptly accused the APC spokesman of committing it. She also abruptly and retroactively imposed a curfew which she found Lai guilty of “violating”!

    The Gestapo tactic applied in Osun State is reminiscent of the do-or-die measures applied by the Presidency in recent months to give the PDP undue advantage over its rivals. Among these measures are the restrictions imposed by the police on Nasir El-Rufai and other APC leaders during the conduct of the Anambra State governorship election, the ban on flights that would have brought Governors from APC-controlled states to support their Ekiti counterpart’s re-election efforts, and the increasing militarisation of the electoral process.

    The strong-arm methods applied by the government have the potential of hindering or halting our democratic advance. Regretfully, spokesperson Ogar either thinks otherwise or does not care what harm the measures portend. Regardless of what she thinks or feels, the DSS should act quickly to salvage what is left of its reputation. Here is why the DSS should put a distance between itself and Ms Ogar. As the spokesperson of a crucial public agency, she should have exercised the discretion befitting an official of her status. She ought to have refrained from issuing statements that remotely suggests her political leanings or sympathies.  Rather than subscribe to the time-tested principles of impartiality and anonymity, she exceeded herself by making highly provocative and overtly political statements—and on prime time television for that matter.

    Even on the assumption that public service rules are silent on transgressions such as the one Ogar stands accused of committing, the sensitive nature of the DSS mandate requires an official of her calibre to exercise the utmost restraint in making public utterances. The DSS is, after all, a law enforcement outfit. It is an abomination for any of its officials to act as if s/he is above the law. When any high-ranking DSS official gets away with clear violation of public service ethical and professional code of conduct, s/he is likely to leave the impression, though erroneous, that law-breaking pays. It is of little consequence whether the law-breaking outside the DSS is on a small or large scale. The reign of impunity inside the Directorate is likely to have a devastating impact not just on the DSS’s public image but also on the Directorate’s intelligence gathering capacity. If the DSS turns a blind eye to Ogar’s transgression, it risks alienating the public that it was created to serve and on whose cooperation it depends. Since DSS staffers come from diverse background, Ogar’s partisanship is also likely to undermine the Directorate’s internal esprit de corps.  How the Directorate can fulfil its mission when its chain or unity of command is constantly threatened is anybody’s guess.

    The DSS spokesperson’s penchant for political grandstanding is a clear symptom of a deeper psychological malaise—narcissistic personality disorder, to be precise. That of course is none of our business. In fact, rather than focus on her psychological condition, we should consider yet another reason she needs to be separated. The second reason for recommending her removal is the certainty that her constant violation of the rules would sooner than later hold the entire public service to ridicule. Under the extant rules, her persistent tendency to curry the ruling party’s favour constitutes gross misconduct. This is by far a more serious offence than plain ‘misconduct’. For according to Rule 030301, the run-of-the-mill misconduct is just “any act of wrong doing or an improper behaviour which is inimical to the image of the service and which can be investigated and proved.”

    Most of the failings that the rules classify as ‘misconduct’ can be rectified by a combination of counselling, on-the-job training, and exercise of self-discipline by the errant official concerned. Examples of acts of misconduct listed under the civil service rules are drunkenness, use of foul language, habitual lateness to work, improper dressing, insubordination, tardiness in the treatment of files, failure to keep record, and negligence.

    Compared to ‘misconduct’, ‘gross misconduct’ is a deep-seated character flaw that wreaks greater havoc not just on the image of a specific agency but also on the esteem and credibility of the public service as an institution. Gross misconduct is a personal indiscretion that is capable of distorting public purpose and eroding citizen faith in state institutions. Ogar’s transgressions (in particular, her uncontrollable habits of identifying with a political party and making political utterances) fall squarely under ‘gross misconduct’ which is punishable with immediate dismissal.

    I won’t be surprised if the DSS and the public service top brass treat Ogar’s offence with levity. After all, Police Commissioner Mbu breached the rules (of impartiality, anonymity, and professionalism) and got away with it. In fact, instead of being axed for embarrassing the police command with his public outbursts, he was rewarded with redeployment to a more prestigious, higher-profile, post at the Federal Capital (see http://balogunjide.net/nigeria-2015-making-tomorrows-history-today-part-ii/). That is Nigeria. Ours is a country where top officials are rewarded for licking their political superiors’ boots, and penalized when they shield their organizations from political interference. That is why it’s rare to find agency heads willing to provide the leadership needed to build and sustain mission-oriented institutions, meaning, institutions that are managed based on the paramount considerations of excellence, integrity, professionalism, competence, and cost-effectiveness.

    Pending the emergence of such committed leadership and of achievement-oriented organizations, the public service rank and file must rise up and face a clear and present danger. Unless career officials insulate themselves from partisan politics, every job would ultimately be politicised, and therefore, imperilled. The public service is yet to recover from the seismic effect of the 1975 purge. That purge would pale in comparison to the danger lying ahead if nothing is done to stem the rapid erosion of public service professionalism.

