Tag: mind

  • Kenya on my mind

    Kenya on my mind

    Dateline: Friday, December 15, Nairobi, Kenya

    I spent last week in Nairobi, Kenya, attending a School of Communications Rights Seminar on Displacement, Interfaith Dialogue and Peace-building organised by the World Association for Christian Communication based in Canada.

    We were just about ending the programme when I got a mail reminding me of my column for this week.

    So what do I write about? I thought of the option of asking for the page to be filled with another write-up instead of putting myself under the pressure of writing the column for this week.

    Much as I would have wanted not to write and embark on sight-seeing with other colleagues before flying out Saturday morning, I chose to share my thoughts about Kenya which could well be my second country.

    I have had the opportunity of travelling there about ten times in the last fifteen years. Not only have I seen the beautiful capital city of Nairobi, I have on some of the visits gone to various parts including the Rift Valley, Naivasha and Limuru.

    I have enjoyed interacting with the people of the country, other visiting Africans and other nationals like I did on this visit. Kenya is indeed a destination country with its well-developed tourist attractions and it’s always a pleasure to be there.

    Despite the recent political tension in the country over the recent presidential election, which almost necessitated the postponement of the seminar I attended, it was a big relief that the opposition group called off its plan to name an alternate president in protest against the conduct of the election.

    Kenya like other African countries needs peace to sustain whatever level of development it has been able to achieve. It would have been a shame if reasons did not prevail and a major crisis had broken out over the election.

    It is not for nothing that most major continental programmes hold in Kenya. It is centrally located and has necessary facilities and an ambience of international standard.

    Getting the Supreme Court of the country to nullify the first election over irregularities was a major landmark achievement which the opposition should be proud of. It’s the first of its kind of judgment on the continent and the judges deserve commendation.

    Withdrawing from participating in the re-run election was not the best option for the opposition and with the later judgment affirming the second election, peace should be allowed to reign.

    There will always be another opportunity for election and hopefully the table could be turned around if the people prefer the opposition like they did in Nigeria, Ghana and Gambia.

    I join in congratulating Kenya on its 54th Independence anniversary marked last Wednesday. May peace continue to reign in the land. May the developments so far achieved not only be sustained, but surpassed in the years ahead.

    President Uhuru Kenyatta has the task of uniting the country. He must genuinely take steps to address whatever the concerns of the opposition or other groups are. Peace without justice cannot last for too long.

  • ‘Mind what, and how you eat’

    ‘Mind what, and how you eat’

    Mart Life Detox Clinic/Mart Life Wellness and Anti-ageing day Spa Managing Director, Mrs Idowu Ashiru, in this chat, tells OYEYEMI GBENGA-MUSTAPHA that a diet plan and others based on the principles of VIVAMAYR can guarantee good health.

    You are what you eat is the bedrock of  health. And this starts from training oneself in eating best parctice.

    According to Mart Life Detox Clinic/Mart Life Wellness and Anti-ageing day Spa Managing Director, Mrs Idowu Ashiru, the principle of  staying healthy includes learning to chew properly,  a habit, which can be acquired with proper training.

    She said Mart Life Detox Clinic/Mart Life Wellness and Anti-ageing day Spa abides by the principles of Viva Mayr, which stands for a lifestyle predicated on balanced diet, inner balance and a mindful way of living.

    Mrs Ashiru, a food nutritionist, was trained by the head chef in Viva Mayr, Mrs. Emanuela Fisher, on the principles of healthy Mayr nutrition and Mayr cuisine.

    She said Modern Mayr Medicine is based on the original Mayr cure, the famous detoxification programme developed by Dr. Franz Xaver Mayr almost 100 years ago in Austria.

    “This Mart-Life Detox Clinic approach combines traditional and modern naturopathic healing methods, applied together with state of the art diagnostic procedures. This ensures that our guests receive only the best diagnostics, monitoring and therapy. Detoxification is the core of every treatment program, and great value is placed on the relaxation, thorough cleansing of the digestive system, and the change of nutrition habits.

    ‘’For instance, we do colonic irrigation on guest as our intestines are not just responsible for absorbing nutrients, but also for eliminating waste products.

    She explained why. “This daily interplay may result in undesirable accumulations of waste products in the intestine. At the start of Modern Mayr Therapy at Mart Life detox Clinic guests go through the cleansing and detoxification of the intestine’s excretory function. This is to strengthen and support the detoxification process in the intestine. The treatment consists of water being flushed into the large intestine by means of a rectal tube to dissolve accumulated waste products. To support this process, the entire intestinal tract is gently massaged to encourage excretion in a gentle, yet highly efficient manner. Colonic irrigation has proven to be highly effective with all sorts of therapeutic reactions such as headaches, migraines, nausea, muscular and joint pain. Furthermore, detoxification via the large intestine is stimulated, optimising the success of the modern Mayr Therapy.”

    The result? “As Mart Life Detox Clinic/Mart Life Wellness and Anti-aging day Spa combines advanced modern international medicine with traditional healing methods, to build a strong immune system and increase energy levels. After treatment our guest looks and feel amazing so naturally and happier and more confident. At Mart-Life Detox Clinic we are dedicated to helping our guests in their quest for better health.”

    Shedding light on how the outfit operates based on the therapeutic principles of modern Mayr Medicine, Mrs Ashiru said: “Rest and simplification of the entire body and the digestive track in particular are the basis for treatment. This is by reducing the number of meals we consume and their content, through the way we prepare our food (light diet) and where applicable, by means of strict fasting (tea fasting, broth fasting), we ease the burden placed on our digestive system. When our guests come in, we normally let them realise that it is equally important that they regard modern Mayr therapy as a period of rest and relaxation.

    “We tell them to just unwind and enjoy the therapeutic applications. Try as much as possible to leave the stresses of their daily routine behind and reduce their consumption of information provided by TV, internet or telephone, as a matter of practice, mobile phones are not permitted in the dining room and treatment rooms). So, guests learn to switch off- literally and figuratively – and dedicate their energies to their health and well-being, while they are staying at Mart-Life.”

    So, what are the things  involved in treatment? Mrs Ashiru explained: “Cleansing the body by detoxifying is the first step after diagnosis. The intestinal tract is cleansed by means of bitter salts, Mart-Life base powder, Glauber’s salts or other saline waters that are consumed once a day or according to our orders. These salts gently cleanse the intestinal tract from the inside out, removing traces of undigested food and faeces. Enemas or colonic irrigation therapy may be used to cleanse the large intestine. As a second step, the body’s tissue is cleansed. Accumulated waste products are transported to the excretory organs via the lymphatic system and the blood and then removed naturally. This cleansing of the blood and the body other juices is what finally provides us with new strength and vitality. Plenty of fluid, dry brushing, hot and cold showers and exercise all support these detoxifying processes.”

    Thereafter, “We assist the guest to train his/her body to heal itself. The principle of learning how to help the body heal itself also includes learning to chew, a skill that can be acquired with proper training. Taking plenty of time over meals is just as important in this context as giving your body time to digest afterwards. Learning to stop to eat as soon as you have had enough and sticking to light meals at night, prepared in a gentle, easily digestible manner are important. Sometimes, self-discipline also means being able to say ‘No thank you’- especially after the therapy.

