THERE is probably something about the foundation of Nigeria that continues to haunt its march to maturity. Prior to the October 1,1960 lowering of the Union Jack, the symbol of subjugation to British suzerainty, controversy had marked the process all the way. First was the dispute over who moved the motion for the nation’s attainment of freedom. It is popularly credited to the late Chief Anthony Enahoro who, in 1953, moved the historic motion in the House of Representatives. He proposed that the country should become self-governing by 1956. However, some scholars and historians have queried the credit since Enahoro’s motion was just to bring self government, not full independence. Besides, even when no one could question the historic import of the proposal within the context of 1953, it was not carried and thus failed to usher in independence.
Then came the Remi Fani-Kayode motion in 1957. The son of that legendary figure, Chief Femi Fani-Kayode, has of recent made strident efforts to call attention to the fact that his father’s motion succeeded and eventually led to the 1960 independence.
But then, there was a third. In May 1960, the man who later became the Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa-Belewa, formally moved that the British transfer power to Nigerian leaders. That came after series of constitutional conferences and an agreement by leaders of the political parties and regions. It heralded the activities of October 1, that year.
The First Republic
Only the deep and discerning could have perceived from the wording of the first national anthem that there was fire on the mountain. Nigeria we hail thee, the anthem said and went on to acknowledge that it is our dear native land. But the next line suggested that it is a land of disparate people who may not easily become a nation by the mere lowering of the British flag. It announced, “though tribe and tongue may differ…” It was an indication that there could be trouble going forward and it did not take long before the differences manifested and led to tension in the system.
Within two years, the sore had turned to cancer. Two major political parties had drawn the battle line. The Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) that controlled the Northern region and in power at the centre, decided to finish off the Action Group (AG), led by the methodical Chief Obafemi Awolowo. The instruments of state came in handy as weapons for the ruling party. A crisis was provoked in the AG and Awolowo, the Leader of Opposition in the federal Parliament, had to battle for his political life. Challenged by the Premier of the western region, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola who was also his deputy, Awolowo’s administrative acumen was put to test. Akintola, backed by the NPC, was at the same time hauled before the Coker Commission of Inquiry and sent to the Justice George Shodeinde Sowemimo court to answer charges of treasonable felony.
The more Awolowo was buffeted by the NPC-NNDP alliance, the more the Nigerian state tottered and the deep knew that it was a question of time before the boat capsized. The eventual jailing of Awolowo, census of 1963, federal election of 1964 and Western parliamentary crisis of 1965 exposed the immaturity of the political class and their utter lack of grace. It was no surprise when the military seized the occasion on January 15, 1966 to take over power.
For 13 years, an unprepared and ill-trained military, lacking in the necessary experience, sought to tend the political machine. Again, the result was predictable. One counter coup, one other successful coup d’etat, a failed putsch, a civil war, another failed census and one riveting purge of the public service took the toll on the health of the country. By October 1, 1979 when the military rolled back the tanks to the barracks, the tremors had weakened the foundation of the country.
Shagari’s Second Republic
Alhaji Aliyu Usman Shehu Shagari was a man of modest ambition. He had looked forward to being a Senator in the Second Republic, but was persuaded by the lords of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) to try his hands at managing affairs as the Chief Executive and first Executive President. He contested against five more qualified Nigerians who were, however, made to fail the electoral test to pave the way for the man from Shagari village. The reluctant President could not manage the affairs of a troubled country. It took only 27 months for the experiment to fail.
Once again, the civilians kissed the dust as the military made a show of power with Gen. Buhari, then a barefaced dictator assuming control of the reins of power on December 31, 1983.
A palace coup in August 1985 brought Buhari’s Chief of Army Staff, an ever-smiling General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida who later accepted that he was an “evil genius”, to power as he toyed with the fate of the distressed country. Thrice, he altered plans to transfer power to elected leaders and reneged. Eventually, when he held a presidential election, he fell to his own antics as resistance to his game led to his unceremonious exit from power on August 26, 1993. A selected Chief Ernest Shonekan was served power ala carte and pretended to be the Head of an Interim Government until a more determined and invidious General Sani Abacha shoved him aside on November 17. Abacha continued the broken military service and was succeeded on death by General Abdulsalami Abubakar in June 1998. In nine months, General Abdulsalami was out of the scene, leaving a constitution that was more of a labyrinth.
The Fourth Republic
There is a Third Republic, but was there a Third Republic? This remains a puzzle. Could there have been a republic without a constitution and an elected leadership at the centre? Another question. On May 29, 1999, the military handed over to a former military Head of State, General Olusegun Obasanjo, as the new President.
In 13 years, election has become the mode of recruiting leaders, but democracy is yet to take roots. Three Presidents have been elected. First to take power was Obasanjo who remained in power for eight years. He started as a reluctant leader and was forced to yield place to Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua on May 29, 2007. Yar ‘Adua died prematurely to grant opportunity to the first President of Southsouth descent, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan.
The history of the Fourth Republic is pot-marked by crises. A major constitutional crisis first ensued with the power game nearly consuming Vice President Atiku Abubakar who chose to enlist the support of the courts to save his career. He won, but the President continued to subjugate the Office of the Vice President. In the National Assembly, the banana peel led to a flurry of activities that led to the fall of a succession of Senate President. From Evans Enwerem to Chuba Okadigbo and Anyim Pius Anyim, three presiding officers graced the leader’s seat in the upper legislative chamber at the centre. The instability was certainly not good for lawmaking.
Adolphous Wabara started the journey in 2003, but soon lost control and was replaced by a more popular Ken Nnamani who held sway in the second stanza of the Obasanjo tenure because he had learnt lessons from his predecessors, but he had an overbearing and unfriendly President to contend with.
The House of Representatives had been more relatively stable. Except for the sudden change of Salisu Buhari, who was found to have forged the certificates by which he was elected, the presiding officers had little trouble holding on. Whereas Obasanjo took exception to the Ghali Na’Aba administration, he could not effect a removal. Between 2003 and 2007, it was the turn of Aminu Masari who had a chummy relationship with the President. The post-Obasanjo years, however, saw Patricia Etteh imposed by the departing President. She lasted only five months before falling out of power, and was replaced by Dimeji Bankole. The current Speaker, Aminu Tambuwal has continually been threatened with removal by an unimpressed executive since the preferred candidate of the presidency and ruling party fell to popular forces that installed Tambuwal.
Could anyone have forgotten the crisis that attended the illness, power tussle and death of Umaru Yar’Adua? What about the strife in the PDP?
There is danger ahead. What would happen in the run-up to 2015? What would happen if President Jonathan decides to seek another term? Is he constitutionally empowered to do so in view of the constitutional provision that anyone who has been elected twice is barred from contesting? Having been sworn in twice, what is the position of the law? More importantly, would the North accept another spell of being kept out of the powerful seat? What would become of the attempt to alter the structure of the country to cede more powers to the federating units? What is the place of the local governments as the tier of government closer to the people?
The future is as cloudy as the past. The overriding question is, has the political class learnt enough lessons to keep the military at bay, promote a healthier polity and mobilise support for the quest for development?
Failed or failing, whither Nigeria? The task of keeping Nigeria out of the list of failed African states is for all. It is beyond leaders and politicians who have proved that they are only good at sharing a shrinking cake.
