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Tag: matters

  • When leadership matters

    When leadership matters

    Title: Resilience in Leadership
    Author: O. Olanlokun
    Year of publication: 2014
    Reviewer: Yusuph Olaniyonu

    Yusuph Olaniyonu reviews a book written on the life and times of one of the pre-independence political leaders of Nigeria, Alhaji Dauda Soroye Adegbenro, who was a dramatis personae in the Western Region crisis which eventually triggered the events that led to the collapse of the nation’s first attempt at democratic rule.

    Courage. Loyalty. Steadfastness. Devotion to a cause. Community service. Astute political leadership. Grassroots mobilization skills. These and many other attributes form the core of the repackaged biography of Alhaji Dauda Soroye Adegbenro, a political leader in the pre-independence and immediate post-independence period in Nigeria’s political history. The 196-page book written by late Dr. Olajire Olanlokun who once served as chief librarian of the University of Lagos was launched on October 16, 2014 in the hall of the Ogun State Television, Abeokuta, at a grand occasion attended by top politicians, academics, professionals, businessmen, community leaders, students and others.

    The book, first published in 2005 was recently revised with more contributions from members of the family and associates of the subject of the biography. The new effort was co-ordinated by one of the colleagues of the late author, Dr. Taofiq M. salisu.  The book is divided into 12 chapters which cover the early life, early involvement in party politics, parting of ways of Chief S.L. Akintola with his colleagues in the Action Group (AG), the war of brothers in AG, legal battle for Premiership and post-Emergency politics in Western Nigeria.

    Others issues covered by the various chapters of this major work on Nigeria’s political history, particularly the early experience of Nigerians in political party administration, the practice of parliamentary system and regionalism include first post-independence regional elections, post-election developments, Owu chieftaincy tussle, the last political activities of late Adegbenro as seen by his associates and the concluding remarks by the author.

    Like every good biography, the book goes beyond the story of a man. It is the reproduction of the history of Nigeria and the politics of an era in which Alhaji Adegbenro found himself and operated in.  The author, while writing about the early life of the subject, takes us through the history of the early settlement of the people of Owu quarters in Abeokuta and some of the villages in present day Ewekoro and Ifo local government areas in Ogun State. From the second chapter, the book takes us through the political life of late Adegbenro and it continues in that line till the end, except for chapter nine which dwells on the tussle over the Balogun of Owu and Ekerin of Egba chieftaincy titles. Even then, the chieftaincy tussle was in itself a form of local politics.

    From the second chapter, the importance of this book in correcting historical misstatements and clearing long held misrepresentations becomes obvious as it makes it clear that unlike the falsehood that was often spread on the so-called ‘cross-carpet’ story of the constitution of the 1952 Western Regional Assembly, the members including Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Alhaji Adegbenro and others were elected as independent members who later for the purpose of the election of first Premier chose whether to team up with the Action Group led by Awo or NCNC led by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe.

    It is also necessary to relate how this book helps to authenticate the claim that the debates in the Western Regional parliament were so enriched and with great depth so much that the quality was comparable to what obtained in Westminster, London. The copious use of quotes from contributions of the Nigerian legislators to parliamentary debate helped to demonstrate this.

    Incidentally, from chapter three of the book, the reader is taken into the details of the Western Region crisis where late Adegbenro led the pro-Awolowo forces in battling the break-away faction of the AG led by Chief S.L. Akintola. No doubt, the story on this crucial development which was to determine Nigeria’s first attempt at democratic rule after independence was written from the perspective of the political tendency to which the subject of the book belonged.

    It is interesting reading in chapter four about how Adegbenro was chosen to become the new party deputy leader over and above many top party leaders who were earlier considered in the race for who succeeded Chief Awolowo as Premier of Western Region. It was obvious that Awo, who was a good judge of men’s character and values, had seen Adegbenro as the man for the moment. The time then required a deputy leader whose virtues included loyalty, resilience, consistency, humility, piety and ability to ignore the lure of the lucre.

    However, much as one will recommend this book to students of history and political science, present and aspiring politicians as well as others who are interested in learning about Nigeria in her teething period of nationhood, there is so much work yet to be done in the area of proof-reading the text. There are so many spelling errors which sometimes are not only embarrassing but also altered the intended meaning of the author. Similarly, the author does not seem to have any respect for punctuations. And this is a major minus for the easy, free-flowing narrative style adopted in the presentation of the facts.