    “The manual abdominal treatment according to Dr Franz X. Mayr that is performed by a physician is also part of this learning process. It supports all digestive functions, helps detoxification and should be applied as often as possible – which is once a day during the guest’s stay with us. Being aware of the interactions and links between the individual components of our health help us to behave in a way that fosters our overall health and wellbeing. For this reason, we are keen to provide the guest with as much information as possible. We therefore urge guests to attend our lectures and seminars. Guests can book for cooking courses- to help them bring together all the lifestyle principles I have discussed to make their own Nigerian cooking healthy and non-toxic,” she added.

  • Restructuring: of the polity or the mind?

    Given the political history of Nigeria, it is conceivable that many of its leaders, especially those of military background would find problems of underdevelopment of the country in people’s mindset

    Recently, General Olusegun Obasanjo added his voice to the ongoing debate on restructuring by calling for restructuring of the mind of the Nigerian persona, rather than of the polity and economy of the country. Characteristically, whatever utterance the former president makes is bound to attract attention, not necessarily for his profundity but mostly with regards to the former president’s unique participation in the governance of the country in two capacities: military dictator and elected president. His latest contribution to the debate has, justifiably, been a topic for discussion, especially on the social media. While it is surprising that newspaper interviewers have not gone back to the former president to make him elaborate on his diagnosis of the country’s problems, the former president seems to have said enough to engender further discussions of his new theory of poor or ineffective governance in the country.

    Whatever nuances may have inhered in President Obasanjo’s theory of mental restructuring, it, in its denotative form, calls for major change of mindset of the country’s citizens, from top to bottom. In any community where there are problems, it is not unusual for perceptive leaders to attribute such problems to the mindset of citizens. Such buck passing is common, particularly on the part of leaders who want to shift the failings of their performance on followers. Only few leaders in history like to accept their own share of blame for consequences that arise from legacies bequeathed by them, particularly when citizens complain about such projects or visions.

    Given the political history of Nigeria, it is conceivable that many of its leaders, especially those of military background would find problems of underdevelopment of the country in people’s mindset. It is thus not surprising that of all the military generals that have had opportunity to participate in the governance of the country, only an infinitesimal minority had shown understanding of the role of political structure on the ineffective governance of the country. Such leaders cannot be up to ten percent of the hundreds of military men who had served as head of state, governors, ministers, and leaders of government agencies. The reason for this may be that just a few of such former military officers in political power had the opportunity to restructure their minds, to the extent that they are able to recognise the role of the architecture of governance between 1966 and now on peace and progress in the country. The change in the consciousness of former military leaders, such as retired Admiral Kanu, Lt-General Akinrinade, and even General Babangida and a few others who recently got converted to the imperative of restructuring of the polity shows that mental restructuring being promoted by General Obasanjo is not as exotic as it may sound.

    The mindset that re-designed Nigeria away from its federal system in 1960 is incontrovertibly that of the military. Many commenters have argued that whatever mistakes military rulers made between the end of the civil war and 1999 was more likely to have been of the head rather than of the heart. In other words, those involved in military rule must have meant well for the country when they made policies and decrees that degraded the country’s federal system or that they could only give what they had as professionals trained to live by command. Today’s column is not about apportioning blame as much as it is about showing how mindsets can create problems and how restructured mindsets can identify solutions to such problems. Increase in the volume of revenue garnered from petroleum export during the years in which military leaders enjoyed chorusing that “the problem of Nigeria was not money but how to spend it” must have convinced military minders of the country that creating a unitary system of mini states funded principally with revenue from oil was the most creative intervention any group of patriotic leaders like them could make. That mindset stimulated the philosophy of ‘Even Development’, not in terms of what is done for citizens across the country but in terms of allocation of funds to governments of a total of 36 states and 774 local governments.

    Of course, such intervention created opportunities for many bureaucrats and professionals in the 36 states to become governors, commissioners, and contractors made possible by revenue from petroleum and reduction of the percentage of such revenue reserved for regions of origin of petroleum and other resources at independence. Even traditional rulers got their own share of the soft cake, as more crown-wearing Obas, Emirs, Obis, and Obongs were created by fiat at the instance of state governors. What the military rulers and new designers of Nigeria overlooked was that anything unsavoury could happen to revenue from oil. Many civilians benefiting from creation of 12 to 36 states did not notice if the promise of stimulating development by bringing governments closer to the people ever materialised. The kind of fragmentation of governance units in vogue under military dictators is now back among lawmakers who are bent on giving autonomy to 774 local governments enshrined in the 1999 Constitution. Those waiting in the wings to become chairmen and supervising councillors, as well as village heads aspiring to become crowned traditional rulers are not likely to see anything wrong with creating and maintaining 774 governance units in a country less than twice the size of Texas, one of 50 states in the United States. Not many civilians are likely to take time to understand evolution in the history and culture of fossil oil and the possible impact gradual or sudden changes in the petroleum market is likely to have on the polity and economy of the not so distant future. Former President Obasanjo thus deserves kudos for bringing up the importance of restructuring of the mind.

    Certainly, a mindset that created a political and economic structure that has lost its relevance over time certainly requires that the problems created by the original mindset be changed before changing the mindset itself, more so if such mindset has become so ingrained that it might be resistant to change.  It is the need to control damage that has been created by a specific mode of thinking that now drives patriots to call for restructuring of the country’s polity. This demand in no way suggests that mental restructuring is unnecessary. To proponents of restructuring, it is more logical to first do away with a structure that is counterproductive before reforming the minds of those who created such flawed design, more so that such design diminishes the quality of the lives of majority of the population.  It is not accidental that most of the military men who contributed to de-federalisation of the country believe that everything about the structure of governance in the country is already cast in stone or iron. It is human for those who created the flawed design to see their ego as being bruised by people with a different mindset about how to nurture a multiethnic nation-state into a truly federal democracy. It is realistic for those who contributed to the current quasi-federal system to believe that some parts of them and of their valued legacy projects are likely to be jettisoned in the event of restructuring or re-federalisation.

    There is no evidence that those calling for political restructuring are averse to restructuring of the mind of individuals—rulers and the ruled. If anything, restructuring of the country’s political and economic system is likely to be more efficient for exercise in mental restructuring. Just as many citizens have become inured over time to the parasitic economic model created to power a parasitic political system that people now perceive to be unsustainable, so are they likely to be incentivised to cultivate a new mindset to respond to a political and economic structure that fuels achievement orientation in individuals; productivity on the part of communities; and more freedom of thought and action with which restructuring is bound to endow all communities and citizens. Without doubt, the country will benefit tremendously from political and mental restructuring, more so if the former takes place before the latter. It should not be hard for those advocates for political restructuring and those calling for mental restructuring to collaborate, as doing so can accelerate the process of creating sustainable unity, democracy, and economic development.

    Roposek@msn.com

  • MY FATHER THINKS I’VE LOST MY MIND FOR VENTURING  INTO ACTING – LYNDA DOZIE

    MY FATHER THINKS I’VE LOST MY MIND FOR VENTURING INTO ACTING – LYNDA DOZIE

    Armed with a Masters degree, budding actress, Lynda Dozie took the bold step about a year ago when she made a foray into the challenging world that is the Nigerian movie industry. She speaks with ADENIYI ADEWOYIN about why she ditched her certificates for the make-believe world, relationship and other issues.  

    WHAT inspired you into acting?

    From a tender age, I have always loved interpreting all the movie characters I watched in movies while growing up. That, I can say inspired me to go into acting.

    When did you decide you wanted to be an actor?

    At the age of 9, I knew I wanted to be an actress. So I spent a whole lot of my time at that age writing stories and forcing my siblings to act it out with me. That was how it all started for me. Professionally however, I would say I have spent about a year in the Nigerian movie industry.

