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Tag: Muhammadu Buhari

  • Buhari eulogies and aftermath

    Buhari eulogies and aftermath

    In the next one or two weeks, the obituaries written on the late former president Muhammadu Buhari will dry up. It is in the nature of his life and administration that such compositions will have ephemeral value as his controversial image probably deserves. He died on July 13, was buried on July 15, and since then, for nearly one straight week, copious obituaries have been composed on his life and times, whether in or out of office. The obituaries have naturally been mixed, distributed almost evenly between those who eulogise him, some of them outrightly elegiac, such as the expanded Federal Executive Council confected on July 17, and those who dismiss his character and capacity in scathing and unsparing post-mortems. Given how polarising and unappeasable he was as a person and political and military leader, no one seems sure how heartfelt the eulogies are, whether they mirror reality or whether they are merely being politically correct. But as for the bilious post-mortems, no one needs to measure the amperage of the words to determine that they are unfeigned.

    The surprise in all this is the genuineness of President Bola Tinubu’s grief over a man who in his eight years in office was conflicted about requiting the devotion and reverence shown him by the future president. Ex-president Buhari of course deserved a state burial, and President Tinubu dutifully and wholeheartedly gave him one, including composing a stirring lamentation for the departed. But how much of it was duty or heartfelt may never be known. Perhaps it depends on which part of the former president the sitting president decided to focus on. There was the President Buhari who never really idolised President Tinubu, and had taken extraordinary steps to preclude him from succession, including exorcising the ruling party of all his influences, and promoting a cocktail of policies designed to make the former Lagos governor’s ascension impossible. Those hurdles were orchestrated over eight years, and in particular, and with added severity, over the last two years before succession. The late president was not averse to being sponsored in every material particular by the Lagos politician, but he was loth to compensate his devoted associate.

    But there was also the President Buhari who at the last moment, after the deluge of hostile and orchestrated policies had not barred the former Lagos governor from fighting for and winning the nominations battle, had sensibly got out of the way and declined to swing the presidential election one way or the other. President Tinubu had always said that all he needed was for the former president to observe strict neutrality, insisting that he was quite capable of dealing with his contenders, singly or collectively, be they the cantankerous and entitled former vice president Atiku Abubakar and the unprepossessing former Anambra governor Peter Obi. In the end, but indefensibly for a man who benefited so much from the former Lagos governor’s help in winning the 2015 election and the 2019 reelection, he decided to stay neutral. Neutrality may not indicate affection, but President Tinubu appears grateful that he did not have to battle an openly biased sitting president in addition to warding off attacks by fierce competitors, religious bodies, and even tactless and venomous Yoruba elite. However, it speaks to the essential Muhammadu Buhari that he never matched what he felt were the duties of others to him with the obligations he correspondingly owed them. How the eulogists of the expanded FEC, not to say his many faithful aides, glossed over this mainstay of his character is beyond comprehension. Did he perhaps reflect on this contradiction before he passed away peacefully in London? The story may never be told.

    On balance, and as many obituarists catch their breath in order to carefully pen their thoughts on the departed, it does seem like former president Buhari has been successfully characterised as shallow, pedantic, simplistic, boyishly honest, bigoted, and a blight on Nigeria. How much of this characterisation is fair and accurate may be difficult to gauge in the short term. There are always two sides to a man: one good, the other bad, and no one personified both sides than the former president. At certain moments and to those close to him, he seemed incredibly thoughtful, benign, empathetic, and unrepentantly nationalistic. At other moments, given his befuddling public speeches on sore national and existential issues, he seemed the total embodiment of ethnic and religious exceptionalism, in fact a promoter of Fulani hegemony. The debate will continue for some time. But whether the jury will be hung is hard to tell, especially if the eulogists do not, as expected, observe a ceasefire.

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    What appears indisputable about the late president’s life and leadership is that his limited education and exposure, particularly going by his disinclination to improve himself, conspired to render his projection of great principles and assimilation of a great sense of justice impossible. Presiding over a country of over 230 million people armed with a disparate sense of justice, an improper appreciation of the rule of law, a simplistic view of developmental economics, an impressionable understanding of the debilitating intrusion of religion in national politics, and inability to develop a penetrating vision of the future is bound to wreak havoc on any presidency. When he left office some two years ago, the lives of Nigerians were not altered in a positive and substantial way. He was in fact already mummifying in his retirement. Had his death not come a little quickly after he left office, though he always seemed quite older than his official age, he would have been confined to anonymity in a year or two more.

    In the months ahead, Nigerian politics will have to contend with the vacuum the former president’s death has left. Because he did not create a systematic body of thought, and since the northern elite as a group was wearied by his intransigence and wary of his mass appeal, his captive and generally unquestioning followers will now be rudderless and up for grabs. This vacuum may explain the avalanche of eulogies by politically correct aides and analysts, not to talk of the reticence of the northern elite. It may also partly explain why President Tinubu has been careful to give the devil his due, idiomatically speaking so to say. It is not known whether the president foresaw that this day would come earlier than expected; but he must now fashion a way to get a huge slice of the charged Buhari crowd, regardless of how viciously the CPC component of the APC constitutes itself into a wrecking ball. But judging from how deliberately little the late president impacted the 2023 presidential poll in favour of the ruling party, the president must now take his destiny in his own hands to woo a region he had for over two years bent over backwards to mollify. He may surprisingly have more success in that endeavour than he believes possible, for there will now emerge a fierce competition for the soul of the region by northern political leaders determined to avert an even more catatonic Atiku hegemony.

