Tag: National Identity

  • Citizenship; National identity question

    Citizenship; National identity question

    Citizenship and national identity challenges in Nigeria took the centre stage last week, at a national discourse organised by the National Peace Committee in collaboration with the European Union (EU) Delegation to Nigeria and ECOWAS.

    The event which has “Discourse on Nigeria’s National Identity: Revisiting Indigene-Settler Question” as its theme, brought together diplomats, clerics, policymakers and civil society leaders.

    Speaker after speaker took turns at the Abuja summit to warn on the daunting challenges facing citizenship and national identity due to the inability of our leaders to effectively manage diversity.

    Convener of the National Peace Committee and Catholic Bishop of Sokoto Diocese, Matthew Hassan Kukah noted that national identity once occupied a central place in public discourse in 1980’s and 1990’s but regretted that unresolved tensions have turned nation-building into “syllabus of forced errors and crises”. The cleric stressed the “need to elevate the Nigerian identity to a higher pillar of common citizenship around which all other identities can stand”.

    Kukah pointed out that failure to prioritise national identity over sub-national loyalties fuels mistrust, violence, and widening gaps between citizens’ expectations and state performance. “If we do not mend quickly, we shall break ultimately”, he warned.

    Head of the EU Delegation to Nigeria and ECOWAS, Gautier Mignot wants Nigeria to resolve long-standing tensions around identity, citizenship and belonging to build a stable and prosperous future. He identified the imperative of dialogue especially amidst rising insecurity, communal tensions and social fractures.

    “What is at stake is not merely social harmony but the essence of stability itself. Every citizen regardless of ancestry or length of settlement must enjoy the rights to reside, participate and prosper”, he stated, contending that constitutional guarantees must be realised in daily practice.

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    Mignot further argued that embedding residency rights and federal character principles into governance would help to dismantle discriminatory practices that weaken state legitimacy and impede development.

    Director-General of National Orientation Agency (NOA), Lanre-Isa-Onilu highlighted the agency’s programmes to promote tolerance, peace, and inclusive citizenship while urging every Nigerian to recognise every citizen as a stakeholder beyond ethnicity or place of origin.  Other speakers called for a new constitution to guarantee inclusiveness, participatory governance and residency-based rights.

    The theme of the discourse and timing align with contemporary challenges of our time.  Coming amidst rising insecurity and tensions which weaken citizens’ belief in the capacity of the government to protect them, such discussions reawaken our collective consciousness to all that needed to be done to stabilise the polity and accelerate national development.

    At the centre of it are the inalienable rights of the people to live together with shared vision, common belonging and identity. It entails constructing a Nigerian personality out of the disparate groups that make up the country such that they see themselves first as Nigerians rather than members of their ethnic groups.

    These issues are not necessarily new. But they have become more pronounced because of the inability of administration after administration to manage our diversities despite some measure of constitutional guarantees.

    Even the federal character principle that is geared towards inclusivity has in many cases been applied in its breach. The assault on this pristine clause was so brazen during the last regime with the control of the commanding heights of the military, paramilitary and the highest echelon of bureaucracy in the hands of a section of the country. It fuelled feelings of exclusion, domination and alienation that incubate fission.

    It is inconceivable how citizenship rights and national identity can grow and mature when the managers of our national affairs are neck-deep in promoting tendencies that nurture and promote recline to primordialism. Nigeria has become more divided and more fragmented than ever before since independence.

    Policies meant to guarantee equity, fairness and inclusiveness are brazenly pushed to the back seat for political expediency. Nepotism and cronyism have become the major considerations for appointments into key government positions.

     It is a verity of prebendalism, characterised by Richard Joseph as the capture of political power for the benefit of one’s family and that of his ethnic group that accounts for the bitter competition for political power among the dominant ethnic groups and the inability to evolve a rancour-free framework for power rotation.

    Peter Eke’s theory of two publics has continued to find relevance in Nigeria, 65 years after independence. Competition between the primordial realm and the civic public for the loyalty of the citizens with the former having ascendancy, signposts the failure of a sense of national belonging and identity.