    As a Master’s degree holder in Business Management, did you have any misgivings dumping your certificate for acting?

    Being a master’s degree holder for me was never a challenge. I always loved acting and for what we love, we never address it as stress. So I wanted to have a degree and be well educated before chasing my passion for acting. You know, like they say, passion is just not enough, you need to be well educated too.

    Didn’t your parents think you were about losing your mind to have taken such decision?

    Yes, my father still thinks I have lost my mind. The rest of my family members are indifferent, although sometimes they can be very encouraging.

    With just one year in the industry, you have worked with veteran actors. How did you pull that off?

    Working with veteran actors makes me feel excited, but it has really helped shape my career and keep me more focused. Most importantly, I’ve learnt a lot from watching them interpret their movie characters while on set.

    Who do you regard as your role models in the industry?

    My role models in the industry are those I grew up watching on TV at a tender age. Genevieve Nnaji and Stephanie Linus were my major career influencers so I would call them my role models any day.

    How do you intend to make your impact in the industry?

    It’s not a competition but I know with God, hard work and persistence, I will get my chance in Nollywood.

    Do you regard other female actors as threat to your acting career?

    No they are not; the sky is big enough for everyone to fly.

    Nudity is a major strategy used by aspiring acts to get known. Are you looking in that direction also?

    No I’m not!

    Does that mean you can or cannot act nude?

    Acting nude is a no for me. I’m not even considering it.

    Stardom sometimes robs people of their love life. Are you in any relationship right now?

    No, I’m not in any relationship yet.

    What’s your kind of man?

    I like a God-fearing, kind man, who has regards for me; someone who supports my passion and career as an actor.

    What interests you most about acting?

    Acting itself is interesting but for me the ability to interpret a character in so many ways is exquisite.

    What else do you do aside acting?

    I am a scriptwriter and I also market an online event store. It’s quite new though, but soon you would hear more about it.

    What are the things you are putting in place to ensure that the movie roles don’t stop coming?

    I’m working very hard on myself, taking acting classes online, attending film festivals, acting workshops, making contacts and connecting with filmmakers and producers so I can get first hand hints on audition notices and forthcoming film productions. Basically, I’m improving on myself while waiting for that one big chance to pop up.

    You recently released some new pictures under a new management. What is your relationship under this management?

    Yes, I recently signed on to Tribe Man Agency, a talent management agency based here in Lagos. Tribe Man Agency for me was the best choice I made this year, because the ability for people to take care of my career, like I’m their blood relative is rare these days. So I’m happy I have a management that is fighting hard to guide my career to the limelight.

    Which producers would you like to work with?

    Emen Isong, Kunle Afolayan, Obi Emelonye, Eric Aighimen, Judith Audu, ROK Studios, Tope Oshin and many more.

    How will you describe Nollywood presently?

    Nollywood is evolving at this stage but let’s not forget that this is one industry that has been ranked as the second highest employer of labour from the GDP analysis and it houses loads of talented people.

    Where do you see yourself in the next three years?

    In the next three years, I will be shooting for the stars (Laughs)! I see myself as being one of the most sought-after actresses worldwide. That is what I envision for myself in three years, God help me!

  • Manufacturing on my mind

    All over the world, nations are facing stresses from series of challenge – population growth, structural changes in the world economy, rural-urban migration, environmental degradation and rapid social change. One defining feature in all these is that societies with institutions, rules and norms for managing challenges and well established traditions of governance are generally better able to accommodate peacefully to change. Those with weaker governance, fragile social bonds and little consensus on values or traditions, on the other hand, are more likely to buckle.

    At the 43rd Annual General Meeting of the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) last year, the association discussed “The Future of the Manufacturing Sector” as its theme. The association, before then, had been hammering on the precarious state of the sector for years. Industries were closing shop in droves because of the harsh operating environment and the dearth of critical infrastructure like power. The situation is even direr than it was last year.

    Dr. Thabo Mbeki, former President of South Africa was the guest speaker. The choice of Mbeki, according to MAN President, Dr. Frank S. Udemba Jacobs was because “of his antecedents and achievements as President of South Africa.” During Mbeki’s tenure, The South African economy grew at a yearly rate of 4.5%. Similarly, massive employment was created in the middle sector of the economy, leading to the creation of a large pool of middle class, especially with the implementation of Black Economic Empowerment, which led to a high demand for trained professionals. South Africa also attracted enormous foreign direct investment, making it the focal point of African growth.

    During his lecture, he pointed out that Africa loses at least $50 billion every year through trade mis-pricing which would make an important and positive contribution to the continent’s development efforts including industrialisation. Mbeki called for “national cooperation” in developing an “Industrial Revolution Plan…to defeat the scourge of illicit financial outflows.” He suggested that MAN and the rest of the corporate sector should take it as one of their tasks in the context of the industrialisation of Nigeria to join hands with the government and civil society to fight against illicit financial outflows.

    This “illicit financial outflow” is almost bringing the country to its knees because of the huge demands for billions of dollars to import goods, even goods we have capacity to produce. In times like these, we need our industries now more than ever.

    The United Nation (UN) predicts that by 2050 there will be 2.5 billion Africans – a quarter of the world’s population. Because of this and other predictions, Africa has remained the toast of investors who would not want to miss the opportunity of investing in an emerging market with such huge population. But things have started changing the way few predicted. The way things stand presently, four of Africa’s biggest economies are showing strains.

    Nigeria, South Africa, Angola and Kenya, the four leading economies, are seriously affected by the fall in oil and commodity prices. Nigeria relies on oil for 70% of government revenue and accounts for 90% of export revenue. That leaves very little room to adjust the country’s budget. From an economic point of view, that can only mean one thing – slower growth. As a result, growth prediction is fixed now at 2.3%, the lowest rate in 15 years, according to the IMF. We have drawn down on our currency reserves and implemented capital controls, making access to dollars very difficult. In an economy that relies on imports, the controls have made life difficult for citizens and companies.

    All these point to one thing: the country’s future is in the balance. Whether it bounces back from this commodity slump or slips back into financial impunity of the past will depend on whether our leaders have the will and determination of moving forward.

    For me, two things are crucial. The first is to recognise the new reality. Given the decline in our terms of trade, Nigeria’s buying power has gone down. We are not in this boat alone as other governments are being forced to adjust to this reality which is also affecting rich Gulf nations like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait and others.

    The second is to focus on people, infrastructure and industrialisation. In recent years, the Economist and popular publications alike have argued that Nigeria, and indeed, Africa was on the threshold of an economic boom. Pointing to a decade of high growth and increased foreign investment, this argument held that the continent was finally on track to leave its long years of poverty and under-development behind. Some even said that Africa could become the next global economic powerhouse, following in the footsteps of East Asia.

    However, with this new reality, this position is now contentious for one obvious reason: weak or no industrial base. Nigeria’s growth would not be real, lasting, or beneficial until it is based on manufacturing rather than exporting raw commodities. Rather than focusing on the hype of mobile phones, we should ask critical questions and study some basic development indicators: Was manufacturing increasing as a percentage of GDP? Were the goods we exported becoming more valuable – finished products rather than raw materials?

    It is instructive to note that a 2011 U.N. report looked into these questions, and found that Nigeria and most African countries are either stagnating or moving backwards when it comes to industrialisation, quite unlike the East Asian experience.

