The Nation Newspaper

Tag: national assembly

  • Foundation urges media to support advocacy for special legislative seats for women

    Foundation urges media to support advocacy for special legislative seats for women

    With less than 30 days to a critical National Assembly vote, advocates of the Reserved Seats for Women Bill have warned that failure to pass the legislation by February could delay meaningful female representation in Nigerian politics until at least 2031, undermining efforts toward inclusive governance ahead of the 2027 general election.

    The warning was issued in Abuja during a high-level briefing with editors and bureau chiefs of major media organisations, convened by TOS Foundation Africa as the proposed constitutional amendment enters its crucial third-reading stage in the National Assembly.

    The session, held at NOLA, Abuja, brought together Editors-in-Chief, senior editors, and media executives. Organisers described the coming weeks as a “now-or-never” moment for the Bill, which seeks to address Nigeria’s persistent gender imbalance in legislative representation.

    Chief Osasu Igbinedion-Ogwuche, convener of the campaign and CEO of TOS Group, highlighted Nigeria’s low ranking in women’s political participation despite women making up nearly half of the population.

    “Women make up about 50 per cent of Nigeria’s population, yet they occupy just four per cent of seats in parliament,” she said. “Out of 360 members of the House of Representatives, only 16 are women. In the Senate, just four out of 109. Across the 36 State Houses of Assembly, only 51 out of 993 lawmakers are women, and in more than 16 states, there is not a single woman legislator.”

    The Bill proposes the creation of 74 additional seats in the National Assembly and 108 reserved seats across the 36 State Houses of Assembly, to be contested exclusively by women through elections rather than appointments.

    “This is not tokenism,” Igbinedion-Ogwuche said. “These are elective positions. Political parties will field candidates, women will compete among themselves, and the most competent will emerge. The aim is to open up a political space that has historically shut women out through violence, culture, religion, and structural barriers.”

    She argued that effective lawmaking on issues such as maternal mortality, child nutrition, and women’s welfare requires the presence of women at decision-making levels. “You cannot legislate for people without them being present,” she said.

    The briefing also sought to address misconceptions surrounding the Bill, which has faced resistance in previous assemblies. Earlier versions, including the Gender and Equal Opportunities Bill, failed in the 8th and 9th National Assemblies, largely on cultural and religious grounds.

    According to Igbinedion-Ogwuche, those experiences informed a broader consultation process this time. She said the Bill has received endorsements from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the First Lady, over 50 senators, the Senate President, the Speaker, and Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, as well as the Governors’ Spouses Forum.

    “We were told before that we didn’t consult enough. This time, nobody can make that claim,” she said.

    Advocacy Lead at TOS Group, Barrister Andikan, described the Bill as a “democratic correction” rather than a gender empowerment initiative, noting that some State Assemblies currently have no female representation.

    “This is about fixing a structural democratic deficit,” she said, citing global evidence that quota systems help fast-track reforms and improve outcomes in health, education and collaborative governance.

    She urged the media to frame the Bill as an issue of justice, governance and national development, rather than a contest between men and women.

    During an interactive session, editors raised concerns about resistance from political parties, grassroots sensitisation, cultural factors, and the timing of a constitutional amendment close to elections. In response, Igbinedion-Ogwuche said extensive faith-based engagements had been undertaken, including endorsements from Islamic clerics and the Sultan of Sokoto, to counter religious objections.

    She added that caucus meetings had been held across the six geopolitical zones and that constituency-level mobilisation was ongoing to ensure lawmakers are held accountable by their constituents.

    “Lawmakers have the votes. Our job is to make sure their constituents are watching,” she said.

    As part of the advocacy drive, TOS Foundation Africa has launched the “469Tracker,” a digital platform that tracks the public and private positions of all 469 federal lawmakers on the Bill to promote transparency and accountability.

    Organisers stressed that failure to pass the Bill by February would make it impossible to operationalise it ahead of the 2027 elections, effectively sidelining women for another electoral cycle.

    “That would mean keeping 50 per cent of Nigeria’s population on the sidelines for four more years,” Igbinedion-Ogwuche warned.

    Participants agreed that while alternative options, including executive sponsorship, remain available, the Bill has made unprecedented progress through the legislature and must be pushed to completion.

    The briefing concluded with a clear message: the next 30 days will determine whether Nigeria’s democracy expands to accommodate women more fully—or postpones that decision until the next decade.

  • ‘National Assembly won’t betray Nigeria’

    ‘National Assembly won’t betray Nigeria’

    By Opeyemi Bamidele

    The life cycle of the 10th National Assembly is fast rolling by at an unimaginable speed. Out of the 48 months that the Constitution spells out for its existence, we are now left with 16. This indeed shows the speed of time is nothing, but the fluidity of life itself. Also, the exigency of speed attests to the indispensability of speedy, but well-thought-out responses to our nation’s toughest challenges at a critical time when the world waits for no nation and when nations themselves no longer wait for the world.

    This is truly an era of defending the national interest first and foremost while working tenaciously for the peace and security of the world. At the National Assembly, we are conscious of this rapidly changing global environment and its implications for our domestic economy and politics. Amid these stark realities, we cannot afford to lag behind; neither can we slow down the pace of responding to the challenges that confront us today, pursuing diverse pro-people reforms that will make our fatherland a choice destination for much-needed foreign direct investments, whether now or in the future.

    We are equally conscious of the vital interests of our nation and the mandate of our people. They are clear expressions of the burden that our constituents’ search for a cohesive nation; a vibrant economy; and a resilient republic places upon their representatives, indeed the National Assembly, regardless of the places we worship, the political parties that produce us and the constituencies we represent. They also place upon us the burden of trust that we struggle daily to defend and treasure never to breach.

    History is, no doubt, our witness. The last 32 months have been devoted to far-reaching reforms that cut across all the sectors of our economy. And the essence of the reforms is to recalibrate Nigeria from being an extraction-dependent state to an economically diversified state, now enabled for optimal productivity and repositioned for global competitiveness. This is the spirit with which we have been working since the advent of this Assembly, and we will continue in the same spirit as we resume plenary this week.         

    The next 16 months will be as challenging as the last 32 months. But we have resolved to consider and conclude legislative initiatives that directly touch our nation’s electoral regime and governance structure. We have, as well, resolved to consolidate and perfect diverse reforms this Assembly has initiated with a view to making public governance more efficient and people-centric than it has ever been in our history.