    Also, on page 143 is a great omission as the author claims that “Akintola’s biographer even maintains that there was no shred of truth in the official results as the election was shamefully rigged”. However, in the references listed on page 157, not only is the name of the quoted author, Osuntokun, wrongly spelt, the page being referred to, is missing. So, how does one cross-check the veracity of the claim?

     

    – Olaniyonu is Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Ogun State. 

     

  • Matters arising from Abia 2015 guber race

    Less than seven months before voters in Abia State, will file out to vote for their next governor, the question of the senatorial zone to produce a successor to the incumbent, Chief Theodore Orji, is already generating intense debates across the state.

    And it would not be surprising if the development translates into intrigues and high-powered permutations in the days ahead.

    At the centre of this unfolding drama, are the power blocks, which are the old Bende zone and Aba division. Of the two zones, the old Aba bloc is yet to produce the state governor since 1999.

    On the strength of this, the popular expectation is that Orji’s successor will hail from old Aba zone, which is also known as the Ukwa/Ngwa bloc in line with the Abia Charter of Equity, ACE.

    The ACE, which was occasioned by the need to assuage the fear of domination by any section, provides that the governorship of the state be rotated among the three zones.

    Instructively, the document specified the sharing of political offices in a manner that none of the divisions at the time of creating the state would dominate the other.

    The old blocs

    Accordingly, the zones at the period ACE was adopted were Afikpo Division, Bende Division and Aba Division.

    It is believed that the ACE made the creation of the state from the old Imo State possible, and had guided the emergence of two state chief executives so far.

    That may have informed Governor Orji’s declaration at different fora that he would hand over power to Ukwa/Ngwa people in 2015.

    According to Orji, the ACE, which prescribed power sharing in the state, remains sacrosanct and will be implemented in the interest of peace and equity. Orji said he would not like to take any decision that would plunge the state into political crisis, hence the decision to respect the charter.

    Ever since the governor made this known, divergent reactions have been trailing the decision, particularly from those, who are opposed to the idea. The promise also brought about a debate on which part of Ukwa/ Ngwa zone would produce the governor in 2015.

    Instructively, the  Ukwa/Ngwa zone comprises of nine council areas of which Obingwa, Aba South, Aba North, Ugwunagor, Ukwa West and Ukwa East fall under Abia South senatorial zone while Osisioma Ngwa, Isiala Ngwa North and Isiala Ngwa South councils make up the Abia Central zone with the Umuahia/ Ikwuano bloc.

     

    Complaint and opposition

    The opposition and complaint are hinged on the argument that Ukwa-Ngwa people are found in three Local Government Areas in Abia Central.

    Political heavy weights like Senator Nkechi Nwogu, Acho Nwakanma, Chief A.C.B Agbazuere, Chris Akomas among others, are of Ukwa/Ngwa origin, but situated in the central.

    This is why most analysts, opined that power sharing in the state remained between the old Bende bloc and Aba bloc.

    Instructively, the larger concentration of the native Ngwa are believed to be found in Abia Central Senatorial District.

    However, there is uneasiness in the camp of those, whose argument is that zoning should not overwhelm competence.

    To this group, the best man, who could be trusted for continuity should emerge from any part of state.

     

    Capability to serve

    While where the pendulum would swing to, is still left to be seen, analysts are of the opinion that if the disaffection arising from the governor’s support for the Ukwa/Ngwa is not addressed, the Ukwa/Ngwa people might lose the opportunity of providing the governor come 2015.

    Amid the ensuing permutations, the entrance of Senator representing Abia Central District, Sen Nkechi Nwaogu, has altered the political calculation, as she comes in with vigour and great sense of accomplishment.

    Nwogu is believed to stand a better position of representing Ukwa/Ngwa people

    A two-time Senator and a former House of Representatives member (2003 – 2007), she is known for her wealth of experience in administration and resource management.

    With this seemingly robust profile, the mood of the people outside and within the state, suggests that she stands a better position of representing Ukwa/Ngwa people.

    Before now, her aspiration existed in the realm of speculation, but the two-time senator, recently put the doubts to rest.

    Nworgu, at the PDP secretariat in Umuahia, formally declared her interest to govern the state on the platform of the PDP.

    The lawmaker, who holds two records of being the first woman from Abia to take a seat at the House of Representatives and the Senate, insisted that her gender would not be a disadvantage in her quest to succeed Orji.

    “If my party will support me I will run for the post of governorship. It is my aspiration, my desire. I have the qualification and experience to pilot the affairs of Abia State if given the mandate to govern Abia,’’ she stated.