    We are here because oil and commodity prices are plunging, China’s purchases are slowing, and GDP growth rates are in steep decline. Reflecting these trends, the IMF cut its 2016 projection for growth from 4.5 to 3.75 percent, concluding that the decade-long commodity cycle that had raised export revenues “seems to have come to an end.” With a population boom on the horizon, experts now worry about how Nigeria will produce enough jobs for its people.

    Without commensurate oil revenue, Nigeria’s flanks have now been laid bare. In November 2015, the Economist noted that “many African countries are de-industrialising while they are still poor, raising the worrying prospect that they will miss out on the chance to grow rich by shifting workers from farms to higher-paying factory jobs.” Nigeria’s import substitution industrialization (ISI) initiative that was expected to set the framework for the takeoff of most industries’ largely derailed because of lack of focus.

    But with the gains made in the cement sector, this appears to be our best bet for now. ISI is a trade and economic policy that advocates replacing foreign imports with domestic production. It is based on the premise that a country should attempt to reduce its foreign dependency through the local production of industrialised products.

    Nigeria has made several attempts at building a virile industrial base through import substitution. The concept depended on importing processed materials for assembling. The strategy bequeathed to the nation a number of assembly plants that were dependent on completely knocked down (CKD) components imported from industrialised nations. Volkswagen and Peugeot readily come to mind but soon fizzled out.

    The Obasanjo administration reawakened the initiative with the backward integration policy for the cement sector in 2002. The policy was designed to encourage local players to set up production plants with a view to making the nation self-reliant. Right now, local manufacturers of cement say they now have capacity that far exceeds demand.

    Dangote Group, which is the main driver of this revolution, changed the story when it ventured into local manufacture of cement, taking advantage of the enabling environment that the government had put in place to encourage local players. Dangote Cement Plc currently operates three cement plants located at Obajana, Kogi State, Gboko, Benue State and Ibese, Ogun State.

    It is quite possible that this can be replicated in other areas of the manufacturing sector. We can key into the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) call for “smart protectionism,” suggesting that trade policy in Africa should be “highly selective,” with special treatment for certain sectors to advance national development goals.

    This is right thinking. For Nigeria, job creation will continue to remain elusive if we do not make concerted efforts to bring back the in ll over the world, nations are facing stresses from series of challenge – population growth, structural changes in the world economy, rural-urban migration, environmental degradation and rapid social change. One defining feature in all these is that societies with institutions, rules and norms for managing challenges and well established traditions of governance are generally better able to accommodate peacefully to change. Those with weaker governance, fragile social bonds and little consensus on values or traditions, on the other hand, are more likely to buckle.

    At the 43rd Annual General Meeting of the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) last year, the association discussed “The Future of the Manufacturing Sector” as its theme. The association, before then, had been hammering on the precarious state of the sector for years. Industries were closing shop in droves because of the harsh operating environment and the dearth of critical infrastructure like power. The situation is even direr than it was last year.

    Dr. Thabo Mbeki, former President of South Africa was the guest speaker. The choice of Mbeki, according to MAN President, Dr. Frank S. Udemba Jacobs was because “of his antecedents and achievements as President of South Africa.” During Mbeki’s tenure, The South African economy grew at a yearly rate of 4.5%. Similarly, massive employment was created in the middle sector of the economy, leading to the creation of a large pool of middle class, especially with the implementation of Black Economic Empowerment, which led to a high demand for trained professionals. South Africa also attracted enormous foreign direct investment, making it the focal point of African growth.

    During his lecture, he pointed out that Africa loses at least $50 billion every year through trade mis-pricing which would make an important and positive contribution to the continent’s development efforts including industrialisation. Mbeki called for “national cooperation” in developing an “Industrial Revolution Plan…to defeat the scourge of illicit financial outflows.” He suggested that MAN and the rest of the corporate sector should take it as one of their tasks in the context of the industrialisation of Nigeria to join hands with the government and civil society to fight against illicit financial outflows.

    This “illicit financial outflow” is almost bringing the country to its knees because of the huge demands for billions of dollars to import goods, even goods we have capacity to produce. In times like these, we need our industries now more than ever.

    The United Nation (UN) predicts that by 2050 there will be 2.5 billion Africans – a quarter of the world’s population. Because of this and other predictions, Africa has remained the toast of investors who would not want to miss the opportunity of investing in an emerging market with such huge population. But things have started changing the way few predicted. The way things stand presently, four of Africa’s biggest economies are showing strains.

    Nigeria, South Africa, Angola and Kenya, the four leading economies, are seriously affected by the fall in oil and commodity prices. Nigeria relies on oil for 70% of government revenue and accounts for 90% of export revenue. That leaves very little room to adjust the country’s budget. From an economic point of view, that can only mean one thing – slower growth. As a result, growth prediction is fixed now at 2.3%, the lowest rate in 15 years, according to the IMF. We have drawn down on our currency reserves and implemented capital controls, making access to dollars very difficult. In an economy that relies on imports, the controls have made life difficult for citizens and companies.

    All these point to one thing: the country’s future is in the balance. Whether it bounces back from this commodity slump or slips back into financial impunity of the past will depend on whether our leaders have the will and determination of moving forward.

    For me, two things are crucial. The first is to recognise the new reality. Given the decline in our terms of trade, Nigeria’s buying power has gone down. We are not in this boat alone as other governments are being forced to adjust to this reality which is also affecting rich Gulf nations like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait and others.

    The second is to focus on people, infrastructure and industrialisation. In recent years, the Economist and popular publications alike have argued that Nigeria, and indeed, Africa was on the threshold of an economic boom. Pointing to a decade of high growth and increased foreign investment, this argument held that the continent was finally on track to leave its long years of poverty and under-development behind. Some even said that Africa could become the next global economic powerhouse, following in the footsteps of East Asia.

    However, with this new reality, this position is now contentious for one obvious reason: weak or no industrial base. Nigeria’s growth would not be real, lasting, or beneficial until it is based on manufacturing rather than exporting raw commodities. Rather than focusing on the hype of mobile phones, we should ask critical questions and study some basic development indicators: Was manufacturing increasing as a percentage of GDP? Were the goods we exported becoming more valuable – finished products rather than raw materials?

    It is instructive to note that a 2011 U.N. report looked into these questions, and found that Nigeria and most African countries are either stagnating or moving backwards when it comes to industrialisation, quite unlike the East Asian experience.

    We are here because oil and commodity prices are plunging, China’s purchases are slowing, and GDP growth rates are in steep decline. Reflecting these trends, the IMF cut its 2016 projection for growth from 4.5 to 3.75 percent, concluding that the decade-long commodity cycle that had raised export revenues “seems to have come to an end.” With a population boom on the horizon, experts now worry about how Nigeria will produce enough jobs for its people.

    Without commensurate oil revenue, Nigeria’s flanks have now been laid bare. In November 2015, the Economist noted that “many African countries are de-industrialising while they are still poor, raising the worrying prospect that they will miss out on the chance to grow rich by shifting workers from farms to higher-paying factory jobs.” Nigeria’s import substitution industrialization (ISI) initiative that was expected to set the framework for the takeoff of most industries’ largely derailed because of lack of focus.

    But with the gains made in the cement sector, this appears to be our best bet for now. ISI is a trade and economic policy that advocates replacing foreign imports with domestic production. It is based on the premise that a country should attempt to reduce its foreign dependency through the local production of industrialised products.

    Nigeria has made several attempts at building a virile industrial base through import substitution. The concept depended on importing processed materials for assembling. The strategy bequeathed to the nation a number of assembly plants that were dependent on completely knocked down (CKD) components imported from industrialised nations. Volkswagen and Peugeot readily come to mind but soon fizzled out.