    Now that we have resumed plenary, we will devote quality time to the scrutiny and passage of the 2026 Appropriation Bill valued at N58.47 trillion. In both chambers, our committees are already looking deeply into the estimates of revenues and expenditures that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR laid before the joint session of the National Assembly on December 18, 2025. The proposal is crucial to the growth, prosperity and stability of our economy this year and even beyond given its emphasis on consolidating the gains of the previous years.

    The budget, when it finally becomes effective, will further reinforce our collective resolve to guarantee our nation’s macro-economic stability, deepen her global competitiveness and translate economic growth to decent jobs, rising incomes and a better quality of life across the federation. This will help us restore and maintain a budget cycle that annually starts from January and ends in December. Achieving these ends might be tough, perhaps unattainable given the bottlenecks we have experienced before now.

    Unlike previous years, we have significantly reformed our fiscal space to reflect our socio-economic realities. This process culminated in the enactment of the 2025 Tax Reform Act. We now operate a progressively recalibrated fiscal regime that eases tax burden off the shoulders of low-income earners and places more responsibilities upon the high-income earners. From the reforms of our fiscal space, we believe funding our budget will no longer be a challenge, and our budget deficit will definitely begin to shrink year by year.

    Apart from the 2025 Appropriation Bill, we are prioritising the delivery of an electoral governance framework that will guarantee a credible and transparent process in 2027 general elections. We have started the review of the Electoral Act, 2022 clause by clause to achieve this end. With the Electoral Bill, 2025, we have achieved quite a lot to improve how we manage our elections; enhance the credibility of the process and ensure the political parties are accountable. This vision is in line with the sustained public demands for an electoral system that will guarantee the security of votes.

    The Electoral Bill, 2025 introduces no fewer than 20 defining highlights that will eventually differentiate it from the previous electoral regimes. First, under Section 12(1-2), the Bill recognises the voting rights of prisoners and the obligations of the Independent National Electoral Commission to register all eligible inmates in all correctional facilities nationwide. Also, under Section 3(3), the Bill mandates that funds for general elections must be released at least one year before the day of the elections. Obviously, this reduces uncertainty that often clogs the operation of the INEC and strengthens its independence.

    Under Section 47(1a), the Bill introduces an electronically generated voter identification, including a downloadable voter card with a unique QR code while Section 60 (5)) mandates presiding officers to transmit polling unit results including the total number of accredited voters to the next level of collation. Unlike the 2022 Electoral Act, the Bill proposes the standardisation of delegates for indirect primaries. In detail, it now recommends who qualifies as a delegate. The provision ends the practice in which the leadership of political parties determine the criteria for delegates.

    Among others, the Bill introduces stricter identification for voter registration in Section 10(2), extended publication period for candidates’ details, early verification of party symbols and names in Section 42(3), enhanced regulations of party conventions in Section 82, determination of the exclusion of the candidates by the judiciary in Section 89(3), higher campaign spending and donation limits in Section 93, harsher penalties for electoral malpractices in Section 22 as well as tougher sanctions for electoral offences in Sections 62, 71(2) and 74(2).

     The Bill introduces a system of consequence to our nation’s electoral regime. This suggests that any form of breach will not attract just sanctions. With respect to vote buying, the sanctions range from a fine of N5 million to a two-year imprisonment and 10-year ban from contesting elections. The Bill recommends mandatory jail terms and higher fines for such electoral offences as vote buying, result falsification and obstruction of election officials. This provision forecloses the possibility of impunity when electoral offences are established.

    Read Also: Nigeria, Türkiye to fast-track trade, energy, defence ties — Tinubu

    These proposals are quite far-reaching, clearly deterrent in nature. If the majority of my colleagues approve them, they will significantly improve the credibility of our electoral process starting from the 2027 general elections. We are conscious of the values the proposals will add to our electoral process. Now that we have resumed, the Committees on INEC in both chambers will submit their reports to the plenaries. After the submission, we will accordingly consider, debate and vote the Bill clause by clause before transmitting it to the President.

    The review of the 1999 Constitution is also at its peak. Its technical sessions have completed. The reports of public hearings, too, have been turned in. We have concluded multi-tiered engagements with critical stakeholders. Before the first quarter elapses, the Deputy President of the Senate and Chairman, Senate Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution, Senator Barau I. Jibrin will lay the report of the exercise before the Senate. In the coming days, as well, we will consider, debate and vote on each of the proposals to complete the cycle.

     The process of the review does not end with the National Assembly. Under Section 9 of the 1999 Constitution, the National Assembly is under obligation to transmit its report to the 36 State Houses of Assembly for consideration and voting. Specifically, Section 9(3) requires not-less-than two-thirds approval by all the State Houses of Assembly before the alteration of the1999 Constitution can be effected. Consequently, the role of the state legislatures is as significant as that of the federal legislature . As we round off the process, the onus now rests upon the state legislatures to consider the proposals on their merit and approve them accordingly.

     These are just brief highlights of what lies ahead of us in the coming weeks, even for the rest of this year. For us, it is not just about the burden of services we were elected to render to our constituents and our fatherland. It is also about the burden of trust that our constituents repose in us. At this highly critical time when what happens in other parts of the world now dictates the direction of our economy and polity, the onus rests much more upon us than any time in history to reinforce our constituents’ trust in their representatives, in the National Assembly and in their fatherland. At the end of it all, good governance, enhanced security and welfare of our constituents shall remain our cardinal objectives as well as the core of our legislative agenda.

    •Bamidele, CON, is the Leader of the 10th Senate, Federal Republic of Nigeria

  • Still on the tax laws matter

    Still on the tax laws matter

    From all indications, the last has not been heard on the alleged alteration of the tax laws. By this I do not mean its status in the books given that the law is already fully operative. Rather, I refer to the latest wave of offensive to shred it of any iota of legitimacy by a self-proclaimed Ad-hoc Committee on Tax Laws put up by a minority caucus in the National Assembly, led by Afam Ogene, the individual who represents Ogbaru Federal Constituency of Anambra State in the National Assembly.

    Even for those who choose to see politics as the art of the possible, the latest intervention, far from being the typical legislative petulance speaks to something graver –more like a dangerous play in deliberate, institutional subversion.