    It was in an attempt at pre-empting the undesirable effects of politicisation that our founding fathers set their political differences aside and settled for the adoption of the Westminster public service model. The key attributes of this model are integrity, professionalism, merit-based recruitment, competence, political neutrality, impartiality, legality, accountability, responsiveness, and, naturally, security of tenure. If truth be told, that model has crumbled—with plum jobs going to candidates with strong political backing but weak productive capacity, and attention-seeking officials crowding out the truly loyal and dedicated officials. Can the decline be halted? Yes, but…  For Nigeria to bring back the public service once known for dedication and impartial and courteous rendering of service, we should start by cleaning out the Augean stable of politicisation, partisanship, nepotism, mediocrity, and corruption. What better way to start than by showing Ogar and others like her the way out of the public service?

     

    Professor Balogun is based in Canada. He is former Director-General, The Administrative Staff College of Nigeria and former Senior Adviser at the UN Headquarters, New York.

  • Why Osun  politicians are after us, by DSS

    Why Osun politicians are after us, by DSS

    The Department of State Service (DSS) is being hunted by political parties for rejecting a N14 million bribe, the agency’s spokesperson, Mrs Marilyn Ogar, said yesterday.

    Speaking with reporters yesterday at the National Briefing Centre in Abuja, Mrs. Oga said: “The DSS director in charge of election duty in Osun State was asked to come and collect N4 million for himself and N10 million for his men. The offence of the DSS is that it rejected the money.

    “The rejection is bringing misunderstanding between political parties and the DSS. It is unfortunate. There is a big man occupying a sensitive position in Osun State. The man should thank his God that it was not the DSS that arrested him with the huge amount he was found with.”

    Stressing that the agency cannot be induced with money, Mrs Ogar said: “We are well paid and our operations are well funded. Compare N14 million to the N200 million that was spent; which one will you go for? People should stop using money to entice security forces. The Federal Government and Nigerians, who engaged us, are capable of taking care of us.”

    She said if security forces were not fully on ground for the election, the story would have changed.

    Urging parties to leave security agencies out of politics, Mrs Ogar said: “We thank God the All Progressives Congress (APC) won the election in Osun State. There was no bomb blast because there was enough security presence. The security forces that assisted in the election in Edo State were the same ones that went to Ondo, Anambra, Ekiti and Osun.”

  • Nyanya bombers and Ogar’s Freudian slip

    Nyanya bombers and Ogar’s Freudian slip

    LAST Monday, the Department of State Service (DSS) announced a breakthrough in the April 14, Nyanya, Abuja motor park bombings that embarrassed the Jonathan government about three weeks before the World Economic Forum (WEF). Some 75 people had died in that bombing, and about 20 more lost their lives in a follow-up bombing in the same vicinity, both giving the impression that Abuja, Nigeria’s capital, was under siege. Boko Haram, the sect waging a fierce war against Nigeria, claimed responsibility. It then warned that its fighters had breached the security of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and was prepared to carry out more attacks on Abuja and oil installations.

    Briefing newsmen on Monday, the spokesperson of the DSS, Marilyn Ogar, indicated that five suspects who already confessed to playing roles in the attacks had been arrested. One of the two masterminds of the attacks was to be arrested a few days later in Sudan where he took refuge. One is still wanted, even after N25m bounty had been placed on each of their heads. The breakthrough in investigations is indeed remarkable, and the DSS should feel justifiably proud of their achievements. From their interactions with newsmen when they were paraded, the five suspects appeared very convincing in describing the roles they played in the bombings. There is no reason to doubt them or the involvement of the two masterminds.

    Had Ms Ogar, however, limited herself to merely narrating the DSS angle to the bombing case, it would have been an excellent day for the secret service and a great day for Nigeria’s ability to rise up to major challenges, especially of insecurity. But while illustrating the bottlenecks they encountered in the case of one of the masterminds of the attacks, Aminu Sadiq Ogwuche, a military deserter, Ms Ogar had said: “Ogwuche is a criminal who was earlier arrested in 2011, but was released on bail following pressures from human right activists who consistently accused the service of violating Ogwuche’s rights by being locked up while under investigations.”

    It was clear Ms Ogar had reservations about suspects’ rights and the involvement of human rights groups when it comes to security matters. Yet, there are provisions in Nigerian laws guiding the arrest and detention of suspects, especially how and why such suspects could be detained for much longer than the law ordinarily permits. Why did the service not avail itself of such provisions? Ms Ogar also went ahead to commit a Freudian slip with her impassioned plea to Nigerians to ‘set aside their beliefs’ (in order words, their opinions or convictions or suspicions) when security and public safety are in focus. But she was being disingenuous. Not only are there provisions that empower the service and other security agencies to detain a suspect for much longer than required by law, those provisions are nonetheless circumscribed by the need to present evidence proving that the suspects if let loose constitute a threat to peace and stability of the society.

