Tag: Museveni

  • Ugandan President, Museveni, seeks 7th term after four decades in power

    Ugandan President, Museveni, seeks 7th term after four decades in power

    When Yoweri Museveni seized power in Uganda in 1986, he said “the problem of Africa in general and Uganda in particular is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power.”

    The 81-year-old president and former rebel is seeking a seventh term in office on Thursday after nearly four decades leading the East African nation, the vast majority of whose citizens have never known any other leader.

    Museveni came to power on a wave of optimism after leading insurgencies against autocratic governments.

    That goodwill was soon squandered amid allegations of graft and authoritarianism.

    “Corruption has been central to his rule from the beginning,” Kristof Titeca, a professor at the University of Antwerp, told Reuters.

    Museveni has acknowledged that some government officials have engaged in corrupt practices but says all those who have been caught have been prosecuted.

    The canny political strategist has also cultivated foreign allies by embracing the security priorities of Western powers, deploying peacekeepers to hotspots such as Somalia and South Sudan and welcoming huge numbers of refugees to Uganda.

    In his own country, his record has been mixed.

    His government won praise for tackling the AIDS epidemic and for beating back the Lord’s Resistance Army rebel group that brutalised Ugandans for nearly 20 years.

    But widespread corruption hollowed out state services and just one in four Ugandan children entering primary school makes it to secondary school, according to the United Nations children’s agency,UNICEF, while well-paid jobs remain largely out of reach for many.

    There, he founded a militant movement that eventually helped force out President Idi Amin, with Milton Obote taking over as Uganda’s leader in 1980.

    Obote was toppled in a coup in 1985.

    The following year, the military wing of Museveni’s National Resistance Movement overthrew Tito Okello, who had become president.

    “This is not a mere change of guard,” Museveni said at his swearing-in. “This is a fundamental change in the politics of our government.”

    His efforts to attract foreign investment, establish order and raise the standard of living were initially applauded by the West.

    But as Uganda’s economy picked up, so did public anger over corruption.

    Under a privatisation programme, dozens of state enterprises were sold to Museveni’s relatives and cronies at fire-sale prices, according to parliamentary reports which said some of the proceeds were embezzled.

    Kizza Besigye, Museveni’s doctor during his years in the bush, fell out with him, accusing him of presiding over corruption and rights abuses.

    Museveni has won all six presidential elections he has contested, including four against Besigye, who was arrested in 2024 and faces treason charges.

    In 2005, parliament scrapped presidential term limits, a move critics said was aimed at letting him keep power for life.

    Read Also: Ooni meets Uganda’s President Museveni to discuss African economic prosperity

    Museveni’s election opponents rejected election results over alleged irregularities.l, but the authorities denied the allegations and police cracked down on demonstrations by opposition supporters.

    Museveni dismissed criticism from Western powers, saying in 2006: “If the international community has lost confidence in us, then that is a compliment because they are habitually wrong.”

    He also sought to cultivate ties with other countries, including China, Russia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates, to reduce Uganda’s dependence on the West.

    The discovery of substantial oil deposits buoyed his status, leading to agreements with energy giants TotalEnergies and CNOOC to build an export pipeline.

    Muzeveni’s main rival in Thursday’s presidential election is Boni Wine, a 43-year-old pop star.

    Political analysts say that while victory for Museveni is all but certain, the road ahead is clouded by uncertainty, with the president starting to show signs of frailty.

    “The big question looming over the election is the question of succession,” university professor Titeca said, reflecting on the rapid rise of Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Museveni’s son and Uganda’s military chief.

    Uganda’s opposition has accused Museveni of fast-tracking Kainerugaba’s military career to prepare him to eventually succeed him, even with the 51-year-old frequently taking to X to make inflammatory remarks, while veteran politicians who once fought alongside Museveni in the bush have been sidelined.

    The election outcome could determine Museveni’s next move, with a poor showing potentially prompting him to promote other party members and deflect criticism of an outright dynastic succession, said former newspaper editor Charles Onyango-Obbo.

    “This is less about the results that will be announced, and more about the mood on the ground,” Onyango-Obbo, added, saying that a handover could be some years away.

    “Museveni is more frail now, but he is a workaholic… he will not leave even if he needs to use a walking stick,” he said.

    (Reuters/NAN)

  • Museveni’s election victory challenged in court

    Museveni’s election victory challenged in court

    The court case challenging Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni’s February election victory, which gave him a fifth term, has started in the capital, Kampala.

    Lawyers for losing opposition candidate Amama Mbabazi have been presenting their case.

    First on the witness stand was Badru Kiggundu, chairman of the Electoral Commission.

    The central line of questioning from Mr Mbabazi’s lawyers was what evidence he used to announce results of Mr Museveni’s win.

    Mr Kiggundu admitted he didn’t know how many verified voters there were. This is because the biometric system did not tally the exact number of people who used it.

    He added that some people voted without going through the biometric checks but couldn’t specify how many.