    Two weeks ago on this page, I had raised the poser – what next – in the background of the still strident opposition to the tax laws. Talk of legislations, which in their draft form, had survived a well-laid ambush by the National Economic Council (NEC) – a body of 36 governors chaired by Vice President Kashim Shettima. They also survived the ferocious tackles by regional hegemons and their allies of various hues, and then the legion of opponents for whom every initiative by the Bola Tinubu administration, no matter how well meaning, must be shot down. And then the laws – four of them in all – waded through the legislative mill to emerge – again against the run of play so to speak – as the most consequential pieces of legislations under the current dispensation. And that is discounting the sustained campaign of misinformation launched against it by vested interests, all in the bid to render it toxic.

    Just like the saying of the old Volkswagen Beetle advert, there appears to be no killing this particular Bettle!  

    Still, those expecting the losers in the earlier plot to truncate its implementation to keep their peace and thus allow the law to run seamlessly have proven to be grossly mistaken.  Forget the well-timed intervention by the leaderships of the National Assembly; this has failed to douse the fires of their artfully crafted mischief.  And so they move on.

    Remember the initial dusts thrown up by a member of the House of Representatives, Abdulsamad Dasuki alleging discrepancies between the versions of the tax laws passed by the National Assembly and those circulated to the public. Most Nigerians would have ordinarily considered the allegations unsettling were it not for the needless drama that attended to it and the palpable bad faith by the sponsors. More than a month after the setting up of a seven-man committee composed of Muktar Aliyu Betara, former Deputy Speaker, Ahmed Idris Wase, Sada Soli, James Abiodun Faleke, Fred Agbedi, Babajimi Benson and Iduma Igariwey by Speaker Tajudeen Abbas to examine the issues; there are no indications of the muddying ending anytime soon.

    And just when one imagines that the findings of the committee are being prepped for plenary, a so-called Ad-hoc Committee on Tax Laws, perhaps unknown to the National Assembly as a body, said to have been set up by the minority caucus led by Afam Ogene, would emerge from the shadows to take things up from where their colleague – Dasuki stopped, throwing muck around. Needless to state that his committee all but confirmed the group’s hare-brained hypothesis that discrepancies indeed existed between the versions of the tax reform Acts passed. More specifically, the committee alleged that reporting thresholds were lowered, that mandatory deposits were introduced as conditions for tax appeals, and that enforcement powers were expanded to include arrest and the disposal of seized assets without court orders. It also alleged changes to the National Revenue Service (Establishment) Act, including the removal of provisions that guarantee the National Assembly’s oversight powers.

    By the way, it didn’t help that Speaker, Abbas Tajudeen and Senate President Godswill Akpabio took the wind from their sail with the public release of the certified true copies of the laws. That changed nothing or could it? In any case, it seems unlikely that anything – short of keeping the law in perpetual abeyance – could mollify or appease those for whom the texts of the laws, being so patently embossed in satanic calligraphy, could have been anything but good!

    Now that the project to make the laws inoperable if not to put the integrity of the entire architecture of governance into peril by any means fair or foul, has since moved into an entirely new chapter, not only are citizens forced to relearn the distinction between good and bad faith, but questions about their next move have become inevitable.

    By the way, it helps that the so-called minority caucus recognises that the work of the Muktar Betara-led bipartisan committee is still on-going. This of course begs the question of why the minority committee couldn’t wait to see the process through before jumping the gun. Was it a case of not trusting his colleagues to do a thorough job?

    Read Also: ‘Nigeria opposition politicians incoherent, lack imagination, alternative vision’

    Surely, if the world took interest in the establishment of the Betara committee given the uproar that the allegations generated at the time, the same could not be said of the secret committee of the minority caucus, which from all appearances, seem designed to undermine the work of the former. Little wonder they could not afford the luxury of taking their colleagues into confidence before inundating the media space with what could only have been a hatchet job. Now that that they have made their presentations in television studios in what is at best an exercise in showmanship, Nigerians wait to see how what impact it would make on the proceedings in the house.

    Fortunately, the house through its spokesman, Akin Rotimi has responded with a tutorial: “The House recognises the legitimate role of the minority caucus within parliamentary democracy and affirms its right to express dissenting opinions, engage in policy advocacy, and raise public concerns.

    “However, it is necessary to distinguish clearly between political activities and the formal parliamentary processes of the House.

    “The Standing Orders of the House (Eleventh Edition) vest the power to constitute ad hoc committees solely in the House acting in plenary or in the Speaker exercising powers conferred under the Standing Orders”.

    Well spoken – I dare say!

    But then that is merely the preliminary. Considering that the parliamentary privileges of the members appear to have been breached, the next step should be a call for full accounting for the delinquency.

    I rise!!!

  • Was Section 233 (3) deleted from the amended 1999 Constitution?

    Was Section 233 (3) deleted from the amended 1999 Constitution?

    • By Sylva Ogwemoh

    It is no longer news, and neither is there any controversy that the National Assembly of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has altered the Constitution of the  Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (the Constitution) at least five times, starting with the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (First Alteration) Act 2010 (First Alteration Act 2010).

    What is, however, news or has become controversial in the legal community in Nigeria is the supposed deletion of subsection 3 of section 233 of the Constitution in the first and second alterations of the Constitution.

    If the Constitution has indeed been altered by the deletion of subsection 3 of section 233 of the Constitution, the argument could be made as it is presently the case that the Supreme Court no longer possess the jurisdiction to entertain appeals from the Court of Appeal on grounds of mixed law and fact.

    This article, therefore, seeks to establish by evidence supported by the authentic versions of the Constitution that there was no alteration to section 233 of the Constitution that deleted subsection 3 of the Constitution.

    Introduction

    In the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (First Alteration) Act 2010, Section 233 of the Principal Act (the Constitution) was only altered in paragraph (e) under Section 24 of the First Alteration Act 2010, by – (a) Substituting for the word “or” after the word “President” in subparagraphs (i), (ii) and (iii), a comma, and (b) inserting immediately after the word “Vice-President” in subparagraphs (i), (ii) and (iii), the words “Governor or Deputy Governor”.

    By the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Second Alteration) Act 2010 (Second Alteration Act 2010), Section 233 of the Constitution was further amended by Section 6 which only altered Section 24 of the First Alteration Act 2010 by amending subsection 2 of Section 233 of the Constitution by the addition to the subsection, subsection 2 (iv), (v) and (vi) which deals with election to the office of the governor of a state or the deputy governor of a state, the term of office of the governor of a state or the deputy governor of a state and whether the office of the governor of a state or the deputy governor of a state has become vacant.

    Read Also: Raising financial services standards with consumer awareness, protection

    From the evidence available to the writer, there was no amendment by the deletion of subsection 3 of Section 233 of the Constitution by the Second Alteration Act 2010.