  • Sights and sounds of the Buhari burial

    Sights and sounds of the Buhari burial

    It is hard to miss the scores of anecdotes that came out of the Muhammadu Buhari burial rites, which the mainstream media either glossed over or buried in the bowels of their paragraphs. Three of the anecdotes deserve special mention. The first one came innocuously from Katsina State governor Dikko Radda. He recollected an interaction he had with the late former president over the fuel subsidy controversy. According to the governor, the former president had remarked with uncommon candour: “I pity Bola (President Tinubu) for what he is doing. He is a brave man for removing the fuel subsidy. When I was president, whenever I made an attempt to remove the subsidy, a lot of people would give me too many reasons not to do so. But Bola did it immediately. If he had consulted people, he could not have removed the fuel subsidy…” Nor could former vice president Atiku Abubakar and former Anambra governor Peter Obi, both of whom ran for the presidency and pontificated insincerely on what they would have done differently about the subsidy.

    The second anecdote was a Freudian slip from former head of state Abdulsalami Abubakar while paying a condolence visit to the Buharis in their London residence. Said he while recounting his relationship with the late president:  “My relationship with Buhari dates back to as far back as 1962; we joined the military, and he was my senior. During the unfortunate civil war, we fought in the same sector. Buhari is a gentle man who is very quiet but exceptionally honest.” Gen. Abubakar of course meant to praise ex-president Buhari, but he managed to cast doubt on the true age of the departed leader, a constant dubiety among Nigerian leaders, judges, and footballers. Gen. Abubakar himself is officially 83 years old, so how at death could his senior be younger than he is? Of course, according to some sources, the late president was about 89 years old. After all, former president Olusegun Obasanjo is over 91 years old, though he claims to be 88, much younger than those who called him egbon (senior).

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    The third interesting titbit, but a little more disturbing, came from one of the late president’s former longtime associates, Buba Galadima, an engineer and fiery politician. He stated categorically that he and others recruited the late president into politics for nefarious and sectional reasons. Hear him: “General Buhari came into politics; it wasn’t his province. He never liked politicians because he believed we are fake and that we don’t mean what we say, but there was an incident that made some of us to recruit him, convince him, and use other people to convince him to join politics, even though we had our own agenda…To cut a long story short, we achieved our first purpose of putting a brake to what OPC was doing because immediately Buhari joined partisan politics, we had a very big outing in Daura to initiate him into politics. The Obasanjo government became restive and was shaking to its bone marrow and because those were some of our thinking, Obasanjo had to really checkmate the OPC. So we achieved our first purpose of bringing General Buhari into partisan politics.” In other words, the late Buhari, perhaps unknown to him, was dragged into politics to help checkmate the Odua People’s Congress (OPC) militancy.

  • Gambari admits to ‘cabal’ under Buhari, says every govt has one

    Gambari admits to ‘cabal’ under Buhari, says every govt has one

    Former Chief of Staff to late President Muhammadu Buhari, Professor Ibrahim Gambari, has admitted that a cabal existed in the Buhari administration, stating that such power blocs are a natural feature of every government, regardless of the name they are called.

    Speaking during an interview on Channels Television’s Inside Sources hosted by Laolu Akande, the former presidential aide explained that while there was widespread speculation about the existence of a cabal around President Buhari, such groups are neither unusual nor unique to his administration.

    “They say there was a cabal, there was. Every government has a cabal. They may call them a kitchen cabinet; they may call them a think tank,” Gambari stated.

    The seasoned diplomat, who served as Chief of Staff from May 2020 to May 2023 following the death of Abba Kyari, emphasised that informal advisers and trusted associates have always played significant roles around Heads of State across different administrations.

    “(Former President Olusegun) Obasanjo had a group of people—the Aboyades of this world and others—a small group of people. It’s the nature of the office of the President that they must have some people in and out of government whom they can let their guard down to and talk to freely,” he explained.

    According to Gambari, what distinguished one administration from another was not whether such circles existed but the level of influence such individuals wielded. 

    Read Also: Fed Govt gets kudos over Buhari’s burial 

    “Some have more powers than others but I’m bold to say that every government has a cabal of some kind or another, whatever name it is called. So, there was (a cabal under Buhari),” he said.

    Reflecting on his experience in office, Gambari disclosed the challenges he encountered in managing presidential correspondence and decision-making protocols.

    “When I came as Chief of Staff to the President, he made a statement publicly. He said all memos must go through the Chief of Staff before coming to him. Even the Vice President (Yemi Osinbajo), to his credit, always passed his memos through me and several ministers,” he said.

    However, Gambari admitted that certain individuals in the administration found ways to bypass official channels, exploiting President Buhari’s personal weaknesses. 

    “Our people still got their memos to him from behind because they knew his weak point and who to use and he never stopped them. But the advantage I had was that the memos came back to me,” he revealed.

    He noted that these individuals had cultivated a level of informal access to the President that allowed them to sneak communications past official processes. 

    “They knew his weak moment, they knew when to smuggle (memos) because they knew him as they interacted with him informally,” he said.