    Ironically, such challenges are usually more pronounced during the foundation stages of modern states. At 65, Nigeria should have long left that stage. But its citizens are still engrossed in the crisis of national identity. And you cannot talk of citizenship when the average individual first regards himself as a member of his ethnic group.

    That is the challenge. And matters are not remedied by cascading insecurity across the country that is pitching groups against others. Unmitigated violence associated with the activities of terrorists, killer herdsmen and bandits have also raised suspicions of domination and extermination.

    These have had deleterious repercussions on the task of imbuing a culture of common identity in all citizens such that they begin to see themselves as Nigerians rather than members of their ethnic groups.

    It is good a thing Kukah and Mignot took time to identify policy measures to promote citizenship rights and grow national belonging and identity. Sadly, the sentiments raised by the discussants as ennobling as they are, may not go beyond the four walls of the conference room. Why? Exclusion profits some people and those who benefit from it are unlikely to let go.

    Exclusion has continued to define our politics as evident in the bitter competition by the ethnic groups to take a shot at the presidency. There is the increasing belief that the surest way an ethnic group can get the best from the national affairs is by having one of theirs ascend the presidency of the country. Even those that claim to be patriots or moderates have been found floundering on this issue.

    They may pretend to be patriots, nationalists because of the positions they held in the past, but the reality is that they easily succumb to the ethnic card. The reality today is that ethnicity has become a major commodity packaged and marketed by the elite. But all hope is not lost.

    It requires a leader with vision, one with uncommon political will to steer the ship of this country to the right direction; a leader with genuine committed to the progress and development of the country to put things right. Certainly, he will be cheered by a populace hungry for a break with the decadent past. Kukah’s warning that we either mend or break should be instructive enough.

  • FULL LIST: Nigeria’s over 300 tribes shaping national identity 

    FULL LIST: Nigeria’s over 300 tribes shaping national identity 

    Nigeria, a nation of vast cultural wealth, is home to over 300 ethnic groups, each with distinct traditions, languages, and histories. This diversity influences every aspect of national life, from politics and economy to art and social interactions.

    Nigeria’s ethnic landscape is characterised by three dominant groups: the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo. Each of these groups has its distinct language, customs, and traditions, which have evolved over centuries. The Hausa-Fulani, predominantly found in the northern region, are known for their rich Islamic heritage and complex system of emirates.

    The Yoruba, inhabiting the southwestern region, boast a vibrant cultural tradition, marked by elaborate festivals and a strong emphasis on community. The Igbo, predominantly found in the southeastern region, are renowned for their entrepreneurial spirit, resilience, and strong cultural identity.

    Despite the richness of Nigeria’s ethnic diversity, it has also been a source of tension and conflict. The country’s history is marked by ethnic and regional tensions, which have often led to violence and instability. However, it is also this diversity that has shaped Nigeria’s national identity, fostering a sense of shared citizenship and collective purpose.

    As Nigeria continues to navigate the complexities of its ethnic landscape, it is essential to recognise the value of diversity and promote greater understanding, tolerance, and inclusion among the country’s many ethnic groups.

    By embracing its rich cultural heritage and celebrating its diversity, Nigeria can build a more united, equitable, and prosperous society for all its citizens.

    Here is a breakdown of the major ethnic groups in Nigeria:

    These 371 ethnic groups are spread across its 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory.

    Ethnicity in Nigeria

    Hausa 30 (27.8%)

    Yoruba 15.5 (14.4%)

    Igbo 15.2 (14.1%)

    Fulani 1 (0.93%)

    Urhobo 7.8 (7.22%)

    Tiv 2.4 (2.22%)

    Kanuri 2.4 (2.22%)

    Ijaw 8.8 (8.15%)

    Others 24.9 (23.1%)

    Ethnic Groups in Nigeria by State

    Abia State

    Igbo (Ibo)