    Genesis of the controversy

    In Shittu v. P. A. N. Ltd. (2018) 15 NWLR (Pt. 1642) 195 at 209-210, Honourable Justice Rhodes-Vivour J.S.C., in delivering the lead Judgment, struck out the appeal of the appellant upon a determination of the provisions of sections 233(2) and (3) of the Constitution. The Supreme Court, in a unanimous decision, held that the appeal lacked merit for failure of the appellant to seek and obtain leave of either the Court of Appeal or the Supreme Court before commencing the appeal; the grounds of appeal being grounds of mixed law and fact.

    Honourable Justice Rhodes-Vivour J.S.C., who delivered the lead judgment, however, proceeded at pages 209-210, paras. H-B of his judgment to make the following remarks: “I must observe that there is now in existence the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as altered by the First, Second and Third Alterations Acts, 2010. By the alterations, there is no longer section 233(3) of the Constitution.

    That is to say, the Supreme Court can only hear appeals where the ground of appeal involves questions of law. See section 233(1) of the Constitution.

    The Supreme Court no longer has jurisdiction to hear appeals where the ground of appeal involves questions of mixed law and facts. Appeals on grounds of mixed law and facts end at the Court of Appeal.”

    In Amadi v. Wopara (2022) 1 NWLR (Pt. 1811) 359 at pages 370-372, the Supreme Court seized the opportunity to clarify the Court’s position in Shittu v. P.A.N. (supra), when the Court held that the observation made by Honourable Justice Rhodes-Vivour, J.S.C., in Shittu v. P.A.N. Ltd. (supra) is, no doubt, an obiter dictum as the comment was made in passing, and therefore not binding on the Supreme Court.

    Given the decision of the Supreme Court in Amadi v. Wopara (supra), the controversy generated by the remarks of Honourable Justice Rhodes-Vivour J.S.C., in Shittu v. P.A.N. Ltd (supra) appeared to have been laid to rest until the case of Anyanwu v. Emmanuel (2025) 14 NWLR (Pt. 2006) 531 at 586-587, where my Lord, Honourable Justice Saulawa J.S.C., in his concurring judgment, again stirred up a hornets’ nest of legal controversy on the amendment of section 233 of the Constitution in the following words: “I аm not unmindful of the view point ехрrеssed by Augie J.S.C, in the recent case of Amadi v. Wopara (2021) LPELR-58286(SC); (2022) 1 NWLR (Pt. 1811) 359:… With utmost deference, the fact that by viгtue of the provision of section 6 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Second Alteration) Act, 2010 (supra), the Supreme Court’s power regarding leave to argue ground of mixed law and facts has been removed from the Constitution, is no longer in doubt.

    In mу paramount view, it is tantamount to an impunity, thus, would not auger well for the courts may (sic) counsel to continue to act upon the provisions of subsection of section 233 of the 1999 Constitution that has since 2010, over onе and half decades ago, been deleted by, or substituted with an entirely new section 233 pursuant to section 6 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Second Alteration) Аct, 2010.”

    From the above statement of my Lord, Honourable Justice Saulawa J.S.C., it is apparent that the basis for my Lord’s comment on the powers of the Supreme Court to continue to hear appeals on grounds of mixed law and fact is that section 6 of the Second Alteration Act 2010 substituted a new section 233 of the Constitution. However, it does appear, with the greatest respect, that there is now clear evidence that the Second Alteration Act 2010 did not alter section 233 by deleting subsection 3 from the section.

    Was Section 233(3) deleted?

    The answer to the question whether section 233(3) was deleted from the Constitution by section 6 of the Second Alteration Act 2010, ought to have come from the National Assembly, being the organ of government with the powers to make laws for the Federal Republic of Nigeria, but I am yet to come across an official statement from the National Assembly on the matter.

    Majority of opinions on the subject however seems to suggests that section 233(3) has been deleted from the Constitution while some other legal commentators have argued that the deletion is the result of an erratum (an error in printing or writing) in the course of printing the Constitution, thus suggesting on the other hand that there was no deletion of section 233(3) from the Constitution.

    The question, however, to be answered is whether an erratum can be said to occur in a document that did not emanate from the appropriate authority or which appears to be a product of unintelligent piracy or fakery. In the writer’s respectful view, this lingering controversy is needless, because a diligent search or enquiry from the appropriate authority would have revealed the clear provisions of the authentic version of the Constitution.

    Thus, the Forward by the former Honourable Attorney-General of the Federation, Mohammed Bello Adoke, SAN, CFR, to the authentic version of the Constitution is helpful in the circumstances. The former Honourable Attorney-General of the Federation, Mohammed Bello Adoke, SAN, CFR, who appears to have been aware of this needless controversy and in a bid to lay it to rest, prior to leaving office in 2015, circulated what he called “the authentic version of the 1999 Constitution with its 1st , 2nd and 3rd Alterations as passed by the National Assembly in 2010 and gazetted by the Federal Government Printer in 2011”.

    That version of the Constitution was printed by the Federal Government Printer, Lagos (the appropriate authority), and circulated by the Federal Ministry of Justice.

    In the Forward to the authentic version of the Constitution, the then Honourable Attorney-General of the Federation, Mohammed Bello Adoke, SAN, CFR, stated as follows and I quote: “In keeping with the constitutional responsibility of my Office as the Chief Law Officer of the Federation and mandate of the Federal Ministry of Justice to ensure that legislation in the public domain are comprehensive, certain and predictable, the imperativeness of producing for circulation the authentic version of the 1999 Constitution with its 1st, 2nd and 3rd Alterations as passed by the National Assembly in 2010 and gazetted by the Federal Government Printer in 2011 is of utmost importance and priority.

    “By virtue of section 22(1) of the Interpretation Act, CAP 123, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004, where an enactment is amended by the insertion or omission of words or by the substitution of words for other words, then on printing the enactment at any time after the amendment takes effect, the person authorized to print the enactment shall, if so directed by the Attorney General of the Federation, print the enactment as so amended. I have therefore directed the Federal Government Printer to print the Constitution with the First, Second and Third Alterations.

    “In line with the provisions of section 22 (2) of the Interpretation Act (supra), the Federal Government Printer has included special side notes as indicators of the amendment and the enactment of which was made.

    “I therefore recommend this publication of the 1999 Constitution with its Alterations as passed by the National Assembly to date to all institutions, persons seeking to know the current constitutional provisions applicable in Nigeria and to the general public for use and appropriate guidance.”