    Gambari also touched on Buhari’s earlier stint as Head of State from 1983 to 1985, offering insights into tensions that may have contributed to his ouster by military colleagues. 

    “I was a Minister 1984–1985 but I wasn’t privy to why he was removed by his colleagues; they put him there. But one of the reasons I’m told was the military people were resenting the fact that Head of State Buhari was now getting a lot of advice and second-guessing the decision of his military colleagues—the Supreme Military Council,” he said.

  • Abi/Yakurr people won’t forget Buhari in a hurry- C’River Rep

    Abi/Yakurr people won’t forget Buhari in a hurry- C’River Rep

    The member representing the people of Abi/Yakurr Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, Dr Alex Egbona has described the death of the former president, Muhammadu Buhari, as a personal loss to his people.

    Saying that Abi/Yakurr people would remain grateful to Buhari forever, Egbona said it was under his tenure that a federal polytechnic was approved and established in Ugep.

    He was reacting to the death and burial of the former President.

    Egbona noted that Buhari’s decision to approve the polytechnic came at a time that he was already in the middle of legislative processes for the establishment of the school.

    ” At a time that I was already pushing for the establishment of the federal polytechnic, Ugep, the former president decided to give us the institution through a presidential directive.

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    “For this reason, we remain grateful to him. My people are forever grateful to Buhari for the magnanimous gift of a federal polytechnic to my federal constituency.

    “His death is therefore a personal loss to us as a people. We got the polytechnic earlier than we would have got it, if we were to go through the parliamentary route.

    ” Today, Ugep and environs have seen increased economic activities and our people are the better for it, courtesy of Buhari.

    “Those who would ordinarily have not been able to access tertiary education very closely, have been given access by reason of the school which is close by,” he stated. 

    Egbona prayed God to accept Buhari’s soul, even as he sought divine protection for the bereaved family.

    He also asked God to console President Bola Tinubu and the APC over Buhari’s death.

  • Death and the Mai Gaskiya

    Death and the Mai Gaskiya

    Mai Gaskiya ne; Mai Gaskiya ne, the crowd roared and roared as the convoy of vehicles screeched to a halt on one of his campaign trails in the north. Of course, you guessed right. The roaring crowd, made up of the masses, was hailing none other than General Muhammadu Buhari. Mai Gaskiya, the honest one, was an appellation that stuck to him like a second skin until his death five days ago. Buhari died in London on Sunday and was buried in his Daura hometown in Katsina State on Tuesday. Buhari was a crowd puller in the north, especially among the talakawa, the hoi poloi, that never got a second look from many other politicians, except at election time.

    Buhari had time for them all the time. He was at home with the poor, the vulnerable and the downtrodden. Buhari did not just happen on the political scene.  Long before his foray into politics, he was a military general known for his ruthlessness. His tough reputation preceded his coming into office in 1983 as military head of state, following the ouster of the Shagari government. His first coming as the nation’s leader is remembered till today because of his relentless war against indiscipline, corruption, and drug abuse.

     He ruled with fiat like all military dictators, sending people to jail and death, even before prosecution! He jokingly referred to this era in one of his rare interviews as civilian President. Buhari rued that he could not rule with such iron fists in a democratic setting no matter how strongly he felt about certain issues. Things must follow due process and cannot be done with ‘automatic alacrity’ a’la the military. He ruled with decrees, churning them out at a frightening rate that made the public shiver. The more famous ones were Decrees 2, 3 and 4.

    Decree 2 was for the detention of persons for eternity until the junta decides otherwise ; Decree 3 established the military tribunals under which many Second Republic politicians were tried and jailed for donkey years for corruption; and Decree 4 was the anti-media law that punished practitioners even for publishing the truth. Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor had a bitter taste of  Decree 4. Many Nigerians, save for the talakawa, who saw themselves in him because of his asceticism, never forgave him for his deeds between 1984 and August 1985 when he held office as military ruler.

    His deputy, Tunde Idiagbon, was not different. They were two of a kind. And the duo struck fear into Nigerians. Buhari took a big gamble when he decided to go into politics, some years ago. Does he think we have forgotten what he did as military ruler? Is that what he wants to come and replicate as President? President ko, President ni. The questions and remarks came in torrents. Amid the umbrage, he took the plunge, pitching his tent with the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP). To the political class, Buhari was an outsider to be kept at arm’s length. They could not give him the cold shoulder for long, though, because he was ‘a man of the people’.

    There is nothing more that politicians crave than to have such a man in their corner. With Buhari on their side, his party members were sure that they would get block votes from the north. The question was: will his much-touted 12 million votes be enough to get him the Presidency? It was a poser that they could not answer during three election cycles spanning 2003 to 2011. Buhari was always sweeping the polls in the north, making mincemeats of his opponents, leaving them with little or no votes in the presidential elections of 2003, 2007 and 2011. His talakawa again and again delivered the votes in those polls, as he emerged as the north’s top politician since the days of Sir Ahmadu Bello, Mallam Aminu Kano, and Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. A new northern leader has risen, but the handshake across the Southwest that would give him the Presidency was elusive. He needed that handshake badly in order to cross the presidential finish line.  

