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Tag: NADECO

‘Let’s adopt 1960 Constitution and parliamentary system’

Afenifere chieftain Senator Olabiyi Durojaiye spoke with Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN on the proposed national dialogue, Afenifere crisis, insecurity in the North, the threat by the electoral commission to postpone elections in the troubled Northeast states in 2015, and its implications for democracy.

President Goodluck Jonathan has declared that the national Ccnference will hold in 2014. Don’t you think that it will coincide with the preparation for 2015 general elections?

Without being a prophet, one can visualise that something will give way. Either the conference will not be properly conducted for lack of time and concentration or that the people would be forced to ask for a tenure extension in order to do a thorough job on such a monumental and fundamental national assignment.

I once participated in a constitution making exercise in a setting that was more orderly and peaceful than now. That was the 1998/89 Constituent Assembly, to draft, to debate and produce a Constitution for the country. The Assembly work took nearly nine months to complete. We went to examine and debate clause by clause a draft constitution earlier prepared by professionals/expert legal draftsmen to produce the 1989 constitution. That straight forward exercise took about nine months to complete.

Mr President may be smarter than some of us might imagine by luring those of us who have been clamouring for constitutional conference, right from our NADECO and Afenifere hey days to go headlong into constitution conference in 2014, which will be a very busy year for party congresses, national conventions and campaigns for the early 2015 elections. On the face of it, we would be “estopped”, having clamoured for the national conference for so long, only to turn around to say we don’t want it. Mr President had shown a deft hand at this chess-like type of game. It is like boxing us into a corner to say no to what we have been clamouring for over three decades.

But, we would be a foolish fish to take the bait and the hook together because we must not bite than we can chew.

There is no way we can complete the job. For the while essence of the conference is for the people in their various ethnic nationalities and clans, professions and vocations to come round and deliberate on how best we can live together in a modern democratic society based on a true federal setting where residual powers are vested in the federating units. For what we have today is a unitary form of government under the guise of being a federal republic.

The dilemma is the unfortunate fact that in our own clime, which is unlike the established democracies like Britain or the United States, where certain state policies are pursued by whatever political parties take over after an election. For instance the state policy of Britain towards the European Common Market has never altered despite the change of government from Conservative to Labour back to Conservative. Similarly, U.S policy towards Israel and Britain has been virtually the same, whether Republicans or Democrats are in power.

Now that you have said the delegates to the national conference would not have enough time to do a thorough job, what do you suggest?

It is tempting to suggest that the national conference be postponed to the latter part of 2015. To avoid such a volte face and the risk involved in it is to suggest that the government should adopt the 1960 Constitution, the draft of which was debated and agreed by the founding fathers of this nation, that is the Azikwes, the Awolowos, the Sardaunas, the Balewas,the Aminu Kanos, the Anthony Enahoros etc.

Fundamental issues such as true federalism, residual powers in the federating units, derivation and resource control have been well thrashed out in the 1960 Constitution. What the new constitutional conference will do is to modify the fundamental basics already settled in the 1960 Constitution and making adjustment to take care of major environmental changes such as three regional governments and a federal government and over 35 million people. We should now have six geo-political grouping or states and one federal government now that we are about 150 million people.

Although the 1960 Constitution is a parliamentary one , the proposed national conference should be charged to consider returning to parliamentary system of government which is believed to be less expensive, less corruption-prone than presidential system we have practised for many years.

The PRONACO headed by late Chief Enahoro also produced a draft constitution that may be worth considering being based on the 1960 Constitution.

The Chairman of Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has declared that elections may not hold in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states, unless the security situation there improves in 2015. Is it right to disenfranchise the people?

A prudent man needs to be very careful in castigating aspersion on what others say. There must always be a benefit of doubt that the person one is criticising may have some facts known to him, which may be unknown to the critic. Having said this, I find it difficult to agree with the alleged statement of the INEC Chairman knowing that Boko Haram even exist before the 2011 elections. Why didn’t he say because of terrorists’ threat/Boko Haram activities in Plateau, Kaduna and other parts of the country where Boko Haram activities had already manifested before May 2011, there should be no election. Technically, postponing election in the three states amounts to disenfranchising the majority of the citizens from those parts of the country. Since everyone in those areas could not be Boko Haram terrorists, it stands reason to believe that only a few people are terrorists. They are in minority and government cannot because of that deny law abiding majority in those states their constitutional right to vote and be voted for.

Another issue is to ask whether it is not the responsibility of government to maintain law and order as well as to ensure security of live and property of every citizen. A famous political philosopher, Thomas Hobbes opined that a man is supposed to live in an organised society where law rules but the life of a man who lives outside an organised society is short, nasty and brutish. It could appear to be an admission of failure of government or any of its strategic agencies to deny the people of their right for the inability of government to provide security, law and order.

One doubts, if the INEC Chairman could have made such a far reaching statement without clearance from government . Another inference that is obvious is that government may be planning to allow election in only areas where it can win since these three states happen to belong to the opposition party- All Progressives Congress (APC). The government should come out to dissociate itself from the INEC Chairman’s statement.

December 25, 2013
‘If Jonathan has hidden agenda, national conference will not succeed’

Pro-National Conference Organisation (PRONACO) chieftain Comrade Linus Okoroji, in this interview with Musa Odoshimokhe, explains how the proposed national dialogue can resolve the national question and restore hope to Nigerians.

What manner of dialogue should Nigerians envisage? My position is not quite different from our stance on the Sovereign National Conference (SNA). I think for now, we should accept it with two hands in whatever guise is has come. We should not give them the opportunity to give excuses. We have been clamouring for it for long. The area I am not quite comfortable with is the move to remove the word “sovereign”. Nobody should tamper with the report. There should be a plebiscite.The people will vote in favour or against it. So, it will be the people’s constitution. This should not be the elite issue, and those who have stood up to kick against it are afraid that it would be politicised.

Are there antecedents to show that it was hijacked in the past?

This is in view of what Chief Olusegun Obasanjo did, what General Sani Abacha did at his own time. Having said that, I have seen some of the people in the advisory committee led by Dr. Femi Okorounmu. He has name to protect and I have no reason to doubt him. More so, he is a Yoruba elite and an Afenifere chieftain. When he was in the Senate, he had advocated for a SNC. So, I cannot doubt his integrity. For now, I think we should accept this with our two hands and see how we are going to manage it. What I think would be the challenge is how to get the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO)’s support, which the conference desires. We should return the country to a true federal system. Each region should control its resources. We should look at the PRONACO document and see its position. Today, there is no state in Nigeria that has a working edict. In the pas,t the Northern Region had its own constitution, the Western Region had its own constitution, the Midwest Region had its constitution and the Eastern Region had its constitution. But all these federal paraphernalia have been thrown away. People like Indians and Chinese understand what it means to decentralise governance according to their nationalities. We should not be a different people. We should look at all of these and see how we can move forward.