    In the same vein, Abubakar Malami, SAN, who was the Honourable Attorney General of the Federation from 2015-2023, following the footsteps of his predecessor in office, and in an apparent move to settle the controversy surrounding the amendment of the Constitution, circulated an updated version of the Constitution with the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Alterations and in his Forward to the authentic version of the Constitution, stated as follows: “In line with the constitutional responsibility of my Office as the Chief Law Officer of the Federation and the mandate of the Federal Ministry of Justice towards ensuring that legislations in the public domain are complete, certain, genuine and predictable.

    “Equally, the need to circulate to the members of the public the authentic version of the 1999 Constitution with the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Alterations as passed by the National Assembly and duly Gazetted by the Federal Government Printing Press in 2011 and 2019 remains pivotal to my responsibility. I therefore consider the production of the 1999 Constitution with its Alterations as my utmost priority and responsibility as the Chief Law Officer of the Federation by making available the officially Gazetted 1999 Constitution with 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Alterations for the members of the public…

    “The rational for the production and circulation of the 1999 Constitution (with its Alterations) is borne out of the unpleasant development of the circulation of different fake versions of the 1999 Constitution (with Alterations) by some vendors without my seal of authority and approval leading to instances, whereby erroneous and misleading provisions are contained in some of the copies of the Constitution in circulation. In view of the above, I hereby recommend the publication of the 1999 Constitution (with its 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Alterations) as passed by the National Assembly by the Federal Ministry of Justice for the benefit of all institutions and persons seeking to know the current constitutional provisions applicable in Nigeria and to the general public for usage and appropriate guidance.”

    A reading of the authentic versions of the Constitution printed by the Federal Government Printer and circulated by the Federal Ministry of Justice under the guidance of both Attorneys-General would show that section 233(3) of the Constitution is intact and has not been deleted. The footnote in the section is with reference to subsection (2) of section 233, which was altered by section 6, Act No. 2, 2010. Section 6, Act No. 2, 2010, only altered section 24 of the First Alteration Act, which had only amended section 233(2) of the Principal Act in paragraph (e).

    In the amendments in the First and Second Alterations, subsection (3) of Section 233 of the Constitution remained untouched and intact because it was never amended or removed from the section, and this is why the subsection is till date part of the authentic versions of the Constitution circulated by the Federal Ministry of Justice on the authority of the Attorneys-General of the Federation, Mohammed Bello Adoke, SAN, CFR, and Abubakar Malami, SAN.

    Also, the Laws of the Federation of Nigeria Volume 3 updated to the 31st day of December 2010, and prepared under the authority of The Revised Edition (Laws of the Federation of Nigeria) Act 2004, by the Law Revision Committee under the Chairmanship of Honourable Mr. Justice E.A. Ayoola and published by LexisNexis (Pty) Ltd in 2011, has section 233 of the Constitution intact without any deletions of subsection 3 of section 233 of the Constitution or any subsections thereof.

    Conclusion

    If there is any document being referred to as the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) which does not carry subsection 3 of section 233, that document is not the authentic version of the Constitution printed by ‘The Federal Government Printer, Lagos’, and or such copy of the Constitution that has been printed on the authority of the Honourable Attorney-General of the Federation in such a manner as may be specified by his direction pursuant to his powers under section 22(1) of the Interpretation Act, Cap. 123, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria.

    · Ogwemoh, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, is the Founder and Senior Partner of the Law Firm of KMO Legal and can be reached at info@kmo.legal

  • Unencumbered inauguration

    Unencumbered inauguration

    Reinventing our democratic culture is the main thing

    Lawmakers in the National Assembly (NASS) are reported to be pushing for constitutional changes by which all election petitions will be concluded before poll winners are sworn into office henceforth. The joint National Assembly Committee on Review of the 1999 Constitution seeks amendments that will shorten the timelines for exhausting election litigation, such that poll winners won’t be encumbered by legal challenges against their mandate by the time they take the inaugural oath.

    The joint committee proposes a 60-day period for disposing election petitions at the tribunal level, and another 60 days for disposing appeals arising from the judgment of the lower tribunal in all post-election matters.

    By its recommendations, the Supreme Court is to assume original jurisdiction in all petitions arising from the conduct of the presidential elections, while jurisdiction in governorship petitions resides with the Court of Appeal.

    These proposals are contained in 44 bills harmonised and agreed upon by the joint committee, and they constitute the first batch of prioritised constitution alteration bills presented at plenary sessions of the Senate and the House of Representatives for debate.

    The lawmakers propose an amendment to Section 232 of the 1999 Constitution to stipulate that “the Supreme Court shall, to the exclusion of any other court of law in Nigeria, have original jurisdiction to hear and determine any question as to whether (a) any person has been validly elected to the office of President or Vice President under this Constitution, (b) the term of office of the President or Vice President has ceased, or (c) the office of President or Vice President has become vacant.”

     The amendment to the section also provides: “In the hearing and determination of any election petition under subsection (1A), the Supreme Court shall be duly constituted if it consists of at least five justices of the Supreme Court. In every presidential election petition, the Supreme Court shall deliver its judgement in writing within 60 days of filing of the suit.”

    READ ALSO; Obi’s defection sets teeth on edge

    An alteration is as well proposed to Section 239 to provide: “(1) Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, the Court of Appeal shall, to the exclusion of any other court of law in Nigeria, have original jurisdiction to hear and determine any question as to whether: (a) any person has been validly elected to the office of Governor or Deputy Governor under this constitution; (b) the terms of office of the governor or deputy governor has ceased; or (c) the office of governor or deputy governor has become vacant.” It also stipulates: “In every governorship election petition, the Court of Appeal shall deliver its judgement in writing within 60 days of filing the suit.”

    The joint committee also seeks amendment to Section 286, which prescribes the time for determination of pre-election matters, establishment of an election tribunal and the time for determination of election petitions. It proposes altering sub-section 6 by curtailing the timeline for disposing election petitions from 180 days currently prescribed to 60 days, to wit: “An election tribunal shall deliver its judgement in writing within 60 days from the date of filing of the petition.”

    Similarly, sub-section 7 is to be altered to read: “An appeal from the decision of an election tribunal or court in an election petition shall be heard and disposed of by the Court of Appeal within 60 days from the date of filing the appeal.”

    Pre-election matters are to also be disposed of within 60 days from the date of filing the suit, while appeals in all pre-election matters are to be disposed of within 30 days from the date of filing the appeal.