    In 2014, the handshake that will shake the foundation of the nation finally took place when Buhari joined forces with President Bola Tinubu. Tinubu was then the leader of the Action Congress of Nigera (ACN), while Buhari was the stalwart of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). With the rumps of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and ANPP from which Buhari had carved out CPC, the two political titans built the All Progressives Congress (APC). APC created a major political upset, the first in the country’s annals when it defeated the incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan of PDP.

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    From then on, Buhari’s political fortunes changed. After three attempts, he finally made it to the Presidency. All eyes were now on him as he succeeded Jonathan at a time of great anxiety. The challenges were legion. Insecurity and the economic doldrums were the major issues. With his military background, Buhari was expected to tame the monster of banditry, terrorism and kidnapping. With some states and local government areas in the hands of Boko Haram, he was expected to move with haste to liberate those territories. After all, he did so before as a military officer.

    When shortly after assuming office, he said he was relocating to Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, which remains the epicentre of Boko Haram insurgency, a troubled nation hoped that at last, the troublers of Nigeria had met their match. Buhari was a veteran of such battles. As general officer commanding (GOC) in the Second Republic, he pursued members of the Maitatsine sect who wreaked havoc on Kaduna out of the country. Even when asked to stop by his commander-in-chief, he reportedly did not relent until he achieved his goal. Since then, the Maitatsinists seem to have learnt a lesson. Why did he not do the same to Boko Haram? Some analysts have asked, claiming that there is no difference between both sects

    They also question his economic credentials. There is a reason or reasons for every season and epoch in every country. Some leaders attain geat heights in certain seasons, while others do not. Buhari might have had his shortcomings, but he had a good heart. Good heart may not be enough to run a nation, but it is enough to chart the path for others to follow. Buhari led to the best of his ability. He remained true to himself to the end. People around him may have capitalised on his simplicity and his health challenge to commit all kinds of atrocities in the name of governance. He might have found out too late also that politicians ose nu enu fun (politicians cannot be trusted) as the Yoruba will say.

    Governance is no tea party. Buhari knew that well having been a military ruler earlier. But as he later learnt, democracy is a different ball game. He might have been overwhelmed by the art of nation building, but his concerns for a united and indivisible Nigeria where the people, especially his beloved talakawa live a good life, were true and genuine. Little wonder that the heavens themselves blazed forth his exit. Adieu, Mai Gaskiya.

  • Buhari: A call for reflection, forgiveness, and prayer

    Buhari: A call for reflection, forgiveness, and prayer

    Sir: The recent passing of former president, Muhammadu Buhari, has stirred diverse reactions across the nation. As expected in the wake of a leader’s death, emotions are high ranging from solemn prayers to bitter criticisms.

    Yet in moments like this, we must ask ourselves: where is our humanity? Where is our sense of compassion, especially when a life, no matter how controversial, has ended?

    Leadership is never easy. No matter how well-intentioned, no leader can satisfy the needs of every citizen. Some will gain much, others little and some nothing at all. That is the nature of governance, shaped not only by vision but by circumstances, limitations, and often, factors beyond human control.

    Even the most capable of leaders make mistakes not out of malice, but simply because they are human. And no human is perfect.

    Throughout his tenure and even after leaving office, President Buhari often expressed regret and openly asked for forgiveness from the people he served. He acknowledged that he may not have gotten everything right, and in doing so, he displayed a rare humility.

    Sadly, many have continued to rain down curses, mockery, and abuse on him even after his death. Some have even rejoiced, believing his end marks divine retribution. But this attitude is not only unjust; it is dangerous.

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    The Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him) said: “Whoever believes in Allah and the Last Day should speak good or remain silent.”

    The principle is clear, especially when it comes to the deceased. None of us is promised tomorrow, and we do not know who among us is next to stand before our Creator.

    What legacy will we leave behind? Will we be remembered with prayers or with scorn?

    Rejoicing over someone’s death, no matter their mistakes, is a sign of a hardened heart. It reflects a failure to recognize that one day, we too will lie in silence, helpless and dependent solely on the prayers and mercy of others. If we desire forgiveness in our own final hour, should we not offer the same to those who came before us?

    To those still consumed with bitterness and anger, I urge you to let it go. Let the dead rest. What has happened is now between him and his Lord. No amount of insults will change the past, but your prayers might help soften your own heart and open doors of mercy for you in this life and the next.

    And to all Nigerians, I say this: forgive, not because they deserve it, but because you seek forgiveness from the One above. Pray for others, because one day, you will crave those prayers for yourself. And know that whatever good or evil you sow in this world, you will surely reap its harvest.

    May Allah, the Most Merciful, forgive the shortcomings of our former president, Muhammadu Buhari. May He accept the good he did, overlook his mistakes, and reward him with eternal peace. May Allah admit him into Al-Jannatul Firdaus and shower his family and the entire nation with patience and comfort.

    •Hussaini Ahmed Kumshe, Maiduguri, Borno State

  • Buhari’s interment: It’s business as usual, again

    Buhari’s interment: It’s business as usual, again

    Sir: With the burial rites of late president, Muhammadu Buhari concluded, the political class is already shifting its attention back to familiar territory: the race for 2027. The air is thick with renewed scheming, alliances are being formed and broken in whispers, and the focus is no longer on legacies or service but on power, positions, and personal gain.