    The Obasanjo administration reawakened the initiative with the backward integration policy for the cement sector in 2002. The policy was designed to encourage local players to set up production plants with a view to making the nation self-reliant. Right now, local manufacturers of cement say they now have capacity that far exceeds demand.

    Dangote Group, which is the main driver of this revolution, changed the story when it ventured into local manufacture of cement, taking advantage of the enabling environment that the government had put in place to encourage local players. Dangote Cement Plc currently operates three cement plants located at Obajana, Kogi State, Gboko, Benue State and Ibese, Ogun State.

    It is quite possible that this can be replicated in other areas of the manufacturing sector. We can key into the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) call for “smart protectionism,” suggesting that trade policy in Africa should be “highly selective,” with special treatment for certain sectors to advance national development goals.

    This is right thinking. For Nigeria, job creation will continue to remain elusive if we do not make concerted efforts to bring back the industries that defined Lagos, Aba, Port-Harcourt, Kano, Kaduna and other urban centres in the past.

     

  • Between mind restructuring and political restructuring 

    Between mind restructuring and political restructuring 

    The debate on restructuring is not abating and new thoughts are introduced into the factory of ideas on a regular basis. The latest is from Governor Ganduje of Kano State, who has urged us to bother more about mind restructuring and less about geopolitical restructuring. Presumably once we restructure the minds of Nigerians, either geopolitical restructuring will be added unto it or it would not be necessary after all. To drive home his point, the governor referred us to the United States as a model of diversity without concern for geopolitical restructuring.

    I am sure that Governor Ganduje means well for the country. According to media report, the ultimate goal for which he recommended mind restructuring instead of geopolitical restructuring is “to return the country to the path of progress.” This is also the desired goal of those who believe that absent political restructuring and true federalism, including devolution of power to component entities, the country will not experience the desired progress. Here then we have a conflict of views on the path to progress.

    I commend Dr. Ganduje for offering an alternative perspective towards the same end point, one that is substantive in its recommendation of mind restructuring. There are several issues to raise about the governor’s recommendation of mind restructuring as a substitute for geopolitical restructuring. But before we take on that task, there is a more urgent task.

    In support of his position, Governor Ganduje offered the example of the United States, which “is more geopolitically fragmented with more nationalities than Nigeria” and is the “strongest nation in the world.” Presumably then, diversity is not a liability. If this was the point of Ganduje’s reference to the United States in the context, I do not think he has any opponent, certainly not from advocates of political restructuring of Nigeria. They too see our diversity as our strength, provided it is well managed. By this they mean a truly federal structure, which we do not have now. Hence, the demand for political restructuring for the country to realise the potential strength of our diversity as does the United States.

    But Governor Ganduje meant something else and this is where the facts may not be on his side with respect to the political structure of the United States. The governor argued that “the United States attained its present status because of the ability of its leaders to harness the positive thoughts and actions of its heterogeneous population, and not by the restructuring of the country along geopolitical divides.” That is, it is not the political structure of the United States that helped its development into the most powerful nation on earth. Rather, it is the ability of its leaders to harness the mind and body of citizens that made the difference.

    One philosophical challenge to this position is that it creates a false dichotomy where none is warranted. Certainly if the structure wasn’t right to start with, the mind of the population cannot be harnessed effectively for the task of development. In the case of the United States, we are in a good position to determine which played the leading role in its progress over the years. It is the political structure which was settled early on in the intense debates before its constitution was ratified.

    The debate over the merits of federalism and confederalism engaged the convention delegates for long before they finally settled on federalism with the Bill of Rights enacted as compromise to protect the liberty of citizens. State rights were recognised. Limits were placed on federal government powers, and state and federal governments had dual spheres of authority. Each state has its constitution, state anthem, state symbols and other paraphernalia of governance. States control the minerals under their soil and on the basis of the revenue that accrues to them from taxation on the extraction of such minerals by private companies, some states, such as Texas, choose not to charge their residents state tax. This is how heterogeneity works and diversity benefits the entire country.

    Now, since the structure had been given adequate thought from the beginning and it works, there is no need for restructuring. If it aint broke, don’t fix it! We also opted for federalism in Nigeria at the beginning. But along the way, the country ailed, and in our effort to put it right, we applied the wrong remedy. The military chose to fix the challenge of leadership with a change of structure. It is this wrong move that needs correcting.

    Dr. Ganduje observed that the United States is “more geopolitically fragmented with more nationalities than Nigeria.” To a large extent this is true, but it is also misleading. It is true to the extent that every nation of the world has an imprint in the United States and it has become a nation of nations. But it is misleading because residents and citizens of the United States do not have the sense of place or the sense of origin that many Nigerians are encouraged to have.

    No one asks a United States citizen his or her state of origin when applying for a job or scholarship. Rather the question is always state of residence. That is not the Nigerian experience. Therefore, for Nigerian citizens, place of birth is a barge of identity no matter how long they have resided in another town, city, or state. So, whereas the United States has more sub-nationalities than Nigeria, this sub-national identity means less for a typical American than it does for a typical Nigerian. Americans freely move about states without loss of identity.

    Furthermore, the fact that the United States has a federal system that prioritises the autonomy of states on many governance issues is the most brilliant device which has fuelled its progress. The governor of a state in the United States is the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of his or her state. The governor is in charge of the security of the state. The governor appoints the Police Chief who hires his or her team.

    The governor determines the size of civil service the state needs and, based on the size of its economy, the state determines how much it can pay to its workers. The federal government has nothing to do with these state issues. Surely, there are tensions in the relationship and there are times when the United States federal government attempts to overreach and the states resist with law suits. There are also times when states try to play fast ones with regulations that affect their minority populations especially in matters of voting rights. In such cases, the federal government, especially one that is headed by a progressive president, may seek to intervene to make things right, usually by going to the courts.

    The effectiveness of the United States system of federalism is made possible because the states in the federation are viable entities on their own, and the residents of these states and especially the voting population challenge their governments to be effective. They have nothing to complain about if they are not as effective as they are expected to be. They are to manage their bureaucracies and their economies for the benefit of their population. Therefore, as CEOs, governors have to roll up their sleeves and remain competitive to attract investors and make their states business friendly.

    Viability of states makes the difference. In Nigeria, on the other hand, many states are no more than glorified municipal counties. The point of political restructuring is to correct this imbalance. It doesn’t make sense that states just exist on paper with little to discharge their responsibilities without the intervention of the federal government through financial bail-out. Geopolitical restructuring is the prerequisite for the viability of the constituent entities of the federation.

    Mind restructuring, by which Dr. Ganduje means the development of the mind and the harnessing of the positive thoughts of the population, is not an alternative to geopolitical restructuring. They are complementary, and there is reason to believe that if the structure is not right, the development of the mind will suffer. The evidence is too obvious to ignore.

  • Menu for  the mind

    Menu for the mind

    If knowledge is power, then the power of knowledge may well be the missing link in Nigeria’s quest for positive change and development. This is the kernel of a new book, The Humanities and Societal Change, by the Nigerian Academy of Letters (NAL).

    The publication, edited by NAL Fellow and General Editor Professor Moses Akinola Makinde, is a compilation of five papers, four of them delivered to mark NAL’s 2015 Convocation, while one is its Annual Lecture this year.  The book’s title was the theme of last year’s celebration of cerebration.