    Ngwa

    Ohafia

    Aro

    Umuahia

    Bende

    Ikwuano

    Adamawa State

    Bata

    Bolewa

    Chamba

    Fulani

    Gwandara

    Higi

    Jimbin

    Koma

    Mboi

    Piti

    Tula

    Waja

    Yungur

    Akwa Ibom State

    Annang

    Ibibio

    Ibeno

    Itu

    Mkpat

    Enin

    Oron

    Ukpom

    Efik

    Anambra State

    Igbo

    Aguleri

    Awka

    Nnewi

    Onitsha

    Ekwulobia

    Igboukwu

    Umunze

    Ichi

    Umuleri

    Bauchi State

    Hausa

    Ngas (Angas)

    Jarawa

    Sayawa

    Mumuye

    Tera

    Bolewa

    Ganawuri

    Karai-Karai

    Fulani

    Kanuri

    Bayelsa State

    Ijaw

    Nembe

    Ogbia

    Epie-Atissa

    Ijaw (Ogbia subgroup)

    Apoi

    Engenni

    Biseni

    Benue State

    Tiv

    Idoma

    Igede

    Etulo

    Abakwa

    Udam

    Akweya

    Nyifon

    Borno State

    Kanuri

    Shuwa Arab

    Babur

    Marghi

    Ngizim

    Bura

    Kilba

    Mandara

    Waha

    Daurama

    Tangale

    Mbum

    Cross River State

    Efik

    Ejagham (Ekoi)

    Bekwarra

    Boki

    Quas

    Yala

    Ikom

    Usung

    Ogoja

    Mkpani

    Delta State

    Urhobo

    Isoko

    Ijaw

    Itsekiri

    Ndokwa

    Ukwuani

    Aniocha Ibo (Igbo)

    Okpe

    Asaba

    Ebonyi State

    Igbo

    Ezza

    Ikwo

    Abakaliki

    Effium

    Izzi

    Ohaukwu

    Inyimagu

    Edo State

    Bini (Benin)

    Esan (Ishan)

    Afemai (Afenmai)

    Akoko Edo

    Owan

    Ekiti State

    Yoruba

    Enugu State

    Igbo

    Nsukka

    Agbaja

    Nkanu

    Awgu

    Gombe State

    Fulani

    Tangale

    Tera

    Waja

    Bolewa

    Tula

    Kanuri

    Hausa

    Cham

    Dadiya

    Jara

    Kamo

    Pero

    Lunguda

    Imo State

    Igbo

    Ikeduru

    Ngwa

    Mbaise

    Okigwe

    Orlu

    Jigawa State

    Hausa

    Fulani

    Kanuri

    Tuareg

    Badawi

    Kaje

    Kaduna State

    Hausa

    Fulani

    Gwari

    Kaje

    Jaba

    Atyap

    Bajju

    Katab

    Ninzom

    Gwandara

    Jabo

    Kano State

    Hausa

    Fulani

    Kanuri

    Badawa

    Nupé

    Zarma

    Tera

    Ngu

    Ngas

    Katsina State

    Hausa

    Fulani

    Kanuri

    Tera

    Zarma

    Nupé

    Ngas

    Kebbi State

    Hausa

    Fulani

    Zarma

    Kanuri

    Tera

    Kambari

    Bassa

    Dakarkari

    Kogi State

    Ebira

    Okun (Yoruba)

    Igala

    Bassa

    Gwandara

    Koto

    Kanuri

    Kakanda

    Kwara State

    Yoruba

    Nupe

    Baruba

    Shuwa Arabs

    Piti

    Hausa

    Fulani

    Kambari

    Maba

    Lagos State

    Yoruba

    Awori

    Egun

    Egun-Mina

    Nasarawa State

    Gwari

    Eggon

    Hausa

    Alago

    Mada

    Koro

    Gwandara

    Niger State

    Nupe

    Gwari

    Hausa

    Kambari

    Dakarkari

    Ogun State

    Yoruba

    Egba

    Egbado

    Awori

    Remo

    Ondo State

    Yoruba

    Ilaje

    Ikale

    Akoko

    Ondo

    Osun State

    Yoruba

    Ife

    Ijesha

    Osogbo

    Ibolo

    Oyo State

    Yoruba

    Ogbomoso

    Ibadan

    Oke-Ogun

    Plateau State

    Berom

    Tarok

    Ngas

    Mwaghavul

    Goemai

    Ron

    Afizere

    Afo

    Alago (Arago)