     

    Massive empowerment programmes

    Reputed for her massive empowerment programmes, Nwaogu asked not to be judged by her by gender, noting that her qualification and antecedents, stand her out.

    The Senate Committee Chairman on Gas, insisted that she would build on the framework already laid by the incumbent, whose legacy projects have formed the foundation for a new Abia.

    She is believed to have made her marks in the upper legislative arm as the chairperson of the Senate Committee on Banking, where she used her position to get the banks conform to good corporate practices.

    Her experience as a former member of the House of Representatives has played a key role in her robust parliamentary activities in the Senate so far.

    With this towering profile, it is not doubt that Nwaogu is a remarkable force among all the aspirants.

  • Matters confusing

    Matters confusing

    Just about every aspect of the country’s way of life engenders confusion

    It should not be hard to write about matters capable of confusing normal and intelligent people in our country. Just about every aspect of the country’s way of life engenders confusion: infrastructure, traffic management, political governance, political party culture, etc. But today’s column is not about any of these ubiquitous problems. It is about a few things said or half-said about serious issues by those who should know better.

    The first confusing issue is about the ‘explanation’ given recently about how Prof. Festus Iyayi died two days ago. The Chief Medical Director of a Specialist Hospital to which Prof. Iyayi was taken after an accident nearLokoja said: “The late ex-president of ASUU had a penetrating injury to his heart, which might have killed him instantly.” The same expert said later that “the same penetrating injury may not have reached his heart,” adding that “beside his seat was a pair of Novas, an anti-hypertensive drug which suggests that he might have been hypertensive.”

    What is this medical talk designed to achieve, a science-driven identification of etiology of death? Did Dr. Amodu’s observations derive from the result of post mortem examination? Or, is he a forensic pathologist who can predict from just looking at the body of Iyayi to determine the cause of his death? What has having hypertension to do with dying at the scene of an accident? I am not a medical scientist but I happen to know as a former member of the Postgraduate School Board at Ife about the four sub-specialties under pathology: morbid anatomy, chemical pathology, microbiology, andhaematology. If Dr. Amodu is not a morbid anatomist, should he not have waited for the findings of an expert in this field before giving conflicting or confusing information to the public about a tragic death of this proportion?

    All the postulations made by Dr. Amodu should have been delayed to grow out of a thorough post mortem examination. Any attempt to speculate about whether Iyayi died from hypertension or some penetration to his heart should have waited for a post mortem. The statement by the hospital’s sole administrator: “I believe that what will be will be. Iyayi was just destined to die this way because nobody was unconscious in the vehicle” not only contradicted what Dr. Amodu, a chemical pathologist, said but also blurred, avoidably, the line between scientific thinking and fatalistic resignation.

    What is expected from members of a medical scientific community is to inform the public about what a thorough post mortem on Prof. Iyayi indicates, not speculations or sermons from medical scientists. After all, the country is not short of morbid anatomists to help conduct a post mortem. I can still remember such names as Professors Odesanmi, Obafunwa, Akang, Anjorin, and Elesa, to name a few. As far as the regular public is concerned, Prof. Iyayi must have died because of the accident. To bring in the issue of his being seen carrying with him anti-hypertensive medications is to give the impression that the authorities in Kogi want to diminish the role of the accident in Iyayi’s premature and sudden death.

    A similar distraction is manifested in the testimony attributed to Dr. Francis Idoko, a medical attache to the Kogi State Governor’s convoy. Dr. Idoko is said to have reported that the convoy’s rear vehicle rammed into the bus which was trying to avoid a pothole, adding that the convoy ‘brushed’ the side on which Iyayi was sitting. The question that comes to the average newspaper reader is where exactly was Dr. Idoko when the accident happened? Was he in the last car in the convoy and at what point in time did he determine that the vehicle conveying Iyayi was trying to avoid a pothole? Is Dr. Idoko able to tell the public if the last vehicle in the convoy that rammed into Iyayi’s vehicle was moving at a speed reasonable for a road with potholes? What is needed at this point of national mourning of a man who had made so much sacrifice for the good of this country is not to rush to any conclusion and give the impression that people in high authorities in Kogi are interested in watering down the impact of the accident that killed Iyayi.

    Another confusing matter is a recent statement by Senate Deputy President, Ike Ekweremadu:”There is no way the national dialogue would affect or necessitate the suspension of the amendment process….We cannot wait for the national dialogue because we do not know when it will start or when it will end.” It is not clear what the National Assembly plans to achieve by rushing to conclude an exercise that has been on for almost three years, on account of the inability of lawmakers to find out from the president when the national conference will start or end.

