Tag: Nigerian Army

  • Nigerian Army and the Sagir saga

    Corruption loosed upon the land No country can survive or even develop a nit with corruption breaking  out every day in every facet of its polity like an epidemic. During the recent Presidential Media Chat, our president, Goodluck Jonathan, once again labored so much to school us on the finer differences between corruption and stealing. He insisted that most of what is termed corruption by Nigerians is actually stealing and that it would help our situation a great deal if we labeled these crimes appropriately. In other words, he insisted we should call a thief by his proper name.

    He actually went into such an elaborate disambiguation just to prove that his government is not as corrupt as Nigerians love to paint it. He made the point further that when a certain judge took the pains to review all the so-called corruption cases, it turned out that most of them were ‘small matters’ of stealing and not corruption.

    Stretched further, corruption, he seems to suggest, is not such a big issue as the hullabaloo that daily trails it in Nigeria; especially under his tenure. But we ask: where does this ‘brilliant’ differentiation take us? We ask: if a director in charge of police pensions for instance, steals N27 billion from the till in his care and he manages to suborn the Presidency, the National Assembly, the Judiciary, the Police and the law courts and he is out there roaming free, has the thief not corrupted all the above-named institutions of state?

    Was the Nigerian Army corrupted in Ekiti? While we must impress it on our president that corruption and stealing are children of the same evil parents, it will be interesting to have his candid take on the Sagir saga concerning the role of the military in the Ekiti State election of June 21, 2014. There does not seem to be any ambiguity here; if proven, it is a clear case of abuse of power and the corruption of a vital institution of state.

    By way of a recap: a certain Captain Sagir Koli, an intelligence officer attached to the 32 Artillery Brigade, Akure, Ondo State was drafted as aide to the Brigade Commander, Brigadier Aliyu Momoh who led the military ‘campaign’ during the Ekiti election. Today Capt. Koli has exposed to the media, his secret recording of some of the untoward activities of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in cahoots with soldiers posted to keep the peace during the election.

    The audio tape reportedly features key PDP actors like Ayo Fayose, (then candidate and now supposed winner of the Ekiti election), Musiliu Obanikoro, the Minister of State for Defence; Mr. Jelili Adesiyan, Police Affairs Minister; Iyiola Omisore, PDP guber candidate in Osun and of course, Brig. Gen. Aliyu Momoh. The report is allegedly about how these key PDP chieftains harangued and corralled the army commander into garrisoning Ekiti during the election, demobilizing opposition party chieftains and giving PDP people a free rein on election day.

    Capt. Sagir who is currently on the run for dear life has granted further interview giving more details about how and why, according to him, he had to do what he did. He said he chose to go underground when his commander Brig. Gen. Momoh invited him for an encore in Osun State after they had facilitated the Ekiti rout of the opposition. Hear Sagir: “The Ekiti election was in June, Osun was August. I was asked again to go and rig in Osun. As an officer my intention was not to record this thing and implicate anybody, but just to put a stop to the dirty work the military was being used to do in politics…”

    His commander had informed him that they had earned commendation for the good job done in Ekiti. They were to replicate the feat in Osun. But according to Sagir: “I told myself I will not be part of it.” According to him, his conscience troubled him to the extent that his attitude and body language must have sent signals to his superiors. He was to be arrested but for a tip-off by some colleagues.

    In saner climes, Sagir’s allegations would have elicited such a national opprobrium that would have warranted immediate reaction both from the government and the army high command. There is no doubt that the reputation of the commander-in-chief is at stake here; his capacity to command the forces at his disposal is also being questioned. The integrity of the army is also on the line here thus the need to immediately respond and correct whatever lapses might have cropped up in the system.

    There is no doubt that Sagir is whom he claims to be and he holds the position he claims to hold in the officer cadre of the Nigerian Army. And unless the army hierarchy and indeed the government come up with a definitive statement that will close this matter, it will remain as a monumental debasement of the military will haunt this government to the end of time.

    Matters grave and dangerous The issues Sagir raised are too grave to be wished away. First, why did we need over 1000 armed soldiers (a battalion) to conduct election in one state (and this is not discounting other military and para-military men drafted for the election)?

    Why were PDP chieftains from other states allowed free entry and movement in Ekiti while their APC counterparts were bared entry and free movement? Why, particularly, was the director-general of APC campaign kept under house arrest at the critical moment when he needed to mobilize their agents?

    Why was a general of the Nigerian Army required to command troops into a state during an election? If we go by Sagir’s ‘recording’, why did the junior defence minister threaten a general of the Nigerian Army that he faced the peril of stagnation/non-promotion if he failed to do his biddings?