    The case for knowledge-based governance is presented by Makinde whose paper in the volume was the Convocation Lecture delivered at the University of Lagos, Akoka, Lagos, on August 13, last year. His words: “Nigeria has an abundance of intellectuals in the humanities, like members of the Nigerian Academy of Letters, who can lead successive governments to govern well, in freedom and virtue, if only they are reckoned with and their works are read, especially by men and women in governments.”

    According to the General Editor’s Note in the book, “The second and third papers were delivered at the Scientific Sessions at the same Convocation by Professors Abdul-Rashed Na’Allah, Vice Chancellor, Kwara State University and Yomi Akinyeye FHSN, FNAL. The fourth paper was a speech delivered at the Fellows’ Night at the Academy’s dinner on August 12. The fifth paper by Prof Is-Haq Oloyede was the Annual Lecture delivered at the Kwara State University, Malete, Kwara State, on February 18, 2016.”

    Makinde’s paper titled: Reflections on the pains of growth, offers a useful “conceptual clarification”. His explanation of change: “The word ‘change’ does not entail forward motion alone. It could be backward motion like turning the hands of the clock forward or backward – backward like Nigeria’s case of oil boom to oil doom. Therefore, while growth involves moving forward, change necessarily does not. It could be forward or backward change.”

    Interestingly, this background helps to properly situate the self-styled government of change headed by President Muhammadu Buhari as well as the demonstrably discredited previous administration under ex-president Goodluck Jonathan.

    Makinde describes corruption as “the most notorious problem in the Nigerian polity today and, consequently, a problem that has contributed in no small measure to Nigeria’s pains of growth.”

    He makes the point that “the only Head of State who was not removed by the military is General Buhari,” adding that “he was removed by the military who feared General Buhari would purge the military for corruption.”

    Makinde argues that the change symbolised by President Buhari is critical to “achieving the much desired goal of leading Nigeria from the desert to the Promised Land.” He supports his position that Man is the instrument of change with references to Japan, Malaysia and Singapore.

    It is food for thought that Makinde, a retired Professor of Philosophy, recommends what he calls “Abraham Lincoln’s option”. He says: “We must first acknowledge our sins, confess, repent and then ask God for forgiveness. This is the noble path America had taken in 1861 by the proclamation of Abraham Lincoln. Nigeria must follow suit. In a document contained in a book titled Shaping History through Prayers and Fasting, a former president of the United States of America, Abraham Lincoln, during his presidency, had “proclaimed three days of national humiliation, prayer, and fasting. His first proclamation (out of three) was requested by a joint committee of both houses and congress, and the day set apart was the last Thursday in September, 1861.”

    The subject of change is approached from another angle by Abdul-Rasheed Na’Allah, a Professor of English, in his paper, “Myth-Making and Myth Breaking – Roles of a Hausa Singer: Nigeria and the Impact of Oral Tradition in Election Politics for Change, 2011 – 2015.” The paper focuses on the songs of a Hausa oral poet, Dauda Kahutu Rarara, composed for change.

    In Na’Allah’s words: “When the results of the 2011 election did not favour his preferred candidate and the party (and they lost the election), Rarara castigates, and showers vituperations on the Election Umpire, Attahiru Jega, through the evocation of negative images, diatribes and tropes. On the other hand, when his party and candidate won the 2015 election, Jega was presented in flowery and uplifting, elevatory poetry.”

    It is fascinating that Na’Allah’s paper suggests that Rarara’s poetry played an influential political role, and gives it credit for influencing “the political will of the Chairman of INEC to provide an electoral strategy such as the Card Reader that will protect the sanctity and integrity of the people’s will in the Nigerian electoral processes and outcome in the 2015 Elections.”

    In his paper, Yomi Akinyeye, a Professor of History at the University of Lagos, discusses technological advances and their “side effects which only the humanities can tackle”.  According to him, “The disciplines of history, philosophy, sociology and political science have all preoccupied themselves with the societal problems that have arisen out of technological development within the state.”  His conclusion: “In the final analysis, it is the humanities that will assist man and society to cope with all the consequences of technology.”

    In her paper, Akachi Ezeigbo, a NAL Fellow and Professor of English at the University of Lagos, looks at “The Humanities as Change Agent” from a literary perspective. She focuses on “how the humanities can assist in bringing about the change that Nigerians yearn for today and proposes a new strategy or approach to studying and applying the humanities must be found to continue to be relevant in the 21st century.” Importantly, her paper calls for “the establishment of a national humanities centre as an Institute of Advanced Study in the humanities.”

    The last paper in the publication, by Is-Haq Oloyede, a NAL Fellow and Professor of Islamic Studies, is titled: “Utilising religion for national integration and development.” Oloyede, a former Vice Chancellor, University of Ilorin, Kwara State, and ex-President of the Association of African Universities (AAU), is a recipient of a national honour, the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR).

    Oloyede addresses “the nexus between Religion and Development”, arguing that “it is not religion that is destructive”.

    According to him, “Rather, it is human beings who in their desperation to gain due and undue personal and sectional benefits that find religion and ethnicity as potent tools because of the emotional attachments that the two provoke in the overwhelming majority of the populace.”

    It is important to note that Oloyede emphasises “the importance of religious integration and religious understanding as a sine qua non to national integration in a religiously pluralistic and ethnically diverse country like Nigeria”.

    The NAL publication is an intellectual menu for the mind. It is a useful contribution to a nation seeking positive change.

  • Smartphone on my mind

    Smartphone on my mind

    Each week, a columnist is confronted with a harvest of riveting issues and events to comment upon, more so in a country like ours where there are series of issues to write on, especially in these trying times. Today, I will however like to focus on an issue that has been on my mind for months now: how we use our smartphones during calamities.

    Today‘s Smartphone‘s has been around for the last six years when Apple introduced the Smartphone in mass consumer market, but in reality the Smartphone has been in market since 1993. The difference between today‘s Smartphone and early Smartphone‘s is that early Smartphone‘s were predominantly meant for corporate users and used as enterprise devices and also those phone were too expensive for the general consumers. All that changed with Apple’s innovation. The boundary was stretched further with android phones.

    I witnessed a shocking scene last December which unfortunately has becoming a recurring decimal in our society today. We got to a terrible accident scene where some people lost their lives. Ordinarily, one would’ve expected people to lend helping hands to the wounded and those trapped in the wreckage of the vehicle. But that wasn’t the case; they were instead busy taking pictures with their smartphones, sending and calling third parties narrating the scene of the accident in details!

    Appalled at this lack of feelings, I went down on my knees, held the hand of one of the wounded passengers and consoled him to hold on that help is on the way. All he could do was to nod his head. I then appealed to a young man – who was among those taking pictures – to assist in getting leaves to cover the faces of the dead to at least give them dignity.

    A while later, officials of the Federal Road Safety Corp (FRSC) arrive the scene and took charge, but not before I seized the opportunity to speak to the young man who assisted me on why I think it is morally wrong to take pictures of the dead and send out without respect for their dignity.

    If the dead could speak, they would scream at us for violating their dignity by posting pictures of their battered remains on social media. They would remind us that it is inhuman, uncharitable and irreligious to disrespect them that way. And for most African cultures, it is an abomination to treat the dead with such disrespect and lack of reverence.

    There are reasons why cultures around the world have very dignified and respectful ceremonies, customs and traditions around the remains of a dead person. These are not by accident. The way we treat the dead, is often a picture of the way we treat the living. When we fail to respect the dead, sooner or later, that lack of dignity and respect will find its way to the living. Little wonder some publicly run morgues around the country, and their treatment of the remains of the dead is a tell-tale and pointer to the treatment of the living.