    This latest push by lawmakers recalibrates an earlier effort by which they proposed fixing election dates six months ahead of the expiration of tenures, just so to allow ample time for conclusion of all petitions arising from polls before the May 29, 2027 inauguration of new tenures.

    The legislators had proposed the change as part of draft amendments to the Electoral Act 2022 tabled at a one-day public hearing jointly organised by the Senate and House of Representatives committees on electoral matters in Abuja in October 2025.

    Under the proposed electoral act amendment bill, elections into the office of the President and state governors are to be held not later than 185 days before the expiration of the tenure of the last holder of respective offices, which would have made the polls fall in November 2026 – some six months before the end of the current administration’s tenure, as against the schedule that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has drawn up for national elections to hold in February 2027 and state elections a fortnight later.

    By the same token, the lawmakers proposed that elections for  federal and state legislative seats be held not later than 185 days before the date on which each of the houses stands dissolved.

    In justifying the proposals, the chairman of the House Committee on Electoral Matters, Adebayo Balogun, said at the time that the amendment would help prevent a situation where court cases linger after persons declared to have won elections had assumed office. “We are proposing that all election litigations be concluded before the swearing-in of declared winners,” he explained.

    To achieve the goal, it wasn’t only the election schedule that was recommended for adjustment, but also the litigation timeframe. Balogun said NASS planned to amend Sections 285 and 139 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) to shorten timelines for election petitions – that is, reducing tribunal judgments from 180 to 90 days, while appellate and Supreme Court decisions should take 60 days rather than 90 days presently stipulated. Bottom line, according to him, is ensuring that the entire judicial process does not exceed 185 days precedent to inauguration date.

    Lawmakers at the October forum, however, noted that amendment of legal frameworks alone might not suffice unless the judiciary is strengthened to handle the volume of election cases.

    Legal analysts have also warned that shortening judicial timelines must not come at the expense of justice.

    We have always argued that the idea of exhausting election cases before inauguration is welcome because elected leaders could assume office without the cloud of litigation hanging over them – a significant and practical step towards democratic maturity.

    Besides, the present setup allows office holders to exploit incumbency to their advantage; for instance, they’ve been accused of using public funds to fight private petitions.

    But the real challenge, in our view, isn’t timelines; it is rather the political culture of bad sportsmanship showing in extreme litigiousness of poll losers. In the words of a ranking lawmaker, it isn’t just about changing dates, “it is about changing the culture of our democracy from one of perpetual contestation to one of closure, confidence and credibility.”

  • Constitution review: National Assembly proposes conclusion of election petitions before inauguration

    Constitution review: National Assembly proposes conclusion of election petitions before inauguration

    • 60 days proposed for election petitions

    The joint National Assembly Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution has proposed an amendment  that will ensure that all election petitions are concluded before winners of such polls are sworn in.

    The Nation reports that the National Assembly’s joint committee also recommended a 60-day period for the disposal of election petitions at the tribunal level and another 60 days for disposal of appeals arising from the judgment of the lower tribunal in all post-election matters.

    By the recommendations, the Supreme Court is expected to assume original jurisdiction in all petitions arising from the conduct of the presidential elections, while appeals from the governorship elections are to end at the Court of Appeal.

    These recommendations are contained in the 44 Bills harmonised and agreed upon by the joint committee and constitute the first batch of prioritised constitution alteration Bills presented at plenary of the Senate and the House of Representatives for debates.

    The lawmakers proposed an amendment to Section 232 of the Constitution to provide that “the Supreme court shall, to the exclusion of any other court of law in Nigeria, have original jurisdiction to hear and determine any question as to whether (a) any person has been validly elected to the office of President or Vice President under this Constitution, (b) the term of office of the President or Vice President has ceased, or (c) the office of President or Vice President has become vacant”.

    READ ALSO: Reading Nigeria’s governance signals

    The amendment to the section also states: “In the hearing and determination of any election petition under subsection (1A), the Supreme Court shall be duly constituted if it consists of at least five Justices of the Supreme Court. In every Presidential election petition, the Supreme Court shall deliver its judgement in writing within 60 days of filing of the suit.”

    The joint committee also recommended alteration to Section 239, which provides that “(1) Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, the Court of Appeal shall, to the exclusion of any other court of law in Nigeria, have original jurisdiction to hear and determine any question as to whether: (a) any person has been validly elected to the office of Governor or Deputy Governor under this constitution; (b) the terms of office of the governor or deputy governor has ceased; or (c) the office of governor or deputy governor has become vacant”.

    It also provides that “In every Governorship election petition, the Court of Appeal shall deliver its judgement in writing within 60 days of filing the suit”.

    The joint ommittee also proposed an amendment to Section 286, which provides the time for determination of pre-election matters, establishment of an election tribunal and the time for the determination of election petitions.

    It proposed altering Sub-section 6 by replacing 180 days as the time line for disposing off election petition with 60 days, stating: “An election tribunal shall deliver its judgement in writing within 60 days from the date of filing of the petition.”

    Similarly, Sub-section 7 is also recommended for amendment to read: “An appeal from the decision of an election tribunal or court in an election petition shall be heard and disposed of by the Court of Appeal within 60 days from the date of filing the appeal (old provision says 60 days from the date of judgement).

    Pre-election matters are also to also be disposed of within 60 days from the date of filing the suit, while appeals in all pre-election matters are to be disposed of within 30 days from the date of filing the appeal.

    Making provision for Independent candidacy in elections at all levels, the lawmakers proposed that to qualify to contest, the person running as an independent candidate must get at least 20 per cent of registered voters in each of the electoral wards in the constituency where he is contesting the elections.

    The proposed amendments states that a person endorsing the independent candidate must not endorse two candidates to contest elections at a given period of time, while the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is expected to verify such endorsements.

    The independent candidate is also expected to pay an administrative fee to be determined by the INEC, “provided that the Independent National Electoral Commission shall waive 50 per cent of the administrative fees for women candidates”.

    In addition, the proposed alterations seek to place the funding of the Armed Forces on the first line charge with the alteration of Section 81, which deals with authorisation of expenditure from the consolidated revenue fund and amended to include the Armed Forces.

    Federal bodies already listed in the Constitution to draw funding on first line charge are: the Independent National Electoral Commission, the National Assembly, and the Judiciary.

    The joint committee also proposed an amendment to Sub-section 1 of Section 81 and Section 121(1) to provide maximum of 60 day before the end of the year for the President and governors to prepare and submit estimates of revenues and expenditure for the succeeding year to the National and state Houses of Assembly.