    Why was a certain civilian called Chris Uba said to have led about 16 commissioned officers (described as Strike Force) from 82 Division Enugu to Ekiti; these men were reportedly posted to each of the local government areas to work with the PDP thugs?

    Finally, why was an under-aged brother of Sagir’s detained by the army for five months?

    The federal government must answer these questions and more; a panel of inquiry must be set up immediately to probe these allegations. The NASS too must act quickly. Anything short of that will only lead the populace to believe everything Capt. Sager has said. The consequences of that prospect are even graver. In plain language, it simply means the complete corruption of the soul of Nigeria’s military has been achieved by the Jonathan administration.

  • Court: no troops for elections

    Court: no troops for elections

    A Federal High Court sitting in Sokoto yesterday ruled that it is unconstitutional for the military to be deployed for election purposes.

    Justice Mohammed Rilwan ruled that other than for the purposes of protecting the nation’s territorial integrity, no constitutional provision allows for the deployment of the military for elections.

    The suit challenging the deployment of military for election duties was instituted by the Deputy Speaker of the House of Assembly, Bello Goronyo, representing Goronyo Constituency.

    Justice Rilwan added that” for the federal government to do so, it must have taken recourse to the National Assembly, which would enact such law”.

  • 22 Army officers face court martial over Boko Haram

    The army authorities has ordered a brigadier general and 21 other army officers to face a court martial over alleged sabotage in the war against the Boko Haram, two military sources told Reuters on Tuesday.

    The charges were not specified.

    Some officers have long been suspected of colluding with Boko Haram, with President Goodluck Jonathan saying in May that the sect had “infiltrated the armed forces and police.”

    This is the first time senior army officers have been put on trial for offences relating to the fight against Boko Haram.

    The militant group killed an estimated 10,000 people last year in its battle to revive a medieval caliphate in Nigeria.

  • Army speaks on Buhari’s certificate

    Army speaks on Buhari’s certificate

    The Nigerian Army on Tuesday responded to the controversy surrounding the educational certificate of the presidential candidate of the All Progressive Congress (APC), Gen. Mohammadu Buhari.

    The Director of Army Public Relations, Brig. General Olajide Olaleye, at a press conference in Abuja, said neither the original copy, Certified True Copy (CTC) nor statement of result of Buhari’s WASC results is in his personal file.

    Olaleye, however, said Buhari’s application was duly endorsed by the Principal of Provincial Secondary School, Katsina, who also wrote a report and recommended him as suitable for military commission.

    Full text of Olaleye’s statement on the issue reads:

    “I will begin with the Major General Muhammadu Buhari certificate controversy. Gentlemen, let me state clearly that the Nigerian Army holds the retired senior officer in very high esteem and respect and would not be a party to any controversy surrounding his eligibility for any political office. Suffice to state that Major General Buhari rose steadily to the enviable rank of Major General before becoming the Head of State of our dear country in December 1983.

    “The media hype on retired Major General Muhammadu Buhari’s credentials as well as the numerous requests made by individuals and corporate bodies to the Nigerian Army on this issue have necessitated that we provide the facts as contained in the retired senior officer’s service record. Records available indicate that Major General M Buhari applied to join the military as a Form Six student of the Provincial Secondary School, Katsina on October 18, 1961.

    “His application was duly endorsed by the Principal of the school, who also wrote a report on him and recommended him to be suitable for military commission. It is a practice in the NA that before candidates are shortlisted for commissioning into the officers’ cadre of the Service, the Selection Board verifies the original copies of credentials that are presented. However, there is no available record to show that this process was followed in the 1960s.

    “Nevertheless, the entry made on the NA Form 199A at the point of documentation after commission as an officer indicated that the former head of state obtained the West African School Certificate (WASC) in 1961 with credits in relevant subjects: English Language, Geography, History, Health Science, Hausa and a pass in English Literature. However, neither the original copy, Certified True Copy (CTC) nor statement of result of Major General Muhammadu Buhari’s WASC result is in his personal file.

    “I hope this explanation will put to rest the raging controversy surrounding the secondary school credentials of Major General Mohammed Buhari as it affects the Nigerian Army.”

  • Reflections on the  army mutiny

    Reflections on the army mutiny

    I am a bloody civilian. But I know what mutiny is not. Mutiny is not the caricature the Nigerian Army is passing it off to be. Mutiny is not hesitating to charge into battle empty handed. Mutiny is not bringing your superiors into cognizance that you need proper weapons to have a fair chance of putting the enemy to rout. Mutiny is not pleading to be equipped before being deployed to the front line.

