With the collation and announcement of the result of the Rivers State governorship elections which returned the incumbent Governor, Nyesom Wike duly elected, events of the last general elections will soon be consigned to the dustbin of history.
But the elections will for a long time, continue to conjure images and feelings that question our future commitment and determination to imbibing relevant dispositions and attitudinal values that are supportive of the institutionalization of a virile democratic culture. Democracy is both a cultural and attitudinal thing requiring certain dispositions and set of rules for it to have relevance and meaning.
But even with all the allure of that governance framework, especially its capacity to reflect the collective will of the people through periodic elections, what you find on these shores is criminal refusal or conspiracy by political actors to play by the rules. Most often, what you find are deliberate efforts by politicians and very influential persons in and out of government to sabotage these pristine values without which democracy will lose its relevance.
That is why we are still at home with all manner of electoral malfeasance that increasingly cast serious slur on the prospects of democracy taking firm root on these shores. The last elections have come and gone. But their overall conduct left serious scars on our democratic credentials. In most places, the rules of the game were only observed in their breach. Ballot box snatching, killing of innocent voters with the aid of security agents, falsification and manipulation of results, deliberate disabling of the smart card readers, vote buying and high level violence were all the sad features of the last elections.
It is nigh impossible for elections that are held under these highly volatile and life threatening circumstances to satisfy the real test of free, fair and credible conduct. But behind this desperation to win elections by hook and crook; behind the desire to sabotage and circumvent subsisting rules for personal gains, are certain systemic hiccups that must be tinkered with before the culture of free, fair and credible elections will take firm root in this country. We need to raise questions and provide answers as to why our politicians have overtime shown a scandalous disposition to subvert the rules of the game. We need to identify and address those factors that easily predispose our people to violence and all manner of illegalities just to secure victory at the polls.
It is increasingly getting clearer that we cannot possibly part ways with these dysfunctional dispositions without serious institutional reforms. In this wise, the current structure of the Nigerian federal order is one that propels and reinforces the unbridled competition for power. The disproportionate resources at the disposal of the centre; virtually controlling life and death provides both the necessary and sufficient conditions for the do-or die competition that characterize our electoral process.
In a clime primordial and parochial cleavages are in constant competition with the central government for the loyalty of the citizens, it will be foolhardy not to expect a very rancorous and deadly electoral process as the various inclusive units strive to take advantage of the huge resources and powers at the centre for the benefit of their constituents. In effect, the current structure of the Nigerian federation is a key disincentive to free and fair elections.
That accounts for the unbridled and rancorous competition to control the affairs at the centre. That is also the reason ethnic, religious and other mundane considerations feature very prominently in the overall calculations of which section of the country should occupy that position and at what point. It is for the same reason that those with the coercive apparatus of state deploy them to skew the outcome of elections to predetermined directions.
If we must discourage this tendency; if we must part ways with our ruinous electoral pasts, it is difficult to run away from some form of restructuring by devolving more powers to the constituents. Through devolution and making the centre less attractive; the social strife and acrimony that hallmark our elections, sometimes threatening the very foundation of this country will be largely stymied. It will also reduce corruption in public places as there is a positive correlation between the level of corruption in public places and the disjointed federal contraption currently in place. A very serious government, one that places high premium on sustainable institutions and processes should be very concerned with policies and laws that seek to correct observed imperfections within the polity. We cannot grow the country both economically and politically by dilly-dallying over fundamental policy issues that will align our country to global best practices.
Sadly, even where these imperfections have proven to be serious setbacks to the overall health of our country, they appear to draw criminal support from politicians and people in positions of authority. Sometimes, one begins to wonder if some of our leaders really wish this country to prosper. Or how else can one possibly justify the scandalous opposition of some of our leaders to policy issues and structural changes that will reduce the acrimony associated with political competition and unleash the huge potentials of our diverse peoples for rapid economic transformation?
Before the elections, the National Assembly had sent the electoral bill which approved electronic transmission of results rather than manual collation to the president for his assent. Sadly, the president refused assent to that bill citing time constraints. But as events showed during the elections, President Buhari’s refusal to approve that bill turned out the greatest undoing of that election. Safe in some states like Rivers where the military was accused partisanship at the polling units resulting to deaths, the overall conduct of the elections at the polling booths were largely peaceful.
The problem with the elections centred round the actions or inactions of electoral officers and politicians at the collation centres. That accounted for the suspension of the Rivers State governorship and state assembly elections. And when collation and announcement of results resumed, results from the polling units were very helpful. If the electoral bill had been passed into law before the last elections, perhaps, most of these unsavoury features at the collation centres would not have arisen.
It is therefore vital to strengthen our laws to imbue confidence on the electoral process. There is the need for legislation to check some of the imperfections and abuses that rendered the elections a nightmare in many parts of the country. The overall conduct of the elections does not give confidence that any lessons have been learnt as it fell short of the gains recorded in 2015. There is the urgent need to take proactive steps to change this narrative.
Now that we are over with the elections, the National Assembly should without delay, re-send the electoral bill for the assent of the president. Ordinarily, the president should have no problems assenting to the electoral bill since his reservations on time constraints cannot stand any longer. But where he still refuses assent to a law which by all estimation, will enhance the overall conduct of free, fair and credible elections, then we can understand where he is coming from.
No right thinking leader, one that places national interest over and above other considerations can afford to stall processes and legislations that will serve the overall public good. That is the immediate challenge before the National Assembly and the president.
There is also the challenge posed by the multiplicity of political parties. At the last count, there are more than 90 registered political parties in the country. In the last election in Imo State, 70 political parties were given the nod to field governorship candidates. But in the field, not more than five were really on the ground. The unwieldy number creates serious identification challenge for the electorate. The National Assembly should come up with legislations to check the current challenge posed by the multiplicity of parties that only exist in name. These will strengthen our institutions, structures and ultimately the wobbling democratic process.