    The deaths of three former presidents, Sani Abacha, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, and now Muhammadu Buhari should have been sobering moments for Nigeria’s ruling class. These were powerful men who held the nation in their hands, yet death humbled them, suddenly and unceremoniously.

    Abacha died in power, without warning, at the peak of his dictatorship. Yar’Adua, despite his gentle disposition and vision, was consumed by illness amid political controversy. And now, Buhari, who ruled Nigeria for eight years, departs after a retirement that was meant to be peaceful but was ultimately brief and surrounded by mixed legacies.

    Yet, none of these events have served as cautionary tales. The message that power is fleeting, and life itself is uncertain, continues to fall on deaf ears. Nigerian politicians act as though they are immortal, and as though elections are guaranteed and that tomorrow is promised.

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    Now that Buhari has been laid to rest, the masks are off. Political godfathers are returning to the drawing board. The loud calls for reform and nation-building that briefly followed his death have already quieted. Behind the scenes, familiar deals are being struck, and old rivalries are reigniting. Even as Nigeria bleeds from inflation, insecurity, and unemployment, the ruling class is focused on zoning formulas, endorsements, and backroom meetings. It is business as usual, a vicious cycle of politics without purpose.

    Do these politicians ever pause to reflect on their mortality? Do they consider that, like those before them, they too might never live to see the next election? The obsession with 2027 ignores the truth that death is no respecter of ambition or office. What legacy will they leave if their end comes suddenly?

    Nigeria doesn’t lack leaders; it lacks reflection, humility, and long-term vision. The political elite has turned democracy into a deadly game of thrones, where public service has become self-service.

    The burial of Buhari should have inspired a moment of national soul-searching. Instead, it has become just another news cycle, quickly replaced by the fever of political jostling.

    As 2027 approaches, it is clear that the same old playbook is in use. Nigerian politicians continue to ignore the lessons of history, the inevitability of death, and the urgent need for change. But for how long can a nation keep spinning on this cycle of ambition and forgetfulness?

    •Tochukwu Jimo Obi, <jimobi83@gmail.com>

  • The Muhammadu Buhari legacy

    The Muhammadu Buhari legacy

    It is fashionable for Nigerian political official holders to invest time and resources on edifices and infrastructure they grandiosely dub ‘legacy projects.’ Their hope is that future generations would remember them positively for the brick and mortar monstrosities they left behind.

    Ancient Greece and Rome also had grand edifices which are just ruins today. What has endured from those civilisations are the idea of democracy and the concept of republican rule.

    We see in the Muhammadu Buhari transition, that the greatest legacy may be the noble character of an individual that a nation can look to as a compass.

    Amid the deluge of tributes to the late president, a recurring reference has been to his integrity and aversion to corruption. This is rare in a nation when public office is a tried and tested route to unbelievable wealth; where occupants of powerful positions quickly acquire outsize egos in addition to wealth of questionable origin.

    Despite spending the better part of his working life in public service – occupying some of the most ‘juicy’ positions in government – he managed to remain ‘poor’ in comparison with his peers.

    This was a man who once superintended the Petroleum Ministry and never managed to soil his hands in the tricky business of dispensing oil wells. No scandal arising from mismanagement of public funds successfully attached itself to him. Little wonder he could, with much credibility, offer on multiple occasions to be an agent for cleansing the rot in the land. His consistency caused him to become known as Mai Gaskiya, Hausa for the honest or truthful one.

    Aside his rejection of corruption, he was known as a stickler for discipline. An older generation of Nigerians would be familiar with how in the early 80s he and his side kick, Brigadier General Tunde Idiagbon, tried to remake the nation in their image. Their ‘War Against Indiscipline’ (WAI) crusade sought to whip into line a boisterous and unruly populace who had turned their country into some African version of the Wild, Wild West. That project was akin to forcing unwilling horses to the stream: they just refused to drink.

    No surprise, therefore, that Buhari’s military colleagues, uncomfortable with his spartan rigidity, conspired and toppled him. His downfall was a breath of fresh air for an elite and general population that longed for a return to corruption and lawlessness. The stern general would spend the next couple of years cooling his heels under house arrest while his compatriots rushed back to business as usual.

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    While the nation returned to its accustomed debauchery, he retreated into his shell – hardly ever interfering in the scheming successor regime of President Ibrahim Babangida. He would briefly reappear in the public eye when the General Sani Abacha administration wanted a respected figure to oversee the management of the Petroleum (Special) Trust Fund (PTF). This was an aggregation of revenue from removal of subsidies and an increase in fuel price. The proceeds were to be invested in infrastructure projects across the country. The jury is still out on how equitably the projects were distributed, but there was no question that people could see where the money had gone.

    One curious thing about Buhari is how he transformed from this stern, unsmiling military ruler into a man beloved of his people once he exchanged his fatigues for civvies. I presume it’s because they could compare this unassuming individual with a spartan lifestyle – despite the opportunities he had for self enrichment – to the demi-gods in power gorging themselves from our commonwealth.

    As public outcry rose with the unveiling of some new, mind boggling financial scandal, the Buhari mystique grew. His cleanliness became a stark alternative to the rank smell of graft in high places. More and more, people began playing with the idea of, once again, entrusting power to a man they once feared.