    Is it possible that the national assembly may know what the rest of the country does not know in respect of the national conference announced by President Jonathan? Many politicians have said that the President is not in a position to be serious enough to hold a meaningful national conference while many others have decided to give the president a chance and count their losses when he fails to deliver on his promise. For the body that has been trying for years to amend the constitution that a national conference is billed to remake or replace to say that it cannot afford to wait for citizens to indicate their preferences on the constitution they want may imply that the lawmakers and the president are not exactly on the same page on the importance of the constitution and on the role of citizens in the making of a constitution that affects them.

    If, despite the millions of naira spent so far on efforts to amend the 1999 Constitution, the president came to the conclusion that a national conference was direly needed to have an inclusive approach to amending the constitution, then somebody needs to tell the nation exactly why we should continue to spend money on ongoing or what seems to be interminable amendment of the constitution and also embark at the same time on spending millions on a national conference towards creation of a people’s constitution.

    It is too soon to give the impression that the national conference is part of the business as usual governance style that has bedeviled the country over the years. Common sense would indicate that two parallel exercises to amend or remake the 1999 Constitution should not be allowed. If the President believes that the ongoing amendments are adequate to keep the country sustainably united, he should quickly disband the presidential Advisory Committee on National Conference. If he seriously believes that a national dialogue is needed to achieve amendments that citizens can own, he should find ways to persuade the national assembly to give him a chance to do the national conference. What is not clear in the new rivalry between Ekweremadu’s position and that of President Jonathan with respect to the way to keep and grow Nigeria as a Union of Affection among the federating units is where both the president and the federal lawmakers locate the country’s sovereignty.

  • Leadership matters

    Leadership matters

    The Presidency has responded to critics who accused it of complicity in the police detention of Leadership newspaper journalists on an allegation that the journalists deliberately published a false story. It is interesting that the “false story” itself was about a “Presidential Directive” on opposition leaders. And when that story broke, the Presidency was alleged to have directed the police to clamp down on the journalists. The Presidency has therefore been in the business of issuing directives. The response was to deny this allegation. Did it succeed?

    The Presidency rightly and, in my judgment, validly argued that once it convinced itself that the Leadership story was false, it denied it and “the rebuttal from the Presidency was appropriate.” We should also accept the suggestion that publishers and editors have the professional obligation to “double check their claims, and where errors had been made, to quickly retract the story.”

    Let us go further and accept the Presidency’s favorable reference to the principle that “the freedom of expression goes hand in hand with great responsibility” and that professional ethics requires that journalists abide by this principle at all times.

    The question that follows is this: Assume that a journalist errs and fails to abide by this code of ethics. Let us assume further that the said journalist does so deliberately and with malice. What, on the part of a republic that is founded on the rule of law, is the appropriate response to such a deviant behaviour? It is the response to this question that distinguishes a democracy from a dictatorship and it is where the response of the Presidency still appears troubling.

    The presidential response speculates that Leadership story, which it considered “fictitious” was intended to “cause civil strife, engender a breakdown of law and order and negate the values of our democracy” and it concluded that it is a “very grievous act which should not be ignored.” We heard this before and it was not in a democratic setting! Once you start speculating about intentions, it is a short course towards clamping down “in the interest of the nation”, the interest which you determine on behalf of the nation. This has always been the challenge that democracies must respond to. No one—no matter how highly placed— has the right to determine the interest of the nation because behind every such move lurks ubiquitous self-interests camouflaging as national interest.

    The presidency response leaves no one in doubt concerning its leaning. Once it considers itself the aggrieved party, it has no problem claiming the right to feel offended and bruised. If a journalistic action that is judged to be a “disruptive act erodes the ethos of governance and professionalism,” as far as the Presidency is concerned, it “naturally stirs up those entrusted with the protection of law and order.” In other words, while the Presidency denies directing law enforcement officers to clamp down on Leadership journalists and detain them, it has no scruple defending the detention because it is “natural” for the police to “act in the public interest.”

    We are told by the Presidency that its response is not a brief for the law enforcement and security agencies, but it defends their actions by its insistence that “such a publication (as Leadership’s) like all others that threaten our democracy and undermine law and order, become the duty of the Police as an institution to investigate.” The danger here is obvious. It is the Presidency that has the certain knowledge that a publication threatens our democracy and undermines law and order. What is unclear is the basis on which the Presidency makes the judgment and, more importantly, what gives the Presidency the prerogative for that determination.