  • NASS urged to prioritise electoral reforms in 2026

    NASS urged to prioritise electoral reforms in 2026

    The Youth-led Electoral Reform Project (YERP_Naija) has felicitated Nigerians, calling for renewed legislative commitment to electoral reforms as the country prepares for the 2027 general elections.

    In a statement, the group extended warm greetings to Nigerians, particularly young people whose aspirations, it said, continue to shape the future of Nigeria’s democracy. 

    The statement was signed by Bukola Idowu, Executive Director of Kimpact Development Initiative (KDI) and National Coordinator of the YERP_Naija Campaign.

    YERP_Naija also conveyed goodwill to members of the National Assembly, acknowledging their service and responsibilities at what it described as a defining moment in the nation’s democratic journey.

    According to the organisation, the beginning of a new year provides an opportunity for reflection, renewal and recommitment to strengthening democratic institutions.

    YERP_Naija noted that as of December 26, 2025, progress on electoral reform has been uneven between the two chambers of the National Assembly. 

    It said the House of Representatives has completed clause-by-clause consideration and voting on proposed amendments to the Electoral Act, describing the development as a significant milestone that reflects commendable legislative engagement.

    The group said the House’s action lays a strong foundation for advancing electoral reforms ahead of the 2027 elections.

    However, it expressed concern that the Senate did not commence voting on the electoral reform amendment bills before proceeding on its end-of-year recess.

    YERP_Naija stated that the Senate is expected to resume plenary between the second and third week of January 2026, when consideration of the bills is expected to begin. 

    READ ALSO; Why I walked away as Finance Minister – Kemi Adeosun

    It warned that the pause introduces uncertainty into the reform timeline and underscores the need for sustained legislative focus in the coming weeks.

    The organisation acknowledged that several provisions considered by the House reflect long-standing priorities advocated by young Nigerians through sustained engagement across the six geopolitical zones.

     It said the reforms respond directly to citizens’ calls for transparency, accountability and fairness in the electoral process, and reflect a growing consensus that Nigeria’s democracy must continue to evolve in line with public expectations.

    As the Senate prepares to reconvene, YERP_Naija urged senators to prioritise clause-by-clause consideration and voting on the electoral reform bills, noting that timely action would help keep Nigeria on track to implement necessary reforms well ahead of the 2027 elections.

    Beyond amendments to the Electoral Act, the group also drew attention to ongoing constitutional amendment processes with direct implications for electoral integrity and inclusion. 

    It said several of the proposed amendments address structural barriers that continue to limit participation, fairness and representation within Nigeria’s democratic system.

    YERP_Naija stressed that timely consideration of these constitutional amendments is critical, warning that with the statutory timeline for issuing notices of election approaching in the coming months, further delays could constrain implementation. 

    It added that past experience has shown that amendments concluded too close to election periods risk being excluded from implementation due to constitutional and international obligations.

    The organisation said that as Nigeria steps into 2026, the responsibility before the National Assembly is clear, noting that decisions taken in the coming weeks will shape not only the conduct of the 2027 elections but also public confidence in democratic institutions for years to come.

    It called on lawmakers to demonstrate leadership, foresight and patriotism by prioritising electoral reforms that reflect the aspirations of young Nigerians and the broader electorate.

     According to YERP_Naija, the reforms are not partisan demands but essential safeguards for democratic stability, peaceful elections and national cohesion.

    The group also called on civil society organisations, the media, youth groups and community leaders to sustain constructive engagement and public dialogue at the constituency level, stressing that collective vigilance and participation remain vital to ensuring that electoral reforms are concluded in the national interest.

    YERP_Naija further reaffirmed its commitment to advancing a credible, inclusive and accountable electoral system. The organisation, a coalition supported by the National Democratic Institute (NDI), said Nigeria stands at a defining crossroads and that decisions taken at this moment will shape public trust and the legitimacy of future elections.

    “These reforms deserve timely passage, not postponement. The future of Nigeria’s democracy depends on it,” the statement said.

  • NASS workers raise alarm over alleged federal character violations in staff appointments

    NASS workers raise alarm over alleged federal character violations in staff appointments

    Members of the Parliamentary Staff Association of Nigeria (PASAN), National Assembly Chapter, have raised concerns over alleged breaches of the Federal Character principle in the appointment of secretaries within the National Assembly.

    In a letter dated December 22, 2025, addressed to the Chairman of the National Assembly Service Commission (NASC) and signed by branch chairman Sabiyyi Sunday, the association warned that continued disregard for constitutional provisions could spark discontent and industrial unrest.

    A copy of the letter, seen by our correspondent, cited Section 14(3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and the Federal Character Commission Act, Cap F7, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2024, which mandate equitable representation of Nigeria’s federating units in public service appointments.

    PASAN emphasized that strict adherence to the Federal Character principle is essential for fairness, inclusiveness, and national cohesion, particularly in sensitive institutions such as the National Assembly. 

    Read Also: Group urges Tinubu to strengthen support for indigenous pipeline security firms

    The association argued that failing to uphold the principle fosters perceptions of bias and marginalization, negatively affecting staff morale and industrial harmony.

    Condemning what it described as a recurring practice, PASAN cited instances where secretary-level vacancies are filled by candidates from states already represented, while other states in the same geopolitical zone are consistently overlooked. The union argued that such appointments undermine equity and violate both the letter and spirit of the law.

    The association urged NASC to follow the example of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who recently reversed the promotion of his Aide-de-Camp (ADC) to ensure compliance with constitutional and statutory provisions. 

    PASAN described the President’s action as a demonstration of fairness, integrity, and due process, emphasizing that it set a strong precedent for public institutions.

    PASAN further stated that “transparency and accountability in the appointment process would strengthen confidence in the Commission and deepen good governance within the legislative arm of government.”

    Reaffirming its commitment to constructive engagement, the union called for immediate corrective measures to address existing imbalances and prevent future violations of the Federal Character principle, expressing optimism that prompt action would preserve equity, stability, and trust among National Assembly staff.

  • 2026 Budget: National Assembly pledges full partnership with Tinubu

    2026 Budget: National Assembly pledges full partnership with Tinubu

    The National Assembly on Friday pledged full legislative backing for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration, vowing to work in close constitutional partnership to deliver a realistic, disciplined, and people-centred 2026 Budget.