    This sentiment wasn’t universally shared among the elite. It is well reported that many within the powerful Northern ruling class admonished leading promoters of the nascent All Progressives Congress (APC) to drop the idea of enthroning Buhari as president. Their lobbying came to nothing in the face of unstoppable historical forces.

    If people keep talking about the man’s unique attributes, it’s not because he lacks achievements in the indices by which success in political office is more commonly measured. The late president accomplished much in eight years. He built the landmark Second Niger Bridge connecting the rest of the country to the Southeast. This was after several false starts by preceding administrations. He got trains running across the country, modernised the military and rolled back the takeover of large swathes of territory by Boko Haram and other terrorists. His investment in growing local staples like rice are notable.

    Like every leader, he disappointed in many areas. For while his personal integrity was never in doubt, the same couldn’t be said about leading figures in his government.

    The late president was an uncommon political phenomenon; a man who always managed to attract around 12 million votes in every electoral cycle in his region.

    He was truly the Nigerian equivalent of the ‘Teflon president.’ These types of individuals only appear once in a generation.

    In life, he changed Nigerian politics – becoming the only opposition candidate to defeat an incumbent president. Even out of office, without aspiring to become some sort of Olusegun Obasanjo type of godfather or power broker, he continued to influence things. Politicians from APC and the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) beat the bush path to his Kaduna redoubt seeking blessings for the looming 2027 battles. The likes of former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, made a song and dance about consulting him before defecting.

    But at core Buhari was an honourable man. He quickly distanced himself from any suggestion that he would work against a house he had built, or undermine Tinubu whose support had made it possible for him to become president.

    Now, he’s gone. Pretenders may think they can inherit the locked-in loyalty of his 12 million voters. They deceive themselves. There would only be one Muhammadu Buhari. His political family – the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) – would quietly dissolve with local strongmen asserting themselves over their fiefdoms.

    It was already happening with the departure of the likes of El-Rufai and former Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, to the evolving African Democratic Congress (ADC). Reiterating their loyalty to APC and Tinubu are the wing led by former Katsina State Governor, Aminu Bello Masari and his erstwhile Nasarawa colleague, Umaru Tanko Al-Makura.

    His exit makes Northern Nigeria open territory in the run up to the next elections. It becomes a field of opportunity for all players, with unique advantages for the incumbent president and his party. It would also expose the true strength of many who have been prancing about claiming to be heavyweights, when in reality they only rode on the back of the Buhari wave at each election.

    The late president was loved to bits by his admirers, despised in equal measure by haters. He was a polarising figure not just for his political and religious views, but for his role as a senior officer during the civil war. That made him an object of suspicion in the Southeast despite his best efforts to court the region through picking the likes of the late Senate President, Chuba Okadigbo, as running mate at some point. Judging from reactions in the zone to his passing, he never became flavour of the month.

    Think what you may of the man, Buhari was a giant whose life and actions have impacted Nigeria and would continue to do so. His critics would do well to remember that the work of nation building is never truly done. Now, the nitpickers have their opportunity to show they can do better.

  • World leaders extol ex-President’s role

    World leaders extol ex-President’s role

    More World leaders yesterday paid glowing tributes to  former President  Muhammadu Buhari , who died  on Sunday in London. He was 82.

    Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, described Buhari’s death as a great loss.

    He recalled his wisdom, warmth, and steadfast dedication to fostering the India–Nigeria relationship.

    “Deeply saddened by the passing of former President of Nigeria Muhammadu Buhari. I fondly recall our meetings and conversations on various occasions. His wisdom, warmth, and unwavering commitment to India–Nigeria friendship stood out. I join the 1.4 billion people of India in extending our heartfelt condolences to his family, the people, and the government of Nigeria,” Modi wrote on his official X handle.

     President of South Korea, through its Embassy in Nigeria, acknowledged Buhari’s contributions to strengthening diplomatic ties between both countries.

    “It is with deep sadness that we mourn the passing of former President Muhammadu Buhari. His leadership helped shape Nigeria’s path and contributed to the growth of South Korea and Nigeria relations. Our thoughts are with his family and the people of Nigeria during this time of loss,”

    Read Also: Buhari’s death marks end of an era — Dabiri-Erewa

    The Embassy highlighted that under Buhari’s administration, cooperation expanded in trade, energy, education, and technology, leading to joint initiatives aimed at boosting industrial capacity and enhancing human capital development.

    After the news of his death broke on Sunday, the United States Mission and China expressed their condolences to the late ex-President Families and to Nigeria.

    Benin Republic President Patrice Talon, also expressed grief over Buhari’s death, recalling their collaboration on bilateral ties.

    He wrote on X: “I was saddened to hear of the passing of President Muhammadu Buhari, whom I’ve had the opportunity to work with on strengthening the ties between Benin and Nigeria. In the middle of this sorrowful moment, I extend my heartfelt condolences to the brotherly people of Nigeria and their authorities, and assure them of our prayers and closeness.”

    Senegalese President, Bassirou Diomaye Faye, described Buhari as a significant figure in Nigerian and African political life.

    “I learned the sad news of the passing of President Muhammadu Buhari. Senegal pays tribute to the memory of a significant figure in Nigerian and African political life. I extend my heartfelt condolences to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to the family of the deceased, and to the brotherly people of Nigeria. May his soul rest in peace,” Faye said.