    Surely no person or agency is above the law. However, it is also true that we have separation of powers for good reasons, part of which is to avoid one arm of government from being the accuser, prosecutor, judge and jury at the same time to the detriment of the rule of law. The police is an agency of the executive for all intents and purposes. The reason that the Federal Government, including the Presidency, has been unsympathetic to the demand for state police and has blocked the amendment of the constitution to establish state police is the argument that state governments, including the governors, will use the police as a political weapon against opponents. There is understandable fear that this is exactly what is going on with the federal government.

    We can picture a different scenario. The Leadership newspaper publishes a story that the Federal Government deems false and defamatory. The Chief Law Officer of the Federal Government goes to court with a case against Leadership. Each side argues its case before a court of competent jurisdiction. The judge, an independent arbiter, pronounces a judgment. If Leadership is found guilty, it pays the price and other media houses learn from the case. This is the ideal path of democratic governance. More than a decade ago, we heaved a sigh of relief when we ushered in a new era of the republic and we vowed never to go back to the era of dictatorship and jungle justice. We cannot afford to go back.

    The Presidency suggests that the case of Leadership “offers the media an opportunity for introspection” on issues of “ethics and professionalism.” Indeed, it is also an occasion for the Presidency and governments at all levels to come to terms with the meaning and practice of true democracy. You are not going to like everything that citizens choose to say or do. But we have laws and processes. You have no right to abuse those laws and processes just because you feel offended and abused by a story. You do not have the right to determine what story endangers national interest. That is for the courts of law to determine. Each of us has a genuine interest in making sure that the rule of law is protected from those who would choose to drag it in the mud just because they have the power to do so. In the final analysis, it is what good governance is all about.

  • My novels tackle criminal and cultural matters – Orubebe

    My novels tackle criminal and cultural matters – Orubebe

    Ghandi Ebikeme Orubebe, an Assistant Inspector-General of Police (AIG) is a prolific writer and a novelist. His two latest novels – Deserts and Missing Daughters, do not only dwell on the myriad of issues troubling the society, Orubebe also carefully combines criminal, social, and cultural issues to point the way forward. It is obvious that with his background as a sociologist, Orubebe’s penchant for corrective measures in his works cannot be faulted. He spoke to Edozie Udeze in his office in Osogbo, Osun State, on his writings, how his wife influences him and more

     

     

    There is no doubt that prose writing is one of the most tedious things to do in life. For a society where there are already too many distractions, it is even much more difficult for one to sit down and write. But for Ghandi Ebikeme Orubebe, an Assistant Inspector General of Police, (AIG), creative writing has indeed become more than a hobby. To him, it is now a way of life; something that must be done not only to help the society move forward, but to also point out some ills that bedevil the entire citizenry.

    Why I write

    With his two latest novels – Deserts and Missing Daughters, he has proved that books can equally be used to fight crime and remould people’s attitude towards one another. Reacting to the reason why he even chose this part to greatness, Orubebe enthused: “In the Police Force, apart from the idea of running after criminals, when you are posted to a staff college as part of your official responsibility, you are duty-bound to teach the children well. But again over there, you have plenty of time to read books on your own. So, while I was there discharging my duty, I had time to read and write. Any book that caught my fancy I read in order to learn a lot more about the society,” he said.

    Beyond this rare opportunity to acquire more knowledge not only for himself, Orubebe also nursed the urge to render unconditional help to humanity. He said, “Yes, right from the beginning, I had always been in love with novels; in fact all sorts of books. And so, at a point, I felt it was time for me to put down my own ideas for people to read and learn from. And in producing most of my works, I carefully look at the various issues of crime, cultures and the like.”

    And because he has decided to make writing a serious affair in his life, Orubebe deliberately retires into his study at mid-night when members of his household have all gone to sleep. “Yes, it is more conducive to write when you cannot be disturbed. This is why I write very well at night. Most of the time, I would be alone in the ambiance of my study. And for me to complete a story, it can take me one or two months. Usually, it depends on the nature of the story and how much time I devote to it. Before I do that, I would first of all gather the ideas together in my brain. After that, the story idea then begins to flow,” he explained.

    Dealing with issues

    In Missing Daughters, the AIG rummaged into the depth of the male/female syndrome in Nigeria. To him, it is a theme that needed to be revisited and treat well for people to learn from. “Ha, you know in Nigeria, people tend to attach too much importance to male issues. I don’t know why it is so, probably due to male chauvinism. It seems if one doesn’t have a male issue, he is doomed for life. But everything really depends on what your kid can be in life; whether female or male. For me, however, both are good and should be seen so.”