Some sections of the country are afraid that it will lead to the breakup of Nigeria? What is your view?

What is wrong, if the country breaks up? Will the North not survive, if the country breaks? If that is their fear, they should come down to terms with other sections of the country. They should not continue to play the role of a senior brother or owner of Nigeria. If they nurse such fear, they should come down low and give Nigeria the opportunity to survive. The problem we have is the North, which does not want others to survive. They are using the resources of other nationalities, which they want to manage. They should work together with others so that Nigeria will survive in the interest of all and not their own interest alone. That is even the fears of other minorities in the North; the majority wants to trample on them. The oligarchy wants to suppress the minority in their own areas. There is this story we heard from Chief Anthony Enahoro, may his soul rest in peace, that Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, when he was the Prime Minister of Nigeria, in the North, he was not recognised above Sardauna. Sarduana was his boss. That is the way they behave.

What do think should guide us during the conference?

It is the matter of sincerity and commitment to examine the issues that are germane to our wellbeing as a country. We should aim at making Nigeria a developing, progressive and people-oriented country. We should look at the welfare of the people, the significance of the common good; that everybody who is a Nigerian should be entitled to benefit from the common good. If you are walking on the street of America and suddenly, you collapse and drop, government hospital will pick you up and take care of you. Nobody cares who you are. They take care of you, until you survive, unless such a person is unlucky and die. In Nigeria, we are living like orphans. People who have no parents, unless you have contact with people in government, that is only when your survival is guaranteed.

But the time is too short to have a successful conference before 2015…

Before the military left, the NADECO had been clamouring for the SNC, even during the Abiola struggle. Our slogan was let us have a Government of National Unity. With the Government of National Unity, we should go ahead to have the national conference. And it was thought that, within four years, we would have achieved the goal. All the efforts were truncated by personal ambitions of those who came on board. They instituted kangaroo conferences because they wanted to remain in power. But, if that is the strategy put in place now, it will fail because Obasanjo failed when he tried it. The truth is that, is he going to succeed? If he diverts attention because of his ambition, what is going to be his own gain? My thinking is that he wants to break away from just being the President of Nigeria to being a hero.

What, if the outcome of the conference is finally tempered with by the Nation Assembly?

It is going to be wrong to subject it to the National Assembly and, whether they call it National Conference or Sovereign National Conference, it boils down to the end result. The outcome of the conference must not be tampered with by anybody. Once it is tampered with, it means the conference did not hold, no matter how long. And whether a National Conference or Sovereign National Conference, it can only be subjected to a referendum and not the National Assembly. What is the significance of the National Assembly to a National Conference when they are at the House discussing issues that favour them alone and their cronies? The only power to vet the outcome of the conference is the people through a plebiscite.

November 13, 2013
How a defective justice system freed Major al-Mustapha

Introduction

Under the Ibrahim Babangida junta politically motivated killings were rife in several parts of the country. The refusal by the police to investigate such killings lent credence to allegations of official involvement. The gruesome assassination of a prominent journalist, Mr. Dele Giwa by a parcel bomb in Lagos on October 19,1986 was covered up by the junta. The gallant attempts by the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN) to ensure the prosecution of those who were suspected to have masterminded the nefarious deed were officially frustrated. However, the Sani Abacha junta devised a dubious method of shielding official assassins from being exposed. Whenever any opposition figure was killed by the Strike Force accusing fingers were quickly pointed at the family members or political allies of the deceased . Thus, sequel to the brutal murder of Mrs. Kudirat Abiola in Lagos on June 4,1996 by unknown gunmen, some members of the Abiola family and chieftains of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) were hurriedly arrested, detained and interrogated by the police on suspicion that they committed the heinous crime!

The indictment of the

murder suspects

Upon the restoration of civil rule in May 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo instituted the Special Investigation Panel which probed the murderous activities of the Strike Force from 1993 to 1998. Some of the operatives made confessional statements on the murder of Mrs Abiola, the attempted murder of Chief Alex Ibru, Chief Abraham Adesanya, Mr Isaac Poubeni etc. In particular, it was disclosed by the suspects that they carried out the iniquitous crimes on the orders of Major Hamza Al-Mustapha, the ex-Chief Security Officer to the late maximum ruler, General Sani Abacha. Upon the completion of investigation the Police charged the former Chief of Army Staff, General Ishaya Bamaiyi; the former Lagos State Commissioner of Police, Mr. James Danbaba; Major Al-Mustapha; Mr. Mohammed Abacha and Mohammed Aminu with the murder of Mrs Abiola before an Ikeja Chief Magistrate Court in November 1999. The prosecutor in the matter was Mr. Nuhu Ribadu, who later became the pioneer chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.

The case was taken over by the Lagos State Ministry of Justice in 2000 which terminated the matter at the Magistrate’s court and charged the defendants for the same offence at the Lagos High Court. In his oral testimony before Justice Ade Alabi, the star prosecution witness, Sergeant Barnabas Jabila (a.k.a.Rogers) gave a vivid account and description of how he collected two uzi guns from Major Al-Mustapha. He also disclosed that Alhaji Lateef Shofolahan gave information on the movements of Alhaja Kudirat Abiola while Mr Mohammed Abacha lent his Mercedes Benz car and allowed his driver, Mr Mohammed Abdu (a.k.a Katako) to drive the killer gang to the scene of the crime. Although Mr Mohammed Abacha did not deny the fact that he also gave $20,000 to two members of the killer squad to flee the country (to escape arrest and prosecution) the Supreme Court set him free in a split decision of 4-1.

In the majority decision of the court read by Alfa Belgore JSC (as he then was) it was held that “The Appellant (Mohammed Abacha), in normal matter of course visited the first accused (Al Mustapha) not in course of any business. He saw Al Mustapha whispering to Jaabila (a.k.a Rogers) but not knowing what they discussed. He saw two guns taken out of a bag and given to Jabila. Al Mustapha was Chief Security Officer and Jabila worked with him. Certainly he would not know what the mission was… Katako drove to the scene with Jabila and others where the unfortunate and gruesome murder was committed by Jabila, at least on his own confession of firing the shots at Mrs. Abiola.”All the other four justices on the panel of the apex court made similar profound findings based on the proof of evidence before the trial court. Even the late Olufemi Ejiwunmi JSC who delivered a dissenting opinion had this to say: “There was evidence that the appellant allowed his driver Katako to drive Rogers; and that the said Rogers fired and killed Kudirat while being driven by Katako. The appellant had seen Al-Mustapha, the first accused hand over machine guns to Rogers and his boys.” In dissociating himself from the decision of his learned brethren that the appellant had no case to answer, Justice Ejiwunmi described the verdict of the court as “ a tyranny of majority”.