    When Diana Princess of Wales died in an auto accident in France, one of the first paparazzi to get to the scene took some pictures and thought he would be an instant millionaire when he sells the pictures to media outfits. But he got the shock of his life when the media unanimously refused to buy or publish the picture because they felt it was not dignifying to do so. An Italian magazine later used the pictures years later.

    I recall an incident at the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH) morgue after the Dana plane crash two years ago. The attendants took their time to appeal to people present – including journalists – not to take pictures because of the nature of the corpses. I found it quite unfortunate when people started arguing that it was their “right” to take whatever pictures they so desire. The attendants stood their grounds and had to result to fisticuffs to ensure that smartphones and cameras were not used when people came to claim their dead.

    It is instructive to note that when we put up the picture of the dead on social media – especially the mutilated ones, – we actually give some of the social media outfits the right to trade these pictures to third party companies. I was shocked when I saw the way the pictures of some nuns and young men who died in auto accidents were treated, and commented on, on social media.

    This, to me, is an indictment not only on the individuals that uploaded such pictures, but also those that accommodated them on their sites and the social media outfits that hosted and harboured them. It portrayed them as insensitive, unconscionable, unethical and willing to go to any length to “drive traffic” to their sites. Would they have done that if those involved were their relatives? I doubt they would.

    This is the downside of smartphones. Someone sent a joke to me recently saying a drowning child is more likely to drown today than before because potential rescuers will rather reach for their smart phones and busy their fingers taking pictures of the incident to update their status on social media rather than lifting a finger to help. How true this is, though sent out as a joke in our social-media-smartphone crazy world.

    The Sept. 23, 2013 murder that took place on a San Francisco train is a classic example of this behaviour. On that day, in a crowded car, a man pulls a pistol from his jacket; raises the gun, pointing it across the aisle, before tucking it back against his side. He draws it out several more times, once using the hand holding the gun to wipe his nose. Dozens of passengers stood and sat just feet away — but none reacted. Their eyes were focused on smartphones and tablets until the gunman fires a bullet into the back of a San Francisco State student getting off the train!

    The incident – which was captured on CCTV and later shown on cable news channels – is a powerful example of the unique change that public space has suffered in the age of hand-held computing. There are thousands of similar stories, less tragic, more common, that together sound the alarm for a new understanding of public space – that we should take our eyes once in a while from our phones and tablets and look at our surrounding.

    Beyond this, people tend to spend more time on their smartphone than socialising with others; this destroys relationships according to experts. Nowadays, people spend most of their time on their smartphones while driving, walking or even working. This is how technology is affecting our lives in a rapidly changing world.

    There is no doubt that smartphones has made our lives a lot easier. Smartphones allow us to communicate with people easily, learn new things, use applications that make our life simpler, and even develop our businesses. Also, there are many examples of smartphones applications that make our life simpler such as maps, weather and other vital apps.

    Analysing the other side of smartphone usage, the urban theorist, Malcolm McCullough, writes that: “Never has distraction had such capacity to become total. Enclosed in cars, often in headphones, seldom in places where encounters are left to chance, often opting out of face-to-face meetings, and ever pursuing and being pursued by designed experiences, post-modern post urban city dwellers don’t become dulled into retreat from public life; they grow up that way. The challenge is to reconnect.”

    Some are taking drastic measures to “whip people into line.” I read a story where the host of a dinner party collects phones at the door to force people “to connect.” In the same story, partners at a law firm maintain a no-device policy at meetings and each day, a fleet of vans assembles outside New York’s high schools, offering, for a small price, to store students’ smartphones during the day. In situations where politeness and concentration are expected, backlash may soon mount against our smartphones.

     

     

     

     

  • Jonathan on my mind

    The mind is a funny thing.  In politics as in love, the mind tends to remember only the good things, the good times.  You see plenty of old geezers hanging around talking about the good old days and how things were better in their time.  It really wasn’t, but that is the mind for you.

    A combination of nostalgia and the crab-like beginnings of Buhari’s new administration have caused a few people to begin to look back fondly at the recently terminated Goodluck Jonathan years.  But before we all got carried away completely, here comes Col. Santa Dasuki and his goody bags.

    The past days have been awash with revelations of how our former National Security Adviser during the Jonathan administration frittered away some $2.1 billion in just a few weeks.  Dasuki allegedly shared out the money largely among his PDP colleagues, some newspaper houses, prayer warriors and himself.  The worse bit is that the money was meant for arms purchase to counter the scourge that was Boko Haram as members of that sect were busy daily killing thousands of defenceless Nigerians, killing some of our military combatants and laying to waste a significant portion of Nigeria’s north-east.

    There was even a confessed instance where government operatives allegedly went directly to the Central Bank with Ghana-must-go bags and carted away money to Dasuki to apparently enable the retired Colonel share the booty more quickly.  It looks a safe bet that this is not a one-off; more sordid escapades of mindless, unchecked and perhaps permissive looting of the commonweal might yet come to light.

    Dasuki worked under the direct supervision of Jonathan.  Jonathan had in fact authorised the withdrawal of all that money following a formal confirmatory request by the then Finance Minister, Dr Okonjo-Iweala.  Once authorisation was given, that apparently ended Jonathan’s role as President and manager of resources hence Dasuki and his mates simply went and had themselves a swell time.

    Alas, this was the pattern throughout the Jonathanian years.

    There was a time when his administration procured a software, I think, that was used to flush out ghost workers in some federal parastatals.  In one small agency, nearly half the workers that were drawing salaries and other benefits turned out to be non-existent.  Once the system was cleaned and stabilised, no attempt whatsoever was made to go after those that had perverted the payroll and had been benefiting from defrauding the state.  These people were left alone and left intact to go and practice their trade in other guises.

    The Jonathan presidency was one of a vexing display of helplessness.  It was a period of dangerous ineptitude.  In a complex space like Nigeria, we had a hands-off chief. While corruption never started with Jonathan’s administration, it certainly grew wings and became something hitherto unimaginable.   Throughout Jonathan’s almost six years in office, I cannot remember one single solitary person that was tried and convicted for corruption.  Rather, we began to be re-indoctrinated that it didn’t matter how people got into office or how they got rich.  Just let them get rich.  What mattered was that their richness meant the country was rich.  And before you knew it, we began to count private jets as an index of Nigerians’ wellbeing.

    We all know the story…Before anybody heard of Brother Jonathan, the man was a lecturer in a school, minding his own business.  He taught some young people who were sufficiently interested the exciting life of fauna.  Just reading passages to a roomful of students was a painfully tedious task for him.  He was utterly uninterested in the administrative end of things.  He left the management of his day-to-day life in the over-bearing hands of his wife.  He kept largely to himself and kept his head well down.  Life was easier for him that way.

    Then entered DSP Alamieyeseigha, freshly booted off the Nigerian Air Force.  Alamieyeseigha plucked a docile Jonathan from the obscurity of school life and made him his deputy.

    As Deputy Governor, Jonathan stood by and watched while Alams went about his grim thieving business.  He even allegedly pleaded a couple of times with then president Obasanjo to let Alams be.  Our man from Ota was impressed and took note.  This was loyalty, a good quality to have as far as he was concerned.

    A few short years later, Obasanjo drafted-in an uninterested, unhealthy and unprepared Umaru Yar’Adua largely so OBJ could stick his middle finger to the rest of the country for torpedoing his attempt to perpetuate himself in office.  Then, he paired up the colourless Yar’Adua with an even less colourful Jonathan.