    Ethiopian Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed Ali, also condoled with Nigeria. He noted that the thoughts of Ethiopians are with Nigerians during this period of mourning.

    “On behalf of the Government and People of Ethiopia, I extend sincere condolences to the family of former President Muhammadu Buhari and to the people and Government of Nigeria. Our thoughts are with you during this time of mourning.”

    President of Sierra Leone and current ECOWAS Chairman, Julius Maada Bio, described Buhari’s death as a devastating loss to Africa’s democratic fabric.

    “I am deeply saddened to hear about the passing of President Muhammadu Buhari. On behalf of the people of Sierra Leone, I express our heartfelt condolences to his family, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and the Nigerian people during this incredibly difficult time,” Bio posted on X.

    King Mohammed VI of Morocco also extended condolences to President Tinubu, the bereaved family, and Nigerians, describing Buhari as an illustrious son who worked untiringly for his country’s best interests.

    “I share your grief and want you to know how much I appreciated the working sessions I had with the deceased. They culminated in the launch of promising development projects that have ushered a new era grounded in friendship and close cooperation between our two sister nations,” the King said.

    Saint Lucia’s Prime Minister, Philip Pierre, in a condolence message, according to the News Agency of Nigeria(NAN), said: “On behalf of the Government and People of Saint Lucia, I express condolences to the Federal Republic of Nigeria on the loss of His Excellency Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR.”

    He praised Buhari’s disciplined leadership and his commitment to national sovereignty and integrity in public service.

    “His leadership shaped crucial periods in Nigeria’s history, guided by firm belief in national sovereignty, public integrity, and disciplined governance,” the Prime Minister said.

    Pierre expressed Saint Lucia’s solidarity with Nigeria during this time of national mourning and reflection.

    “At this moment of reflection, Saint Lucia stands in solemn solidarity with our African brothers and sisters in Nigeria,” Pierre said.

    He acknowledged Nigeria’s democratic resilience and Buhari’s role in strengthening its political institutions.

    “We honour not only a past leader’s service but also Nigeria’s enduring democratic spirit, influencing Africa’s path,” he added.

    The Prime Minister extended sympathy to the Buhari family, President Bola Tinubu, the people of Katsina State, and the Daura Emirate.

    Former President Buhari died on Sunday in a London hospital after a prolonged illness.

    Pierre reaffirmed Saint Lucia’s commitment to stronger bilateral relations with Nigeria based on mutual respect and shared principles.

    NAN reports that President Tinubu recently made a historic state visit to Saint Lucia to boost South-South cooperation.

    United Nations Deputy Secretary-General, Nigeria’s Mrs Amina Mohammed, who served as a Minister under Buhari, described her tenure as guided by his values.

    “My heart is heavy as I join the people of Nigeria in mourning the passing of our former President Muhammadu Buhari GCFR. Serving as Minister in his government was an honour and one guided by the values he lived: discipline, humility, and a deep love for our country. My prayers are with him and his family. May Allah SWT grant him Jannatul Firdaus.”

  • Anticlimax

    Anticlimax

    We have never had a leader like Muhammadu Buhari, and we may never have one like him again. He first stepped into the nation’s imagination as a soldier and exited as a soldier in some eyes and a soldier-statesman in some other eyes, as a bigot in some others. Some will continue to see him, though, as a man of mystery.

    Peter Enahoro, known as Peter Pan, and author of How To Be A Nigerian gave the first hint of his profile as a man of mystery when he interviewed him for his Africa Now magazine. He described him as “deceptively gentle.” Since Peter Pan’s characterization in the 1980’s, in his first time as leader, Buhari changed his image as a sublime chameleon in many ways.

     He was a military leader, civilian bureaucrat, fighter for democracy as revenge rather than as ideologue, a presidential candidate as a supposedly repented autocrat, a serial loser with a Lincolnian strain, a president who developed a cult and fanatical following who bowed on the street and drank unclean water in his name, a president who almost died in office but developed a health status that resembled a miracle before he bowed out.

     As a young man, my first introduction to the Katsina patriarch was when he was the General Officer Commanding (GOC) in Jos, and he asked the army to begin reading the Constitution to know their responsibility for the country.

    As a columnist for the Nigerian Tribune, Ebenezer Babatope warned Nigerians to look out for the man, hinting that he was not a man to take for granted.

    It was during the Shagari era, and Babatope warned that no one should be surprised if we woke up one morning and he would be behind the “good morning fellow Nigerians” accompanying a martial music.

     It happened, according to his prophetic clairvoyance, in December 1983, and Buhari, later that night, in a winsome face and beret, addressed the country as a military ruler. He cherished that number 1983.

    In 2006, when I placed a call to him for an interview, I used a colleague’s number. When we met at his suite at the Hilton, the first remark was whether I was the fellow whose number ended with 1983.

    He beamed from ear to ear with a touch of rare vanity. I said no to his disappointment.  He might have wanted to swap numbers.

    When I met him that morning, I mused on a lot of things about the man. He had not had his second time as leader. I had a belief in him that he had the discipline and aura to run Nigeria.

    As I had characterised him on this page and before I started writing for this newspaper, he would bring his spartan discipline to stanch the bleeding in the country. This was because as a military head of state he was a personage who loathed corruption, and wanted to bring the nation on the path of sanity.