Before the judgment of the Supreme Court was delivered on July 11, 2002 Sergeant Rogers had appeared before the Justice Chukwudifu Oputa Panel on Human Rights Abuses which sat at the old National Assembly building at the Tafawa Balewa Square in Lagos. In the detailed evidence given by him sometimes in 2001, Sergeant Rogers confirmed that he fired the shot that snuffed life out of Mrs Kudirat Abiola as part of the atrocities perpetrated by the Strike Force on the orders of Major Al-Mustapha. He revealed that General Jeremiah Useni who was in the hall visited him and other members of the Strike Force in North Korea when they were training on how to kill the “enemies of Nigeria”. When asked by Justice Oputa if he regretted his action he said he did and he proceeded to ask for forgiveness as he burst into tears. Curiously, Major Al-Mustapha and others who were indicted by Sergeant Rogers could not challenge the witness even though they were present at the proceedings.

August 6, 2013
Why NADECO is back, by Kanu

Former military governor of Imo and Lagos states and pro-democracy activist Rear Admiral Ndubusi Kanu (rtd) is the Chairman of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). He spoke with reporters in Lagos on national issues. EMMANUEL OLADESU was there.

NADECO is known for its agitation for a Sovereign National Conference in the past. With its re-emergence, would it come up with new tactics? Do you think SNC is relevant in in Nigeria today?

People really need to understand what the Sovereign National Conference that we clamoured for is all about. People have explained it to make mischief out of lack of knowledge. With reference to quite some people in government, they don’t really understand SNC. When you take a young man who was just 15 years in 1993, how old would he be today? Where are they today? They are in governance, quite a few of them and they had only seen twilight of Babangida Administration. They go further to later years, from Babangida to Abacha, to annulment, to seeing how much money or contract you can get at corridors of power; then come to assassinations, stealing, organised armed robbery, and now kidnapping. So persons like that cannot understand what SNC is all about without applying the mind. If the pressure of living and pressure of enjoying overwhelm the mind, you cannot understand what SNC stand for. If you look back, the problem in Nigeria did not really started from the military. It is when the Federal Government stepped into sovereign matter of the region that the problem started. Military now came in. Even under the first military rule, we have federalism. We have been saying these all this while that under the military that was an aberration, I never asked to become governor of old Imo State and later governor of Lagos state. Let me repeat that even under the military that time, there was no unitarism like we have now established by the military so called constitution. Then as a military governor of Imo State, I derived my power from the constitution of Eastern Nigeria. As governor of Lagos then, I was subjected to the constitution of Western Nigeria and Lagos Colony. There was no question by then of suspending a governor by the federal government. For instance, in spite of the fact that I was the governor of Lagos State and Muhammad Buhari was Federal Commissioner for Petrol-eum, he came with his ministry officials and apply for pipeline right of way for federal government. The issue is that, if you take the unitary system of governance we have now, you cannot blame those who are operating it. But if you look at the issues that is dragging the nation back critically like security and power, you will understand that it will take the synergy of all the units(regions) in the country, in that diversity to move forward. But, in a situation where those in power are concerned more about accumulation of material wealth, that is where corruption will continue to thrive. We are running a unitary system of government in Nigeria. There are so many connotations that we can go on talking about. The truth is, many unbelievable things are happening in the country now and if we don’t act, we may be heading to a tough time.

When you look back at Nigerian politics and governance since the return to civil rule in 1999, are you satisfied with what you have seen so far?

It is good to look back and look around too. Yes, we can see few infrastructure development put in place, infrastructure like communication advancement and other level of development. However, the body politics of Nigeria is facing greater danger and sliding further backwards over years. In the result of how we come about this sorry state, we have been saying and we will continue to only peaceful way can lead Nigeria back to the right path.

Democracy is what NADECO fought’ for. Are you satisfied with the present political situation the country?

Let me state briefly here that when the June 12 election, a free and fair election was annulled; an election that Nigerians let off religious sentiment, left everything and voted their conscience, when you can say bribery and intimidation wasn’t the case, when young men ans women counted votes one-by-one. I wish we could play back what happened in those days before the election was annulled. The question is, whatmakes it possible to get that free election annulled? What makes it possible for the military to annulled the election? What follows? What if Nigerians, if NADECO or no NADECO protested? Everybody just accept what the military did. What do you think would happen if the whole country rise up against the annulment? Of course what goes round will come round. When you do bad to the people, you will never know it will flip to other side. So inequity is inequity and it will go round. Same thing with equity self. So that happened? We have been operating civil rule for 14 years. Ask yourself what has happened? To put it briefly, we are not yet there in the democracy we fought for.

This is not a matter of trying to blame anybody. Issues have gone beyond blaming anybody. The cost and effects is what really matter. What does it cost Nigeria to be going through what we shouldn’t go through? What are the collective factors? When we are talking about SNC, we are not talking of just to go and sit down and talk. We are talking about going back to the sovereign people who are suffering in the midst of plenty. We are talking about people that wanted to live together very much as a country and surrender their sovereignty administrative control central governance on their own free will, sense of belonging and maintain their own sovereignty. There are no two ways about it.

If we don’t go back to the feelings where all of us, different people with different backgrounds accept to live together as one, then, the crisis will continue to stare us in the face. If we have got a fundamental problem in the land, these matter will keep on increasing. That is the factor why NADECO decided to intervene. We are saying let’s quickly find peaceful and lasting solution to all these problems. We have been saying it for long; we would keep saying that the country is heading towards where it shouldn’t go.

Could you reflect on your ordeals during the struggle against the military government after the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election?

Many things have been written before about that. Many things have been spoken and narrated before about my experiences of those period. I want to appeal to you, let’s shift our attention from our experiences in NADECO, let’s shift to motivation; what really pushed us into the struggle and what was the position of those things in Nigeria today.

Many Nigerians will still like to share your experience as a top military officer who served high positions at a time but later joined forces to ensure that the military relinguished power. What’s your experience like?

Anyway, at the beginning, I was picked at home one morning by a group of policemen led by someone who later became DIG in this country. Before he died in a crash we later became friend. Together is one retired ACP, he was CSP then and up till today, I still relate with him afterall. Yes, first in the morning I was led to the Force Headquarters. While there, I was told I’m carrying arms and ammunitions and then, they brought a paper for me to write statement. They also brought a paper allegedly prepared by me as NADECO’s Chairman of Action Committee where I have recommended massive arm and ammunition importation.

I made it clear that, if I prepared the paper brought to me, they won’t see it in the first place. They also made remarks about Dr. Beko Kuti and some other members of NADECO until the wee hours of the following day. Later, I learnt they were looking for cars and I asked what for? They said we are travelling to my home time. It was around 4 a.m that early morning. I said No I am not travelling anywhere and that whatever they want to do to me, they should do it there. I said I am not going. I even told them that I wish they take me back to my house because I won’t stay at the Force Headquarters. In the morning, they were all around. We all take off to the airport. Four plain cloth policemen were with me.