    As Vice President, Jonathan still kept his head well down.  He was not in the mould of, say, Atiku or Dr Ekwueme.  He wasn’t entrusted with any genuine state or administrative duties, responsibilities or functions and he never asked for any.  He never demonstrated any discernible managerial desire, skill, or capacity.  More significantly, he still left the management of his life largely in the steady hands of his wife.

    It was therefore an unhappy and a horrified Jonathan that watched Yar’Adua’s health plummet not even halfway into their first term.  In the end, and despite his own personal reservations, Jonathan had to inherit the big seat.  To help him out administratively, the Americans persuaded a reluctant Okonjo-Iweala to return to Nigeria and become Jonathan’s de facto Prime Minister.

    So it was no great surprise when Jonathan turned out to be an inattentive leader.  His officials ran circles around him to Nigeria’s cost.  ‘Clueless’ was actually his lack of attention and permissiveness which enabled known and new vampires feast heavily on Nigeria.  Santa Dasuki’s case is a draining reminder, lest we forget…

    • Egbejumi-David, a public affairs analyst, writes from Lagos.
  • Books on my mind

    Nothing can add to our intellectual development more than reading books.  Inside them, we can experience new things that we would not ordinarily be able to experience. With an active imagination, you can go to other worlds as if you are physically there. Books can change our lives and other people’s lives. In essence, reading can make us more intelligent. Without reading we wouldn’t know most things that we know today.

    As individuals, we are capable of inventing new ideas, creating manuals to teach others virtually everything under the sun. – writing books to teach our children about history, other cultures, the world around us and setting up new laws that will forever change our lives and the lives of others. We have educated ourselves beyond our ancestors by reading and studying books and various manuals.

    I read and reread four books recently which I feel are crucial to where we are as a nation today. I’ll use this space today to highlight them. I found the 2012 book, “Why Nations Fail,” quite fascinating when I partially read through in mid-2013. The more I read, the more I appreciated the thoughts that went into it. Co-authored by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) economist Daron Acemoglu and the Harvard University political scientist James A. Robinson, the book argues that the key differentiator between countries is “institutions.” Nations thrive when they develop “inclusive” political and economic institutions, and they fail when those institutions become “extractive” and concentrate power and opportunity in the hands of only a few.

    So why is Nigeria and most of African countries poor? Africa, from their perspective,  is poor because it has suffered from a long history of “extractive economic and political institutions.” These are part of deeply rooted historical processes which manifested in slow development. The negative impact of the slave trade, which had a devastating institutional impact, the “extractive nature” of colonial rule and the legacy of colonialism since independence equally formed part of why we are poor.

    They raised two salient and age old questions: Why is it that some parts of the world are much richer and more successful economically than other parts of the world? What can poor countries do to make themselves richer? To answer these simple, yet difficult questions, they propose a theory based on differences in economic and political institutions. “Institutions” are defined as the rules (both formal – written laws and the constitution – and informal – like social norms) that structure economic, political and social life and generate different patterns of incentives, rewards, benefits and costs.

    The “extractive political institutions” that was in place for a better part of our post-independence period took the form of military dictatorship which led to a weak state unable to raise taxes, enforce law and control violence as is evident with the Boko Haram insurgency and the spate of kidnappings and armed robbery. This weak state is at its best creating monopolies for the politically connected. But as expected, the result has been economic decline.

    What is their solution? The broader evidence is the need to move towards “inclusive” institutions. “Our framework emphasizes that this is not a technocratic economic problem, this is a political problem. Focus first on developing inclusive political institutions and the economics will sort itself out. All countries which now have inclusive institutions historically had extractive institutions. How did they change them? We emphasize the emergence of a broad coalition which pushes for and underpins inclusive institutions (e.g. The British Glorious Revolution of 1688).”

    In a bold and provocative interpretation of economic history, Matt Ridley, the New York Times-bestselling author, makes the case for an economics of hope in “The Rational Optimist: How Prosperity Evolves,” arguing that the benefits of commerce, technology, innovation, and change – what he calls cultural evolution – will inevitably increase human prosperity.

    Over the years, the word “market” tends to set off what is akin to a religious war. Opponents accuse proponents of blind faith in the ‘Miracle of the Market.’ The proponents too often seem to confirm this accusation by overpromising and underproving what the market can do. Each side recites its creeds.

    In the book, Ridley argues for markets as the dominant source of human progress. He synthesizes a great deal of material, spinning the history of humanity from the stone ax to the computer mouse. The chapters tracing the human story from 50,000 years ago through the 17th century are themselves worth the price of reading. With vivid storytelling he illuminates the huge role of markets and trade in material progress.

    Ridley’s key concept is gains from exchange, which make possible gains from specialisation, which in turn make possible technological innovation. Gains from exchange and specialisation certainly rank as the most important economic ideas of all time. Combining technologies to make new technologies is another favourite idea of Ridley. If we look beyond his too casual metaphors he makes sense. How about his cringe-inducing metaphor, “ideas have sex.” For example, the telephone had carnal relations with the computer, and their love child was the Internet.

    He strains to fit the notion of ideas having sex into what he calls the “Procrustean bed” of his “gains from exchange” story of progress. But sharing ideas is not the same as exchanging goods. It is often accidental and involuntary: it’s hard to keep a good idea a secret, so strangers are likely to gain from your idea without your getting anything in exchange. The dissemination of ideas is therefore more mysterious than the gains from exchange of goods.

    I also find “Portfolios of the Poor: How the World’s Poor Live on $2 a Day,” written by Daryl Collins, Jonathan Morduch, Stuart Rutherford and Orlanda Ruthven a nice read. It is based on the analysis of financial diaries, tracking every financial transaction of individual households, taken from studies between 1999 and 2005 in rural and urban areas of Bangladesh, India, and South Africa.

    A key strength of their analysis is that it is “bottom up,” starting with how people actually live, and not narrowly focused on the evaluation of interventions. A central role for finance is in smoothing out income fluctuations to ensure that there is enough money to provide food and other basic requirements on a daily basis. To this end households use savings and borrowings simultaneously, mixing informal, interest free loans from friends and family, wage advances and rent arrears, semi-formal (microfinance) loans, and in occasional cases formal (bank) services. Here the cash flow analysis captures what matters, not the balance-sheet.

    This leads into some suggestions for ways in which microfinance could be improved. There’s demand for a cash-flow management facility that combines the ability to make small savings of any size at any time with loans of modest value that can be accessed quickly.

    Finally, in “The End of Power: From Boardrooms to Battlefields and Churches to States, Why Being In Charge Isn’t What It Used to Be,” Moisés Naím argues that power is not merely shifting and dispersing, it is also decaying. Those in power today are more constrained in what they can do with it and more at risk of losing it than ever before.

    He illuminates the struggle between once-dominant megaplayers and the new micropowers challenging them in every field of human endeavour. Drawing on provocative, original research, Naim shows how the antiestablishment drive of micropowers can topple tyrants, dislodge monopolies, and open remarkable new opportunities, but it can also lead to chaos and paralysis. The author deftly covers the seismic changes underway in business, religion, education, within families, and in all matters of war and peace. Accessible and captivating, Naim offers a revolutionary look at the inevitable end of power – and how it will change your world.

    He acknowledges that wealth is now more concentrated than ever in the hands of elites and the institutions they control. But he argues further that the ability of elites to use their assets to influence and shape the world has dissipated. Rather, power now manifests itself in new ways and places. New technologies and novel social groupings have allowed inventors, activists, terrorists, and many other types of people to exercise more influence.