    At several points, lawyers for the Electoral Commission questioned the authenticity of the documents Mr Mbabazi’s lawyers presented.

    Both sides are expected to present their cases by Saturday after which the nine judges will make a ruling. The constitution says a decision must be made by 31 March.

  • Ugandan opposition leader arrested over protest march

    Uganda’s main opposition leader, Kizza Besigye, has been taken into police custody after vowing to lead a protest march against President Yoweri Museveni’s election victory.

    Mr. Besigye was bundled into a police van when he tried to leave his home, where he had been under house arrest, the BBC reports.

    His wife Winnie Byanyima said it was like a “military barracks” outside their home in the capital, Kampala.

    Mr. Museveni won Thursday’s poll by a landslide to extend his 30-year rule.

    Mr. Besigye said the result had been rigged, while foreign observers said the poll had been marred by fear and intimidation.

    Mr. Museveni rejected allegations of vote rigging, and accused Mr. Besigye of planning to incite violence.

    Responding to criticism from European Union observers that the electoral commission “lacked independence and transparency,” Mr. Museveni told the BBC that “those Europeans are not serious.”

    “Transparency is what we’ve been voting for,” he added.

    Mr. Besigye had vowed to march to the headquarters of the Electoral Commission to ask for a copy of the official declaration of results.

    Official results gave Mr. Museveni nearly 61 per cent of the votes, with Mr. Besigye taking 35 per cent.

    It was the fourth time Mr. Besigye, candidate for the opposition Forum for Democratic Change party, had lost to Mr. Museveni.

  • Jonathan in the eyes of Kagame, Mugabe, Museveni

    Jonathan in the eyes of Kagame, Mugabe, Museveni

    It is rare for African leaders to turn on themselves, except perhaps over border disputes and maybe ideological disagreements. It is rarer still for more than one African leader to come together to take a fellow leader to the cleaners. But when the number of attackers rises to three in the space of a few months, the victim of their merciless putdowns must feel dejected, assuming he has the capacity to appreciate insult. If there is proof President Goodluck Jonathan recognises the burden to his presidency of the disfavour he has fallen into in the estimation of many of his fellow African leaders, and the image crisis their very frank verbal putdowns has caused him, he has not shown it. Alas, in less than three months, Dr Jonathan has been brutally excoriated by no less than three African leaders, to wit, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, and Paul Kagame of Rwanda.

    Contributing to a panel discussion on “Solving conflicts and peace building in Africa” organized by the African Development Bank (ADB) during its recent annual meeting in Kigali, Rwanda, Mr Kagame came down hard on West African leaders who travelled to Paris to discuss perspectives on Boko Haram as a regional terror menace. It was clear the Nigerian leader was his real target. Said he: “I think we must take responsibility and accept our failures in dealing with these matters…When I am watching television and I find that our leaders, who should have been working together all along to address these problems that only affect their countries, wait until they are invited to go to Europe to sit there and find solutions to their problems…it’s as if they are made to sit down and address their problems…Why does anybody wait for that?…In fact, the image it gives is that we are not there to address these problems…they are (African leaders) happy to sit in Paris with the President of France and just talk about their problems…It doesn’t make sense that our leaders cannot get themselves together to address problems affecting our people…African leaders, we don’t need to be invited anywhere to go and address our problems, without first inviting ourselves to come together to tell each other the actual truth we must tell each other.”

    Mr Kagame’s sarcasm must rank as one of the most elegant president-to-president broadsides ever. He was gentle on Nigeria; indeed, he was mindful of pushing the knife too deeply into the malleable backs of West African leaders. Nevertheless, he made the point very firmly that the leaders who gathered in Paris at the patrician behest of French President Francois Hollande to discuss the Boko Haram problem were vacuous. Nigeria has done its incredulous best to paint the Boko Haram nightmare as a West African problem, nay even a global (al-Qaeda) disease, but Mr Kagame wondered why neither Nigeria, which is buffeted by terrorists, nor West African leaders who were half-expectant the Nigerian disaster would come knocking at their doors, understood that their inability to provide leadership was more to blame for the morass than the resolve of the insurgents to subvert the sub-region.

    Mr Mugabe had earlier given Nigeria a good hiding. Like Mr Kagame, the Zimbabwean leader was chary of mentioning Dr Jonathan by name. But though he generalised, the target of his abusive remarks was undisputable. Speaking in the presence of his military chiefs at a luncheon given in his honour on his 90th birthday, the ageing leader delivered this rasping invective against Nigeria: “Are we now like Nigeria where you have to reach your pocket to get anything done? You see we used to go to Nigeria and every time we went there we had to carry extra cash in our pockets to corruptly pay for everything. You get into a plane in Nigeria and you sit there and the crew keeps dilly-dallying without taking off as they wait for you to pay them to fly the plane.” Dr Jonathan disputes the semantic certainty of what constitutes corruption and stealing, but there is no disputing the revolting image of Nigeria that he carries with him.