We did fly to Port Harcourt. From there, we drove to my hometown and to my house. While there, they said I should come inside and join them in searching. But I decline. One of them threathened me that what happens of they planted something capable gave putting me in serious trouble, I said that will be between them and their conscience. I remained at my balcony when they conducted their search of the whole house. I overheard one of them saying this man has nothing to hide and that was where it ended and I was flown back to Lagos. There are so many harassment meted out at me thereafter purposely to break me down. I don’t want to go into all that. But at a time, I decided to send message to Abacha. Admiral Akhigbe was by then the Naval Chief. The message I sent then was that I shouldn’t be subjected to un necessary harassment after serving my country well defending her territorial integrity. There are so many to tell as regards my experience when NADECO was running from pillar to post.

What motivated you to join NADECO when it was formed?

I don’t mind telling anybody who cares that I am a well trained Naval Officer. I don’t mind taking on any Admiral anywhere in the world, any day, any time. While I was in the service, where I was trained in India; there was an inscription on the dome there. It was, Safety, Honour and Welfare of your country come first, always and every time. The Safety, Honour and Welfare of the men you command come next. Your own safety and welfare come last. And there was no training that talk about being a governor. My first Military appointment was when I was in the Supreme Military Council (SMC). I was put under General Muritala Muhammed. Nothing was done single handedly by the Head of State.

Everything was from the SMC. Olusegun Obasanjo was a member likewise myself and other officers. Obasanjo was not superior to any member of the council. So, anytime Obasanjo says he did this or that after the assassination of Muritala, there is nothing he did independently; all actions were by SMC. I also partake in Babangida’s Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) after Ubitu Ukiwe’s exit. I was also a member of Political Bureau set up by the Babangida’s administration. There was a fixed programme for return to civili, government but they changed the whole thing. In fact, after the annulment of June 12 election in 1993, someone like Akampgbo said anyone that talk about June 12 was inciting people and risk treason. Chukwumerije too along with Akampgbo talks against June 12 but deep inside their heart they could see clearly that ordinary Nigerians who voted during the election are angry about the turn of event.

Anybody in uniform or out of uniform, I mean anybody who is in his right senses for any reason, that support annulment of June 12, 1993 presidential election, is personal to him. The annulment is against the country and the people, anyhow you look at it. So, there is no need saying that anybody, including IBB himself, David Mark who is there today and Obasanjo who was at the helm of affairs of this nation between 1999 to 2007, anybody at all, whoever that gave support to the annulment of June 12, 1999 election did not give their support to serve the interest of this nation, except their personal interest.

Now, whenever there is Military aberration, it is the political authority that the military take

June 14, 2013
June 12 alive, say NADECO, Soyinka, others

The undying spirit of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election won by Chief Moshood Abiola was invoked yesterday in Lagos.

The National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) which spearheaded the battle to restore the result of the historic election, organised a colloquium at Epetedo in Lagos where the late Abiola declared himself president in 1994.

Nobel laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka and Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) National Leader Asiwaju Bola Tinubu reaffirmed that the 1993 election remained a watershed in the history of Nigeria.

The Southwest zone is celebrating the 20th anniversary of the election with a rash of activities.

Public holidays have been declared by the governments of Lagos, Oyo, Ogun, Osun and Ekiti states controlled by the ACN to reaffirm their belief that June 12 is the Democracy Day.

The Federal Government marks May 29, the date Nigeria reverted to civil rule in 1999 as Democracy Day.

At the NADECO Colloquium in Lagos yesterday, Mr. Fred Agbeyegbe delivered a paper titled “The need and modalities of a sovereign National Conference”.

NADECO chairman Rear Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu (rtd) said the colloquium was to x-ray the “current political landscape of a patently unhealthy polity of the country, Nigeria.”

Among those at the event were NADECO Secretary Ayo Opadokun, Mrs. Dupe Onitire-A biola (one of ABiola’s wives), Rev. Tunji Adebiyi, Mr. Baba Omojola, Mr. Tony Nyam, Dr. Tokunbo Ajasin and Alhaji Yerima Shetima

Apart from the call for the Sovereign National Conference, the pro- democracy group criticised the 1999 Constitution, which it claimed was imposed on the country, as the instrumentality for the usurpation of the collective sovereign will of the people.

“ Ultimately, the sovereign will of the Nigerian people got subjugated by the imposition of a Constitution which, to date, enslaves them at the hands of the very predatory forces behind the entire June 12 annulment.

“This usurpation of the sovereignty is being pursued as to ensure that it is reinforced, legitimised and made permanent, via the instrumentality of the 1999 Constitution, wholly imposed by the aforesaid tiny, military – propelled power clique, a critical mass of who are part of those that now hold sway in our civil rule, pseudo- democracy”.

NADECO claimed that the usurpation of the sovereign will of the people has led to grievances, anger, disaffection and dissatisfaction in many quarters throughout the country. The group listed eight provisions in the Constitution which it regarded as anti- people, saying they “inevitably led to and manifest in increasing grievances of the people of Nigeria towards and in a country they wish to have exist and prosper properly in its diversity”.

It argued that the remedy for the numerous grievances in the land cannot be found in the amendment of the Constitution by any organ of government , committee or the National Assembly. It described as mere grandstanding the impression that the Constitution is being amended by one particular organ and that it will end in futility.

“ For remediation, the grievances occasioned by these provisions clearly transcend the realm of amendments by whatever organ of government, be it Committees or National Assembly. All the grandstanding about amendments in the National Assembly remain an exercise in futility, of unintended self- delusion and a dissipation of everybody’s time along as the main Constitutional grievances remain unaddressed. “

NADECO claimed that only the naive would expect those who benefitted from the deformed Nigeria edifice to line up and dismantle the very basis of the illicit benefits. It called on Nigerians to hold opponents of SNC responsible should the country come to a violent dismemberment.

“ NADECO asserts that all the violent agitations in Nigeria have their roots in these constitutional grievances and cannot be peacefully addressed otherwise than by a holistic engagement with the issues by way of a Sovereign National Conference of ethnic nationalities. In refusing to initiate this only plausible non- violent mechanism for addressing the Nigerian question, opponents of the SNC have pushed into a violent and disorderly debate of the same issues as now being conducted by the OPC, MASSOB, Egbesu, MEND, Boko Haram, and now Ombatse, probably others will follow,…Again, let it be stated, loud and clear that the opponents, not the proponents, of the vital and inevitable Sovereign National Conference of ethnic nationalities of Nigeria, should and will be held responsible and accountable if the country comes to violent dismemberment”, it charged.

Prof Wole Soyinka and Action Congress of Nigeria (AC N) National Leader Asiwaju Bola Tinubu have reflected on the June 12, 1993 presidential election and described those trying to wish away the historical day as time-wasters.

In separate statements, the duo agreed that June 12 remains indelible in the memory of those who staked their all to enthrone democracy.The election, adjudged by local and foreign observers as Nigeria’s best ever, was annulled by military President Ibrahim Babangida.

The playwright described the attempt to obliterate the day by some elements as futile as it remains “human spirit” that cannot die.