    If the DSS had satisfied the provisions, it does not seem they could easily have been forced to release Mr Ogwuche on bail. Ms Ogar uncharitably blames human rights activists, even alarmingly insinuating that the public must have implicit trust in the service to do whatsoever it pleases on security matters. Regrettably, the DSS must be told that even in the face of the gravest threat to the country, the society must still be governed by laws properly enacted and scrupulously adhered to. The alternative is to unwittingly empower the secret service to become a leviathan. This must never be countenanced. Ms Ogar shook with anger and missed a word or two while suggesting that the public should set aside their beliefs. No, the public must never entertain this heresy. Instead, let the secret service and all other law enforcement agencies do their work diligently and present their investigations neat and tidy before a court, either in open or closed sessions, and fulfil the guidelines regarding the arrest and detention of suspects. There must be no shortcuts.

    The public must also remember that in the early years of the Boko Haram revolt, neither the federal government nor the DSS was sure how to treat the sect’s militants. Both the government and the secret service eventually agreed to experiment with a form of rendition used by the Americans in Afghanistan. This was why some suspects were released to either their parents or traditional rulers. It was a dubious process, and this writer and many others condemned it. But the government went ahead nonetheless. If human rights activists fought the prolonged detention of a suspect, it was because the DSS did not satisfy the courts that it needed to keep the suspects for much longer than the about 11 months Mr Ogwuche, for instance, was locked up. Ms Ogar’s suggestion about what the disposition of human rights defenders should be to security matters is fraught with landmines. She gives the impression that the service could whimsically operate above the law. In any case, even if Mr Ogwuchi was admitted to bail in 2012, it did not preclude the service from putting him under close surveillance. If they didn’t do so, they and Mr Ogwuche’s surety, not human rights groups, are to blame. Let the law stand as it is, and let human rights activists not be discouraged from serving as the conscience of the society even in these trying times. It is the DSS that should fine-tune its processes.

  • Nyanya blast: DSS  parades five suspects

    Nyanya blast: DSS parades five suspects

    The Department of State Security (DSS) yesterday in Abuja paraded five suspects allegedly linked to the April 14 bombing at Nyanya on the outskirts of the Federal Capital Territory in which over 75 persons were killed and more than 100 injured.

    Also yesterday, the DSS placed a N25 million reward on two fleeing suspects, Rufai Abubakar Tsiga and Aminu Sadiq Ogwuche, who were alleged to have masterminded the attack.

    Disclosing this at a joint briefing held at the headquarters of the security agency, its spokesperson, Ms. Marilyn Ogar, said Tsiga, assisted by Ogwuche, drove the explosive laden car to the scene of the blast a day to the incident.

    Tsiga was said to have left the car at the Nyanyan bus station and went back to detonate the explosives early in the morning of April 14.

    The DSS spokesperson said Tsiga ran a patent medicine kiosk as a decoy at Utako in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), from where he allegedly recruited other sect members who disguised as his apprentices.

    Ogwuche was described as a British born Nigerian from Benue State who was in November 2011 arrested at the Abuja airport on his arrival from the United Kingdom, in connection with terrorism.

    Ogar, however, said the suspect was released on bail to his father, Col. Agene Ogwuche (rtd), in October 2012, following intense pressure from the human rights community who alleged violation of his human rights.

    The DSS spokesperson added that Ogwuche deserted the Nigerian Army in 2006 after serving in the Intelligence Unit at the Arakan Barracks, Lagos.

    He was said to have absconded when he was posted to the Nigerian Defence Academy, , Kaduna, in 2006. Ogar gave his service number as SVC 95/104.

    Ogwuche is said to be studying Arabic Language at the International University of Africa, Sudan.

    Ogar pledged that “Nigerian security forces shall not rest on their oars until every individual or group of persons involved in the Nyanya bombings are brought to book.”

    The other five suspects in the custody of the DSS who were also paraded are: Ahmad Rufai Abubakar (43); Muhammadu Sani Ishaq (30); Yau Saidu (28); Adamu Yusuf (43); and Anas Isah (22).

    They all confessed to having played various roles in preparations before the bombing of the Abuja bus station.

    Before bringing out the five suspects to be photographed and questioned by reporters, Ogar said the suspects were told the bombing was in retaliation for the killing of a Boko Haram member the week before at the bus station.

    She added that no member of the sect was killed.

    But she revealed that lower level Boko Haram militants were still hiding in Abuja.

    “Terrorist elements are disguising daily by taking up various businesses and menial jobs in Abuja and its environs.  Therefore, security awareness of the public and prompt response to information sharing will continue to play a pivotal role in the war on terror,” said Ogar.

    Boko Haram has killed thousands of people in five years of insurgency, in attacks on churches, mosques, schools, markets, villages and the government.

    Also at yesterday’s briefing were: Director of Defence Information Maj.-Gen. Chris Olukolade; Director of Army Public Relations Brig.-Gen. Olajide Laleye and Force Public Relations Officer Mr. Frank Mba.