    Perhaps the most galling and injurious insult against Dr Jonathan came from Mr Museveni, himself an aficionado of leadership and a connoisseur of the rigour and mystique of power. Addressing a political event in Kampala, and eager to win the approval of his country’s electorate, the intemperate Ugandan leader offered this memorable lampoon directed mainly at Dr Jonathan: “I have never called the United Nations to guard your (Ugandans) security. Me, Yoweri Museveni, to say that I have failed to protect my people and I call in the UN….I would rather hang myself…We prioritised national security by developing a strong army; otherwise our Uganda would be like DRC, South Sudan, Somalia or Nigeria where militias have disappeared with school children. It would be a vote of no confidence in our country and citizens if we can’t guarantee our security. What kind of persons would we be? It would be a mistake for the government of Nigeria to negotiate with these people. The most important thing is to defeat them; then negotiations can come after that.”

    Mr Museveni of course exaggerates his distaste for Nigeria’s weakness and his approbation of Uganda’s capabilities, but he nonetheless conveys his exasperation with Nigeria’s leadership failures in unmistakable terms and telling language. Coming at a time of universal disapproval of Nigeria’s lack of decisiveness in the face of grave terrorist challenge, as well as Dr Jonathan’s languid response, the opinions of the three African leaders, not to say the overwhelming media disapprobation of Nigeria’s leadership elite, can hardly be faulted. The three leaders are themselves not unimpeachable. Mugabe has done more damage to Zimbabwe than Dr Jonathan has seemed capable of doing. In fact by refusing to lay a solid foundation for Zimbabwean democracy, Mr Mugabe appears to have set the stage for a very turbulent post-Mugabe era, perhaps far worse than Dr Jonathan’s lack of vision.

    On his own, Mr Museveni may have offered Uganda a fairly intellectual and effective leadership, but corruption, authoritarianism, extra-judicial killings, lack of true democracy and poor handling of the Lord’s Resistance Army revolt in the northern parts of the country do not give the impression he stands on a higher moral ground to lecture Nigeria. But neither Mr Museveni’s egregious shortcomings nor Mr Mugabe’s intransigence and political short-sightedness, nor yet the sometimes strong-arm tactics of Mr Kagame, vitiate the force and moral impact of their criticisms. More, their opinions accurately reflect the dismay the whole world feels about the shocking incapacitation of the Jonathan government in tackling Boko Haram, and especially in effecting the release of the more than 200 Chibok schoolgirls abducted by militants on April 15.

  • Uganda: Museveni signs anti-gay bill

    Uganda’s leader has signed into law a bill toughening penalties for gay people but without a clause criminalising those who do not report them.

    A proposed sentence of up to 14 years for first-time offenders has also been removed.

    US President Barack Obama had cautioned the bill would be a backward step.

    Mr Museveni had previously agreed to put the bill on hold pending US scientific advice.

    Homosexual acts are already illegal in Uganda.

    In December, a gay rights campaigner spoke of her fears about the legislation

    The new law allows life imprisonment as the penalty for acts of “aggravated homosexuality” and also criminalises the “promotion” of homosexuality”.

    The bill passed by parliament in December made it a crime not to report gay people – in effect making it impossible to live as openly gay – but this clause has been removed from the legislation signed by the president.

    Lesbians are covered by the bill for the first time.

    Gay activists say they will challenge the new laws in court.

    The bill originally proposed the death penalty for some homosexual acts, but that was later removed amid international criticism.

    Government officials clapped after Mr Museveni signed the bill at a news conference at State House.

    The BBC’s Catherine Byaruhanga, in Uganda, says it is rare for the president to assent to bills so publicly.

    But the anti-gay bill has become so controversial that the media were invited to witness its signing, she says.

    Earlier, government spokesman Ofwono Opondo told the Reuters news agency Mr Museveni wanted “to demonstrate Uganda’s independence in the face of Western pressure and provocation”.

    The sponsor of the bill, MP David Bahati, insisted homosexuality was a “behaviour that can be learned and can be unlearned”.

    “Homosexuality is just bad behaviour that should not be allowed in our society,” he told the BBC’s Newsday programme.

    But a gay rights activist in Uganda told the programme that he was “very scared” about the new bill.

    “I didn’t even go to work yesterday [Monday]. I’m locked up in the house. And I don’t know what’s going to happen now.”

    Our correspondent says although Mr Museveni had been apprehensive about signing the bill, he could not convince his party, religious groups and many of his citizens that it was not needed.

    His signature is an apparent U-turn from a recent pledge to hold off, pending advice from the US.

    In a statement, Mr Museveni had said: “I…encourage the US government to help us by working with our scientists to study whether, indeed, there are people who are born homosexual.

    “When that is proved, we can review this legislation.”

     

    President Obama described it as “more than an affront, and a danger to, Uganda’s gay community. It will be a step backwards for all Ugandans.”

    He warned it could “complicate” Washington’s relations with Uganda, which receives a reported $400m (£240m) in annual aid from the US.