    Speaking at a joint sitting of the National Assembly during the presentation of the 2026 Appropriation Bill by the President, Senate President Godswill Akpabio said cooperation between the Executive and Legislature remained the cornerstone of national development.

    Akpabio described the presentation, titled “Planting the Future Together: Partnership, Reform, and the 2026 Budget,” as more than a constitutional ritual, saying it marked a defining national conversation on priorities, responsibilities, and collective resolve.

    “Today, we assemble not merely to fulfil a constitutional requirement, but to engage in a defining national conversation about our priorities as a people and our responsibilities as leaders,” he said.

    The Senate President stressed that sustainable progress was anchored on institutional harmony, citing global examples such as Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal in the United States and Britain’s post-war reconstruction under Clement Attlee. He warned that executive-legislative rivalry often resulted in stagnation and instability.

    According to him, the 2026 Appropriation Bill goes beyond figures, serving as a statement of intent and a roadmap for renewal.

    “Budgets tell a story. This is not just a compilation of numbers, but a reflection of priorities, a record of difficult choices, and a pathway to national renewal,” Akpabio said.

    He acknowledged the socio-economic challenges facing Nigerians, including rising living costs, unemployment, and insecurity, assuring that the National Assembly would work with the Executive to address them decisively.

    Akpabio also highlighted the legislative achievements of the Tenth Senate, noting the passage of landmark bills on security, economic reform, governance, judicial administration, electoral integrity, infrastructure, and social protection.

    “Nation-building is not the work of one man or one institution. It is a collective endeavour,” he said, adding that the National Assembly would ensure that “every naira appropriated serves the people who earned it.”

    Using the metaphor of planting a baobab tree, the Senate President said the reforms being undertaken were investments for future generations.

    “It is not about the applause of today, but the shade of tomorrow. Let us water it together,” he said.

    In his closing remarks and vote of thanks, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, described the President’s personal presentation of the budget as “democracy at its strongest” and a reaffirmation of partnership-driven governance.

    Read Also: 2026 Budget: Tinubu tightens fiscal discipline

    Reflecting on the outgoing 2025 fiscal year, Abbas said it marked a return to stability and renewed confidence after a difficult adjustment phase, though he acknowledged that global economic pressures exposed weaknesses in some budget assumptions, particularly crude oil price and exchange rate projections.

    He said the challenges reinforced the need for realism, discipline, and revenue diversification rather than weakening the reform agenda.

    “The gains of 2025 must be seen as the foundation for a more deliberate, realistic, and results-oriented 2026 Budget,” the Speaker said.

    Citing National Bureau of Statistics data, Abbas noted that Nigeria recorded positive growth throughout 2025, with real GDP approaching four per cent, placing the country among stronger-performing economies in sub-Saharan Africa.

    He added that inflationary pressures had eased following the rebasing of the Consumer Price Index, while external indicators showed stronger foreign reserves, resilient remittances, rising export receipts, and improved coherence in the foreign exchange market.

    According to him, international institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have acknowledged these trends as signs of restored macroeconomic credibility.

    Looking ahead, Abbas said the task for 2026 was to consolidate reforms and translate growth into jobs, higher incomes, and expanded opportunities.

    He commended President Tinubu’s directive on operating one budget and one fiscal framework, saying it signalled reform maturity and restored order to public finance by eliminating parallel budgets and fragmented spending windows.

    On security, the Speaker described it as the foundation of development, noting that the 2026 Budget prioritised security through expanded recruitment, improved welfare, enhanced intelligence coordination, and strengthened territorial security.

    He assured that the National Assembly would ensure that funds allocated to security produced measurable improvements nationwide.

    Abbas also highlighted the implementation of new tax laws in 2026, describing them as critical to broadening the tax base, enhancing equity, reducing leakages, and strengthening non-oil revenues.

    He pledged that lawmakers would consider the 2026 Appropriation Bill with urgency, diligence, and patriotism, while scrutinising spending to ensure accountability and value for money.

    “To Nigerians watching, the message is clear: stability has been restored, confidence rebuilt, fiscal order strengthened, and the foundations for shared prosperity firmly laid,” he said.

    The Speaker thanked President Tinubu for his leadership, praised Senate President Akpabio for his statesmanship, and commended lawmakers and Nigerians for their dedication to national service, praying for God’s blessings on the country.

  • Coalition decries legislative interference in exam bodies affairs

    Coalition decries legislative interference in exam bodies affairs

    A coalition of civil society organisations has expressed concern over what it described as legislative interference by members of the National Assembly in the affairs of examination bodies.

    The organisations called for constructive, transparent and mutually respectful engagement between committees of the House of Representatives and Nigeria’s examination bodies, while stressing the need to preserve institutional independence within the education sector.

    Speaking on behalf of the coalition, the Convener of the Social Transparency and Youth Leadership Advancement Initiative, Okpanachi Jacob, said the CSOs were offering general observations and recommendations aimed at strengthening governance, accountability and public confidence in educational institutions.

    Jacob condemned what he described as a growing trend of undue pressure on examination bodies under the guise of legislative oversight.

    He said such actions, if left unchecked, could undermine the integrity, independence and effectiveness of institutions responsible for conducting national examinations.

    While admitting that the National Assembly has the constitutional mandate to carry out oversight functions, Jacob said this responsibility must be exercised with transparency, restraint and respect for due process.

    He said: “Interactions between lawmakers and examination bodies such as the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, the West African Examinations Council, the National Examinations Council and the National Business and Technical Examinations Board should be guided by transparency, due process and mutual respect.”

    Jacob said the organisations believe that “maintaining clear institutional boundaries and professional standards is essential to sustaining the credibility of examination processes nationwide.”

    He clarified that the CSOs’ position was not based on any established wrongdoing or confirmed incidents, but rather on a broader commitment to promoting best practices in legislative oversight and public administration.

    The coalition also underscored the importance of “clear internal procedures within legislative committees, particularly on administrative and operational matters, as part of efforts to enhance efficiency and public trust.”

    In addition, the organisations encouraged “greater openness and clarity in governance processes, noting that transparency strengthens democratic institutions and fosters citizen confidence.”

    They further urged the leadership of the House of Representatives, under the Speaker, Tajudeen Abbas, to continue supporting ethical standards, internal cohesion and strict adherence to rules governing legislative operations.

    The coalition stressed that safeguarding the autonomy and credibility of Nigeria’s examination bodies is in the national interest and called for sustained collaboration among stakeholders in line with constitutional principles and democratic values.