    He went on: “But because it is a societal issue that was why I gave it this attention so that people would be able to see how to handle it. No, it is not that I have a personal experience or encountered people with such problems. It was just a spur of the moment, coupled with what obtains in practically in all parts of the Nigerian society. The point also is that as a sociologist, I was trained to primarily feel concerned about societal problems. It is my duty too to correct the ills of the society in whatever way I can.”

    As a born again Christian, Orubebe feels it is his moral responsibility to reach out to a lot of people through his works. “Oh, as a born again Christian,” he said, smiling reflectively, “you cannot shy away from being on the part of positivism. When you join these issues together, you have a burning urge to ensure that you do things that help to correct the wrongs in the society.”

    While at both the Federal Government Colleges, Bomadi and Ughelli, Delta State, at different times, the instincts to be a writer began to develop. Being a bookworm, young Orubebe promptly enrolled in the debating and literary societies of the schools to further sharpen his brain. “It was then I began to notice that one day I’d write my own books. This was years back. There, at Government College Ughelli while I was doing my Higher School Certificate, I took time to read a lot. Then the books of Professor Wole Soyinka appealed to me a lot. Even though I love African writers generally, Soyinka influenced me most. I love the way he increases one’s vocabulary and makes his works hard.”

    Familiar problems

    And because of this deep-rooted influence, Orubebe’s works concentrate essentially on basic familiar issues. He said: “Of course, some of the problems tackled in my books can be resolved depending on how you see them. It is just like the Police Force. It is usually said that a society gets the type of police force it deserves. That is exactly what these books should do to the people. If you are talking to a group of people and they are adamant, they don’t want to change and they can never change, no matter how you do it.

    “But if the people want to change, little touches here and there can help them to change. You see the example of Jeremiah in the Bible. There came a time when Jeremiah was sent to the people of Israel. But they told him point blank that he was wasting his time. Yet a few of them later turned around for good. That’s what these books can do to the psyche of the Nigerian people. Even though I have written other books, these two are topical and address issues of the moment.”

    In the main, Orubebe admitted that he uses his books to tackle crime. Although he doesn’t dwell wholesale on criminal issues, he sees his works as basically corrective. “I don’t deal with only crime. The society has more problems. The cultural issues we have are indeed inimical to societal growth and progress. Take for instance the issue of Osu-caste system in Igboland. Those things are not of God and we need to expunge them from the society. It is not good for man to find himself in those kinds of encumbrances. By the time you handle issues like that the society will be better for all of us,” he further posited.

    Patience’s angle

    In whatever crime issues he is involved in combating, the AIG sees plenty of stories in them. But in the first place, he made it clear that his wife, Patience, has the greatest influence on him. “Oh, yes, most of my stories were told me by my wife. Each time she told a story I’d make notes. It was her stories that first inspired me to write. After she’d told the story, I’d amplify them to make them into fictions.”

    Nonetheless, his books cannot be totally classified as fiction. “I don’t do fiction for the sake of fiction,” he said. “All I do is to use the story told by my wife to create real life scenarios; scenarios that are prevalent in our society. And with this, people can easily draw a lot of lessons therefrom. You see, if you believe in hard work, the end result is that you’ll make it in life. You don’t need to circumvent hard work because that is the bedrock of success. You really need hard work to get to your destination.”

    God’s touch

    Everything we have, comes from God. He created me to worship Him and I have chosen to worship Him for the rest of my life. For me, there is no escape route from that. That I have been able to come this far, is due to the grace and love of God, the creator of mankind and He has been guiding my senses in whatever I lay my hands on.

    “Indeed I am not serving God to please people or to impress anyone. Even if people say oh, how can a police officer be a born again, that is their business. All I know is that I love God and He has been good to me. We have such people in the Bible; even tax collectors. But once God has chosen you to be His own, there is no one to change it.”

    Orubebe who studied Sociology at the University of Lagos, also has a Masters degree in Business Administration from the University of Ibadan. It was after his first degree that he joined the Nigerian Police Force. Today he has over eight books to his credit even though only two – Deserts and Missing Daughters are ready for launch. “Yes, I hope to do the public presentation of the two books on 8th of next month at Asaba, Delta State. This is so because the two books appeal to the fabric of the nation presently,” he explained.