Besides, the literary icon branded those playing up May 29 as Democracy Day above June 12 as run of the mill politicians.

According to him, May 29 merely symbolises the day a compromised president took the baton of leadership following a compromised election.

In his June 12 message, Soyinka described today as Nigeria’s real Democracy Day and a watershed in the nation’s history.

In his view, it is unfortunate that those trampling on June 12 are those rescued from relegation, obscurity and the jaws of death and promoted to relevance and prominence by the June 12 spirit.

The message reads: “We need to remind ourselves what June 12, 1993 represents. It is neither mere date, nor sentiment. It is simply – human spirit. What a futile undertaking it is then, when some individuals attempt to deny or crush it.

“Yet it was the power of this very spirit that brought such out of relegation or obscurity, even from the jaws of death, and bestowed upon them relevance and prominence.

“What June 12 possesses is exactly what May 29, or any other day lacks. The former was a spirit of unified purpose, the latter simply an egotistical appropriation of the gift of the former.

“June 12 embodies unity of purpose, equity and justice, the manifestation of the sovereign will of a people. It remains forever a watershed of Nigerian history, no matter what the future holds.

“I urge you to try a simple experiment: narrate the story of May 29 to a child and watch his or her reaction. On that day – that child would concede – an individual was installed as a compromise president following a compromise election. So, what’s new?

“Now move on to unfold the tapestry of June 12. Run your finger along its traceries of citizen resolve, upheavals, of individual and group heroisms, of sacrifices and martyrdoms, the timeless narrative of human resilience.

“Watch the difference in that child’s responses. Yet, even the beneficiaries of that day persist in their futile effort to kill the date and supplant it with another. Why should we be surprised?

“It is that unprincipled game of substitution that they have carried even to subsequent elections, substituting names of the rightful winners of elections with others who were never even in contention.

“It is this same mental compulsion that moves them to attempt to rob even a calendar date of its significance, its history, its potential for character formation and sense of national formation – and transformation.

“We remain unshaken! Let others continue their sham ceremonies – after all, this is a democracy – or so we claim!

“And that same Democracy mandates those who are dedicated to truth, who are tutored in the lessons of history, who understand that the human spirit is enduring, to hold fast onto the truthful anniversary, recognising none other, ensuring that this date is emblazoned across the sky, and takes root in the very earth that has soaked up the blood of our martyrs.”

Tinubu, who took active part in the June 12 struggle, said the spirit of June 12 is not only alive but thriving. He said June 12 spirit will propel the process that will produce free and fair elections in future. Describing June 12 as Nigeria’s beacon in the dark, the former Lagos governor said the thirst for change is thick in the air and millions of Nigerians desperately want their votes to count in the next round of elections.

His words: “June 12 remains indelibly etched in our memory, though it stands as a ringing indictment to the military and their civilian travellers who conspired against the wishes of millions of Nigerians. Because what happened on June 12 is deep-rooted and genuine, the spirit behind it has refused to die”.

In a statement entitled: “Nigerians poised to re-enact the spirit of June in the next elections,” Tinubu said: “This pervading spirit of patriotic zeal has reached a critical mass powerful enough to propel the engines of change and the demand for a truly free and fair elections.The core of the June 12 elections was the transparency and the free and fair nature the election held. Twenty years after, Nigerians deserve no less.

“The quality of our elections in the past few years, has not attained the quality and transparency that surrounded the conduct of the June 12, 1993 elections.

“The symbol of June 12 and Nigeria’s Icon of Democracy, Chief Kashimawo Abiola gave to Nigeria a truly fine moment in history and taught us the lesson that Nigeria has all it takes to get it right and be great.

“But we failed to recognize his mandate and heed the message of his victory at the poll.Rather, we rushed to crucify him and stifle the message of democracy for which he made great sacrifices.

Since June 12, we have struggled to reach the level of democratic quality experienced at that moment. Today, we live halfway between sun and storm. We have yet to reach the democratic level of June 12.

“The harvest time has come for Nigeria and Nigerians, but only if we imbibe the spirit of June 12 and abide with the lessons of that historic event. He said the present political circumstances is such that Nigerians must rally for change.

“Beyond that, they must demand for reform in the electoral system, especially the use of full biometric system for our elections.

“Across Africa, even in countries just stepping out of brutal civil wars, governments continue to embrace biometric technology as a safeguard against election manipulation and multiple voting.

“Ghana, Sierra Leone, Kenya to mention a few have keyed in. Nigerians must mobilize to demand from this current government the application of full biometric system. We on our part are committed to the struggle to make this happen.”

Tinubu lauded the late Chief MKO Abiola, who was the symbol of June 12, saying that the business mogul will forever remain a source of inspiration for all lovers of democracy and an avatar for justice and the rule of law.

He said: “This is why we must never forget June 12. We must never lose hope that we can attain the level of democratic practice of that day.

“We cannot change the past; we cannot turn back the hands of the clock. However, we can dedicate ourselves to a better future. We can go forward to a new, more complete June 12 that has an ending as benign as it’s beginning.”

June 12, 2013
NADECO Bishop Adetiloye departs

A befitting funeral has been held for the former Primate of the Church in Nigeria (Anglican Communion), the most Revd. Joseph Abiodun Adetiloye, in Odo-Owa, Ekiti State. NNEKA NWANERI was there.

HE lived an ascetic life. Though a man of influence, riches meant nothing to him if they were not spent in the service of God. The late Primate Joseph Abiodun Adetiloye used all he had for God. His family, friends and influence were for God. His funeral in his Odo-Owa, Ekiti State home town last Friday was a carnival of sorts. People came from every stratum of the society. The high and mighty; as well as ordinary folks were there in large number to honour the man that Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi described as the “NADECO Bishop” for his courage to speak truth to power during the years of military dictatorship.

The late Revd. Adetiloye died at 83. He was Primate of Nigeria from 1988 to 1999, retiring at 70 and leaving behind a worthy legacy.

The two-day funeral kicked off with a tribute session, organised by the Ekiti State government, in Ado-Ekiti, the capital. It was held a day before the burial in a hall named after the late Adetiloye.

The outpouring of emotions showed the love the people of Ekiti have for him. Almost everybody had something good to say about the late Primate, who touched many lives.

That same evening, a commendation service was held in the late Revd. Adetiloye’s country home in Odo-Owa. His home brimmed with activities. The simplicity of the place left many awestruck; they wondered the kind of person he was. Though acres of land stretched as far as the eye could see, the rustic house where he lived till he died stood on a small portion.

Residents lined the streets, stretching into kilometres. Odo-Owa had never seen such a crowd at the same time. The people stood in awe and watched as posh cars and church vehicles were streaming into the town. Those with camera phones snapped away; school pupils danced on the road to the music of a band in their entourage.

After the service, there was an all-night wake-keep, where members of the Anglican Secular sang and danced.