    So, when he ran for president, even the first time, I thought he was good for politics. The problem with Nigeria was not only a lack of discipline, but a lack of imagination in governance.

     I thought Buhari would bring his spartan charm and blend it with men of thinking and energy on the front row while he ran the country as a czar of corruption and due process.

     And that was the anticlimax of having him at the helm. He would govern with a purifying shadow, a sort of secular priest with his aura both cheering and chastening.

    He became a president and ran it with a cabal of antediluvian ideas. With a man like Malami as attorney general espousing the idea of an old route grazing.

     He presided over a sometimes cranky and conservative government, dead of ideas.

     On the economy, he stood guard over a government that had no way to generate money except by printing and borrowing from China, among others. He gave us a debt of over N30 trillion in Ways and Means and several billions of dollars.

     He left the finances in chaos and the nation’s morale was at the nadir. In one word, Buhari should have saved the economy from the Jonathan era where the nation was in dire straits. Rather, he worsened the situation, and created an economy that had to be saved from itself.

    Buhari, in the end, turned out to be a man who looked after one man: Muhammadu Buhari. Nothing reflected this self-absorption more than when he was running for election. When in Ogun and Imo states, he asked voters to vote for him but vote their conscience on the governorship and other offices.

    He dithered on his successor. He told the world he was not interested but he tried to undercut the best man in his whole political career: Bola Tinubu.

     It was he who crafted an alliance that vaulted him to Aso Villa. Yet, he did not want him to succeed him. It was hypocritical that he did not even tell now President Tinubu that he did not want him as his successor.

    Rather he put his weight behind former Senate president Ahmad Lawan.

     It reflected his lack of integrity, and even blatant hypocrisy as a leader.

     He did not only support Lawan, he ran an election-period economy with currency and fuel scarcity that cast his APC in bad light and sought to undermine its candidate.

    In spite of accusations, he was unfazed and many saw those measures as choreographed to derail Tinubu’s presidential dreams.

     So besieged was he that he did the wrong thing by showing off his voter’s card as a mark of party loyalty.

    As military leader, he squeezed the economy in the name of enshrining a moral tone.

    In his time as civilian leader, he choked the economy and failed as a moral compass. He might have made the claim that he was a moral leader in his first time with his war against indiscipline.

     In retrospect, it was discipline without imagination or conscience. It was the same lack of imagination that throttled his way as a civilian president.

    It has turned out that Buhari loved himself too much to love Nigeria enough. He loved his faith too much to open his heart out of his prejudices.

    He visited Ibadan once as a fighter for the herdsmen, and it cast him as a bigot. He did not make much effort to defrock himself of such optics in the way he handled the herder crisis.

    In fact, the link between the herder crisis and the banditry became more potent in his time, and was soft on banditry. The bandits swaggered in the bushes and highways, and had full eight years to fatten and nurture the monsters in their souls.

    There is a belief that he did not want the bandits to be killed, so our murderers blossomed on the blood and treasures of society.

    When I was a student at Ife, I expected much from the man when he took over as military leader. It was on the cusp of a new year he took over as head of state, December 31, 1983. There was a parade on campus hailing the end of democracy.

    My throat joyed with songs that morning.  When the French revolution was born, William Wordsworth crooned, “Bliss it was that dawn to be alive. But to be young was very heaven.” As a youth, I felt like that. Just as the revolution became a bust, Buhari’s coming with Decrees two and four hammered Nigerians out of our comforts.

    When he wanted to be a civilian leader, I gave him a chance as a man of conscience. He failed. Buhari was a tease. He promised with an air of pious devotion. He did not deliver.

    Read Also: Makarfi: he gave his all to Nigeria

     Yet, he had a charisma and cult following unmatched by any in our history. His was a charisma of suggestion. He was no demagogue, no performer.

    If one, his was a demagogue of body language: his ramrod carriage, his no-smile and smile, his soldierly bearing, his façade of severity and disdain for materialism. If no doer, he bequeaths an example of beguiling simplicity. He was known for no extravagance, cars, houses, money show. His was an extravagance of apparent austerity.

    He was loved by both cow and man. He did less for man than cow, but cows never had a way of gratitude known to man, except men like him, perhaps.

    He was a head of herders without herding. He was a soldier but did not quaff or indulge the pleasures of the flesh.

    He was a good soldier but preferred the love of his civilian followers. Danjuma once said he would want him as a chief of army staff rather than head of defence staff. He looked a force of character but he could not translate it to those he governed.

    His following knew he could do no wrong. He might have lost some of his mystique to his failures, but if he ran for election again today in a coalition that guaranteed just a few millions from the south, no one can bet against him.

    He is a testament to the futility of the crowd as a picture of wisdom. That is why we should be wary of man who, without clear vision, capture the imagination of the throng, a thing Elias Canetti warns about in his Nobel Prize-winning book, Crowds and Power.

    History may yet be kind to him in a few areas. As president, he worked, with Babatunde Raji Fashola SAN, on infrastructure and redeemed his image by prioritising rail transportation.

    He lived a phenom and died a phenom. He was a hero to many, a man of unflinching tenacity. Even  in death, his foes have nothing but admiration, bordering on curious affection.

    Goodbye to a man among men