    Amo

    Anaguta

    Angas

    Ankwei

    Rivers State

    Ikwerre

    Kalabari

    Ijaw

    Andoni

    Ogoni

    Eleme

    Abua (Odual)

    Sokoto State

    Hausa

    Fulani

    Zabarmawa

    Gobirawa

    Taraba State

    Jukun

    Tiv

    Mumuye

    Wurkum

    Kuteb

    Fulani

    Yobe State

    Kanuri

    Fulani

    Bade

    Ngizim

    Affade

    Zamfara State

    Hausa

    Fulani

    Gobirawa

    Federal Capital Territory (Abuja)

    Gwari

    Hausa

    Fulani

  • National Identity Day

    A charade without National ID Card

    SEQUEL to the Federal Government’s approval of September 16 of every year as National Identity Day, Nigeria is  the first  country to formally adopt the day, otherwise called 16.9, as Identity Day (ID-Day). The approval was communicated to the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) in a letter from the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr Boss Mustapha.

    NIMC’s General Manager, Operations/Corporate Communications, who made this known in a statement said: “In the letter signed on the SGF’s behalf by David K. Gende, the Director, Planning, Research and Statistics in the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Mr. Mustapha conveyed government’s approval to the NIMC chief executive officer that Nigeria ‘should join the Coalition for International Identity Day,’ in response to the latter’s earlier request. By that approval, therefore, Nigeria becomes the first country in the world to formally adopt September 16, otherwise called 16.9, as Identity Day (ID-Day).”

    Why September 16? Aliyu Aziz, NIMC’s director-general said the choice of the date was in recognition of Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16.9 which calls for a legal identity for all, including birth registration by 2030. According to him, “Many important issues on the international development and human rights agenda have an observance day. For example, 10 December is Human Rights Day, while 20th of June is Refugee Day. Now is the time for identity to have a day of observance.”

    These days, identification is an indispensable tool for national development and social cohesion. Indeed, ID cards are becoming common worldwide, with many countries using them to improve national and international security. The cards are also useful in the fight against identity theft, especially with holder’s biometric features embedded in the cards.

    According to the NIMC, the  “National Identification Number (NIN) is used to tie together all records about you – demographic data, fingerprints, head-to-shoulder facial picture, other biometric data and digital signature – in the National Identity Database making it relatively easy to confirm and verify your identity when you engage in travels and transactions.”

    We welcome the declaration of September 16 as National Identity Day. However, Nigeria should go beyond observing the day for its symbolic significance alone. As a matter of fact, this is the basis of our conditional support for the National Identity Day: its usefulness, at least as far as we are concerned, is in the date being used essentially to sensitise Nigerians on the importance of the identity card. The day should also serve as reminder to those in charge of the cards to ensure an all-year-round availability of the card, devoid of unnecessary bureaucratic bottlenecks.

    Our fear though is whether one can give what one does not have. We ask this question because up till now, only about 37 million Nigerians have the National Identity Card despite the fact that the journey towards making it a reality started as far back as the 1980s in the Alhaji Shehu Shagari years in the Second Republic. The process for the issuance of the card has sadly been corruption-ridden. The processes have gulped billions without commensurate result. If only about 37 million Nigerians have been issued their NIN in a country estimated to be about 170 million, there must be a change of attitude on the part of all stakeholders for the cards to be made available to every qualified Nigerian. If it has taken us this long to make provision for only about a quarter of the population, how long will it take to get every qualified Nigerian covered? This is a poser for the NIMC.

    However, now that the government has approved a National Identity Day for the country, we hope it would put in place all the necessary facilities that would facilitate the issuance of the National Identity Card.  A National Identity Day without identity card is a charade. We hope this is not lost on the government.