Earlier in the morning, when The Nation got to St Paul’s Millennium Anglican Church, Odo-Owa, venue of the funeral service, all was set for the occasion. By 8.30am, family members were already seated in the church, set for an event scheduled for 11am. They wore purple printed wax with the inscription: “celebration of life of a great man of God.” The picture of the late Adetiloye holding his staff of office, was also on it.

An hour later, the church was filled. Every pew was occupied. White plastic chairs were placed in every available space. The tents that were erected around the church were not enough to contain the crowd. Others stood in the sun and watched. Many clergy men in black, purple and white occupied the first upper part of the church.

At the stipulated time, the remains of the late Primate were heralded by a loud shout. A black hearse with ADETILOYE as the number plate bore the body. The late Primate’s wife, sons and grand-children accompanied the body to the church entrance where the officiating ministers received it.

The Primate of Nigeria, Revd Nicholas Okoh, who presided at the service, spoke of the selflessness of the deceased, his unwavering commitment to evangelism, which paved the way for the proliferation of churches in the diocese from 26 to 76. He prayed that the late Adetiloye’s legacy will endure

“As a man who stood for God and for the people, he was a courageous prophet who spoke the truth and was ready to pay the price. He has struggled with man and the world and has now finished his race,” Okoh said.

The cleric said it was not for nothing that the late Revd. Adetiloye’s funeral coincided with the feast of St Paul, the great evangelist of Christendom.

Revd Peter Jasper Akinola, who took over from the late Adetiloye in March, 2000, said the relationship between them was not that of master-servant or bishop-archbishop but that of father and son.

“He was so caring and desirous of seeing me move ahead of the task God has given me. Even when I almost resigned as bishop, he held me back. Such a man wrote to powers that be on what they should do or face the wrath of God. He taught me that none could out-give God, and he gave till he gave his life,” Revd. Akinola said.

Dr Fayemi, who addressed the crowd of sympathisers from the altar, said it was not a day of mourning but of the celebration of a life which is unsparing of itself in service to God.

He described the late Primate as the “NADECO Bishop” Nigeria’s version of Desmond Tutu, who never ceased to speak truth to the then military dictators in power during his tenure as Primate of Nigeria.

The governor urged the people of the state to abide by the tenets of the late Revd. Adetiloye, who many years ago initiated the Ido Declaration for politicians and public office holders.

“Because he belonged to no political party but the party of God, we should keep striving even when he is departed, and say never again will we spill the blood of our people on the altar of politics,” he said.

Recalling his days as a student at Christ’s School, Ado-Ekiti, when the late primate was Bishop of the state, Fayemi said the late Rev Adetiloye lived on a hill.

He said: “A man of such immense spiritual and moral authority has gone to be with the Lord. He has fought a good fight, he has finished the course, he has kept the faith. Baba lived well, served well and died well.”

The widow, Titilayo, was short of words. She wept and wept and wept. She described her late husband as a man bestowed with a rare beauty of mind and grace, whose innate qualities made him a true wonder to all who associated with him. “Always conciliatory and unsurprisingly modest.”

The first son, Adeola, said though their family life was shattered, his father gave the church everything. He described his father as a courageous man with immense faith in God, a man who used the disadvantages of the family to serve God. “To daddy, the church was number one, two, and three and in every situation he would say: ka ma yin Oluwa.(let us keep praising God).

There were tributes from President Goodluck Jonathan; Governors Babatunde Fashola of Lagos; Ibikunle Amosun (Ogun); Rauf Aregbesola (Osun) and other bishops.

His remains were interred at the St Paul’s Millennium Church Odo-Owa, Ekiti.

At the funeral were the President, represented by Minister for Police Affairs, Navy Captain Caleb Olubolade; Fayemi’s wife, Erelu Bisi ; Gen Adeyinka Adebayo; his son and former Governor of Ekiti State, Otunba Niyi Adebayo; former governors Ayo Fayose and Segun Oni; Justice George Oguntade; Bishop Alexander Ibezim of Awka, Bishop Iyom of Makurdi; Bishop Peter Adebiyi of Lagos West Diocese; the host Bishop Samuel Oke; Archbishop of the Metropolitan Province of Lagos Adebayo Akinde and Rev Akinyele Omole of Sokoto Diocese.

February 1, 2013
The goodness of Olusola Saraki

Like everyone else in the country I was informed about the death of the Waziri of Ilorin, Dr. Olusola Saraki, on the morning that he passed on and the news saddened me immensly. This is because he was one of the greatest, kindest, most compassionate, most generous and most selfless leaders that we have ever had in this country. His power and influence stretched from the Second Republic when he was the Leader of the Senate on the platform of the NPN up until today. He made the dreams and aspirations of many come true and throughout his life he brought nothing but smiles to many faces. He was my late father’s close and loyal friend and he was like a father to me and so many others. This is not a good time for him to go because Nigeria needs him now more than ever and we shall all miss him dearly. My heart goes out to the Saraki family. I mourn with them and I stand shoulder to shoulder with them today. Like the biblical David said about the passing of King Saul, I am constrained to say about the passing of the great Oloye Olusola Saraki, ‘’how are the mighty fallen in the midst of battle. How are the mighty fallen and the weapons of war perished.”

In Shakespere’s famous play ‘’Julius Caesar’’, whilst trying to warn Caesar about the prospect of death, Calphurnia said ‘’when beggars die there are no comets seen.The heavens themselves blaze forth the death of princes’’. Caesar responded promptly and appropiately by saying ‘’Cowards die many times before their deaths.The valiant never taste of death but once’’. Dr. Saraki was not a beggar or a coward. He was a prince in every sense of the word and since his passing not only have many comets been seen, not only have the heavens been blazing forth his death but the whole of Nigeria has been mourning him. What a befitting honour this is and none is as deserving of such honour as the Oloye. Like Julius Caesar, he did not fear death even though he must have known, like Mark Anthony said in that very same play, that ‘’the evil that men do live after them, the good is often buried with their bones’’. With Saraki there was no evil but plenty of good. And those of us that he left behind must not allow that ‘’good’’ to be ‘’buried with his bones’’. It is just one example of that ‘’good’’ which I intend to share with you in this essay.

If the truth be told many wonderful things are often said and written about great and powerful leaders in Nigeria after their passing. Some of these things are true and some are not. Yet In Saraki’s case I assure you that these things are really true. The following story that I am about to share with you is not only an eloquent testimony to that but it also proves the fact that Dr. Saraki was not only a truly great, compassionate and kind man but that he was also selfless and sensitive to the suffering of others. In early 1998, during the turbulent yet dying days of General Sani Abacha, a promising and brilliant young journalist by the name of Mr. Tunde Oladepo, who at that time was the Abeokuta Bureau Chief of the Guardian Newspaper, was brutally murdered by agents of the Federal Military Government in his home in Abeokuta and in the prescence of his wife and two very infant children. The murderers wore masks and committed the crime in a terrible way that is best left to the imagination of readers. I will not repeat those sordid details here. What I will say is that no-one deserves to die in that way. After butchering Tunde the three murderers went over to the wife and children, who had been in the same room whilst the killing was taking place and who witnessed the whole event, and removed their masks so that she could see their faces clearly. They seemed to relish in the pain that they were causing her and the fear that they were instilling in the children. The point that they were conveying to the young bereaved widow, like all predators and beasts often do after their kill, was one of total impugnity. They were saying that ‘’we have done this to you and your family, you have seen our faces and yet you are utterly powerless to do anything about it’’. This was the height of cruelty and after their horrendous display of callousnes and brazen power and control they left the house. Yet the torment for the Oladepo family had only just started.

A little background would be helpful here. Tunde had been murdered simply because of his stringent and uncomromising support for NADECO and the fight for the realisation of the mandate of Chief M.K.O Abiola who had won a free and fair Presidential election in 1993. Nigeria was in turmoil in those days and there was literally a war going on between those that supported NADECO and Abiola and those that supported Abacha and military rule. Thousands of young men and women, mostly unsung and unkown, were murdered, tortured and driven into exile by the Government of that day simply because they stood on the side of righteousness, justice and truth. Tunde was one of such people. He was a great supporter of NADECO and he took great risks for his country, the cause of freedom and the cause of democracy. Sadly, in the end, he paid the supreme price for his stand. It was in that context, for that reason and with that background that Tunde Oladepo was murdered. Yet the torment of the Oladepo family did not end with his murder. As a matter of fact it had only just started.

I say this because what happened next beggars belief. During Tunde’s burial ceremony many came to honour him and of course they were most welcome. However to the utter shock and chagrin of his young widow and two young children, the three butchers that had killed her husband and that had also shown their faces to her after the murder turned up at the burial as well. Not only did they turn up but they also went over to the young widow and, with a wicked smile, whispered their ‘’commisserations’’ into her ears. This was not only frightening, bizarre and macabre but it also had the intended effect. Mrs. Oladepo was completely terrified and was frozen into silence by fear and trepidation. Had they come back to kill her and her children too? Did they have unfinished business with them? Was the pain and torment that they had inflicted on her family not enough? These were the questions that shot through her mind. Yet she had the prescence of mind, courage and discipline to hold her peace knowing that if she didn’t she may invite instant death upon herself there and then and upon her children. What a strong lady she was. Once again she got the message from her tormentors loud and clear. And the message was the following- ‘’we kill, we bury, we destroy, we are above the law, we are untouchable, we control everything, we can get away with anything and there is NOTHING that you can do about it’’. Such was the nature of those that killed for Abacha and such was the clime of those dark, evil and dangerous days.

After the burial and after all the mourners left Mrs. Oladepo soon found out that she and her two young children were all alone in the world. Not only did she fear for her life but she also feared for the future of her children. She had no means to live, she had no business and she was finding it difficult to get all the dues that were owed her husband. Worst still all those ‘’big men’’ (and I have their names) that her husband had supported and fought for in NADECO and most of his old friends turned their back on her and offered her nothing in terms of encouragement, substance, protection or support. She had no money and no way of surviving in a country that was exceptionally dangerous and that was in deep conflict and turmoil. Worst of all she knew that it was only a matter of time before the assasins came back for her and her children because she had been forced to see their faces, not once but twice. She and her two children were the only living witnesses to their homicidal butchery and therefore they presented a real threat to them. The ‘’system’’, like the mafia, does not leave witnesses alive for long and they always tie up loose ends. It was only a matter of time and she knew it. Her only recourse was to secretly flee from Nigeria, just as many other NADECO widows and fighters had done, and seek greener patures and safety elsewhere until the evil had passed. Yet for this she needed resources and support and there was none forthcoming from anywhere. She was literally in despair and every day was a nightmare for her. She was deserted by all and she literally had to fend for herself and her two little children on a daily basis. These were indeed difficult days for the young widow because she had no money and all hope seemed lost. All she could do was cry, hope against hope and pray to God. Then things suddenly changed.

She was sitting in her house one afternoon and there was a knock on her door. She welcomed the strangers in with some trepidation, not knowing who they were or who sent them. There were two men. They told her that they worked for Dr. Olusola Saraki and that they had been sent to her by him. They said that he did not know her husband and had never met him before but that he had read about the murder and terrible tragedy in the newspapers. They said that he felt moved by the fact that Oladepo had left a young widow behind and two infant children and that consequently he had sent a token of sum of money to them to help them at that difficult time. They handed over 250,000 naira cash to her (which was a lot of money in those days) and then promptly left. Mrs. Oladepo was overwhelmed and she knew that this was an answered prayer. Now she had the resources to leave Nigeria and, with the support of the NADECO network, she could move to the relative safety of Ghana and from there, with the support of NADECO and the Canadian Embassy in

November 18, 2012
‘Ours is not yet a democracy’

During the heady days of the military rule, Dr. Dipo Fashina and a host of others in the civil rights groups fought to free Nigeria from dictatorship. Fashina, a senior lecturer in the Department of Philosophy, Obafemi Awolowo University, (OAU) Ile-Ife, Osun State, is also a former President of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). Edozie Udeze met him recently.

DO you think that what the Civil Right Groups fought against during the military have been achieved today?

I think when you look back you find out that, all we did together was to get the military off the stage. There were then the two ‘wes’, okay. The first ‘we’ were groups of people who were already in active politics.

These were people who were in party politics then and were really fully involved in it. These were those who were in MKO Abiola’s party then; there were those who were in NADECO. All these already had party affiliations, yet they were members of the Civil Rights Groups. These were people who took advantage of party politics to swim through to the other side.

Then there were the group who had a larger view of what was needed to get Nigeria on the path of progress. There were the people who we saw as the socialists and who were also on the broad left. Those people decided that it was necessary to free the country in order to advance to the next level. That time, there was a coalition of the civil rights people. There was the late Beko Ransome-Kuti who was later joined by the late Gani Fawehinmi and so on.

All these were led by people who had their antecedents on the left – that is the socialists group. Now, I am saying this because, when you look at it now, what we were fighting for was to be able to get not just the nebulous idea of the people, trying to chose their own type of government, we were also fighting for a situation in which people would be able, generally, to advance the cause of workers. That was the general idea and concept behind the struggle and the motivation to liberate the society. We needed to produce the ordinary people who would build their own society, where there would be at least a minimum welfare state.

However, coming out of the defect of military rule, we now found out there was not really unity of goals. As far as that other group was concerned, all we needed to do was to get the military off our backs and then life continues. After that there would be party politics so that they would get into power.

And another said, well, after the defeat of the military, the forces will be reorganized so that we would advance and improve the cause of the working people. Now, what has happened is that those who just saw that anti-military struggle as a way of just getting political power are the ones who have benefited from the status quo. They are the people who now claim and cling to the leadership of the state. You’d be surprised that when you now hear the history of the anti-democratic struggle you only hear about people who were in NADECO. And that is not quite correct.

NADECO is now what is on the lips of people. Yet there were the CD, the JACON, etc, etc. After the military struggle, it was easy for our patriots who also struggled to enter into the mainstream politics, win governorships, establish political parties and all that. That is where we are presently.

That other ‘we’ is still trying to reorganise itself. We knew what we wanted to do – to build a socialist country, not to build a Nigeria that is ruled by the same forces who now behave as the military did. Now they are being influenced and controlled by American government, international funders and so on. These are the people who funded the so-called democratic forces and they are now in total control of the affairs of the nation and the people.

Some Southern leaders of thought have been advocating for state police. Do you think Nigeria is ripe for that now?

Usually in Nigeria when there is a problem, people will say okay it was there before, that there was regional police before and it was later dismantled. And why not bring it back now? You see, I find those arguments rather light-headed, because, unless you ignore history, you’ll not get to the root of these problems. You have to really analyse history to see what it was like in the past. When we had state or regional police, what was it like, what was the situation then? Why was it dismantled and so on?

What was the situation in which we had regional police? And what is the situation now? Now where are we going? For me, right now, honestly it is not that I want to dodge the question. It is to get the fundamental problems in proper perspective. What is the police force for? What function does it play in Nigeria today?

In Nigeria now, as I am talking to you, do the police protect the people, the masses of the nation? Do the police advance the interest of those millions who are suffering in the society? What is the state of the police itself? When you look at it, our police is a rag– tag force. It is badly equipped, badly paid; it is without any doubt in a bad state.

Clearly from the way the police has been stretched – bad condition of service, corruptive tendencies, you don’t expect them to operate better. Now, again, when you look at it, when the police come out to do a function, it is basically to oppress. To quell riot, to collect money, that is the main function of the police as it is today.

For me, instead of saying how do we create a society where we will transform the police, to play the role that it ought to play, we are not talking of a police that is so badly run and equipped, badly treated and all it can do is to serve the function of the rulers. This is not proper at all.

There is no general universal answer to the question of the state police. No, there is none. With the way the Nigerian police is right now people are talking democracy, but there is no class now that is truly committed to democracy. Or is there? That includes the governors.

What the governors believe is that all you need is to keep power by all means. For me, the question is badly put – a state police issue now, it may turn out that someone wants to use it in the hands of corrupt people and anti – democratic elements. I don’t think that it is historically justified to have a situation when state police can be the answer. It has to be based on the historical function under which we are now in this society. I am answering the question whether or not police should be in state hands or not. I am basing my views on the historical parameter in which we are.

NUPENG threatened to go on strike based on the oil subsidy probe and other cases of corruption in the system. How do you assess this vis-à-vis the level of corruption in Nigeria?

The question of the oil subsidy thing is a question I think the working class people of this society who are the ones at the receiving end should be able to defend. Let me say one thing –we are here because of political and economic choices, not by a group of people who have been installed there to lead. It is not a question of who is there now. When we told people that EFCC, ICPC and so on are not our ideas, that they were what they were out of the conditions that we were given, many people did not believe us.

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala being there now in government is not an accident. It is not at all. The subsidy probe is part of the agenda why she is there. And you saw all the futile arguments she presented over there about the oil subsidy removal. Now Nigerians know better.

The question that rises today is: the way we pose this question needs to be re – examined. Should we prosecute the Faruk Lawans or the Femi Otedolas and so on? Should we now have a new PIB bill? Those questions are important; yes we can prosecute them. The first thing we have to do is if we begin to talk about prosecution in a country where the judiciary is bad, even if the judiciary were the best, the question for me still remains how do you punish the offenders. How do you punish people who have been found guilty of fraud? A serious country will of course punish those found guilty.

But the harder question is, what is the root of this oil theft? How did we get to this level? It is that history we have to look at first to be able to get it right. In this country, many people have been saying that our problem is that the people who are running this country are the same people who are interested in power for the sake of amassing wealth. And as long as power is in the hands of these people, this cannot be called a country.

So, that is the fundamental question. Those who are in the habit of enabling them – the IMF agents here, the civil servants who join them in this situation… Come to the history of it all. When we removed the military, President Olusegun Obasanjo who took over was the one who created the basis and foundation for all this. When he created all these conglomerates; when he created what he termed captains of industries. And then he created Transcorp through which he created the policy of selling all public institutions to private ownership.

So, if you want to clean up this mess, you cannot start from here. You have to start from the Obasanjo era. They are all alike; the same set of people. We are talking of a class of rulers all of whom are involved in this melee of corruption. Then you go into it and the task is big. I am not against taking people to court. But taking people to court and appearing to punish them here and there seem to be the same to me. They seem to exchange batons and, therefore, there seems to be no progress at all.

People are talking about corruption daily and …

Oh yes, people are criticising it, calling for a final solution. Yes, it is an enfeebled government. But it is an enfeebled government because it is the latest stages of a system of a regime of fraud that started with Obasanjo. That is what all of us should remember. So while we are dealing with it, we should remember it is the latest in an ancestry of the same corruptive tendency by the same people.

I am saying this because we move from one illusion to the other. And we still come back to the same thing. People should be striking for what they feel is a fraud and it is legitimate. Those who want to solve the problems of this country must put into consideration that all we have are the same class of people who hold the country by the jugular. Until we wriggle free from their tendency to continue to tie us down perpetually, we will continue to run in circles.

What is your take on private universities that produce so many first class graduates every year?

Let us also talk about federal universities. In most federal universities there are certain disciplines where you can hardly produce first class graduates. The history is there and it is justified. And nowadays when you produce just one or two first class there after many years, people will know their worth.

But these days, when I hear of a private university producing dozens and dozens of first class materials, I wonder how and why. Sometimes they produce, double or even triple what a federal university has not produced since its inception or in the past twenty years. When we hear this, of course, we know that something is wrong.

In some federal universities, there is no one who will tell you that you cannot fail a course. Of course, where you fail you either have a re-sit or carry-over. This is to maintain a standard. But in some private universities that I know you do not fail. No, you do not and this is unorthodox. I also know some people who think private universities are not up to standard. And in order to make the world see them as better, they have to produce many first class to justify their existence.

I know that if there is any federal university that produces as many first class as the private ones do, you’ll ask what is wrong. It is not a healthy development for education in the country, too many first class is not a tea party and it is not an everyday thing.

Without prejudice that there are many bright students in the private universities, that is not a guarantee that first class materials are that many. Remember also that they do not have the kind of quality staff we have. Most of them still borrow lecturers from here where we have better qualified teachers and professors. So how come they now do better than federal universities? It is really difficult to imagine how they now train extremely high quality students who garner first class at random.

Generally, many of us are now very critical of the standard being set for our young graduates by the private universities. We are also worried that this too may not be too healthy for our society, where people with first class cannot easily prove what they are worth. We need to really, really look into it for the benefit of our educational standard and the future of this country.

September 23, 2012