    The Nigerian Army has bastardized the spirit of the word. And the new definition is made to serve our unique malady – like a Peugeot 504 built for Nigerian roads. Mutiny is now the manifestation of reluctance to dash off in the right direction, like some suicidal robot, when you are gifted an opportunity to self-destruct.

    Last week the Nigerian court martial found a new batch of soldiers guilty of mutiny. The Nigerian Army had to find them guilty of mutiny. The court martial set out to discover mutiny and they wound up landing a treasure trove. They found 54 cases. Their find confirms the validity of the scriptural guarantee: Seek, and you shall find.

    The mutiny sentence represents an abuse of the power of life and death. This is the revenge of army chiefs for the embarrassment of being asked to produce what they didn’t have. I learnt on a couple of Christmas shopping that asking anyone for a thing he cannot provide had consequences. The child in me wanted to rid the whole market of all colorful items I liked and pointed at. Needless to say, such requests fluster the nicest parents and can force a feeling of inadequacy.

    But the soldiers did not make a frivolous demand. They didn’t ask for toys or cigarettes. They asked for working tools. They asked for instruments that they could not function without. And that’s not indiscipline.

    Isaac asked Abraham, his father, midway into their mountain climb, where the lamb they were going to use for sacrifice was. The lamb was what would give meaning to their exertions. Abraham didn’t produce any sensible answer. Instead, he tried to make a sacrificial lamb out of the boy. Today, the Nigerian Army is playing Abraham on 54 Isaacs.

    The soldiers are no cowards like the accusers say. They didn’t shrink from the call of duty. They had signed up to defend their fatherland voluntarily. And they knew before time that they would be required to plunge into life-costing scenarios. But they did not sign up for martyrdom. They didn’t pledge to submit themselves to be killed for their belief in the territorial integrity of Nigeria.

    This mutiny bazaar is a shame. It reflects the slump from the sublime to the ridiculous of an army that used to be the toast of the peacekeeping world. In those days, our troops acquitted themselves creditably in trouble spots of the West African sub-region and beyond. Our soldiers did not mutiny. The ECOWAS and UN missions tended them. Now they are learning mutiny on home soil.

    The other day in Maiduguri barracks, wives of soldiers formed themselves into a roadblock. They stopped trucks that was packed full of troops from reporting to the war scene. Their husbands had not been furnished with deployment materials. They had nothing to fight with. The soldiers were being shipped off to go and die.

    In September, the Army sentenced a dozen soldiers to death on the same charge. The newsbreak generated outrage. The Chief of Defence Staff, Air Chief Marshal Alex Badeh, was flabbergasted. Nigerians did not give him compliments. These civilians are not grateful for the extraordinary favour of being informed about the sentencing. Why are they raising hell and making noise about the military trivializing human lives? Did we want him to regret not using the other option? Did we know he could have had those soldiers tried and dispatched in the evil forest and we would have been blissfully unaware?

    The Nigerian Army has made an exhibition of the sentencing. This is to pass the message that some truths consume the men who tell them. Weapon or no weapon, you must run towards the adversary, like a Usain Bolt eager to breast the tape.

    Our arms deficiency is proverbial. Everybody knows we are trying to snatch victory from the jaws of a near empty armoury. The damage we manage to inflict on the Boko Haram camp once or twice a week often results from very desperate situations. Our deprived soldiers produce those flashes of brilliance when they are cornered and have no choice other than to fight for self-preservation. The US no longer sells us arms. And we can’t fetch arms from South Africa without making ourselves the butt of a joke. But our soldiers cannot complain.

    The fact that Nigeria is missing arms in this war is accentuated by the rising profile of poisoned arrows and cutlasses in dispatches from the combat zone. The locals are throwing their crude weapons in the fray because the dearth of arms on the Nigerian side leaves their villages vulnerable to attack. They are defending their own homesteads.

    Governor Kahim Shettima of Borno State once called for the boosting of our military capabilities. He said that he had observed that Boko Haram insurgents were gaining momentum because they were more motivated and better armed than our troops. The Federal Government dismissed his concerns. He was of the opposition. He did not contribute any beneficial insight. He was just slandering the Presidency.

    President Goodluck Jonathan tried to make Shettima apologize. Jonathan threatened to prove that the governor was wrong by ordering the withdrawal the soldiers that guard Borno Government House. The governor would know that the Nigerian Army was still of use if he found himself stripped of all protection. The President made his point. There is an inviolable ban on expression of certain kinds of opinion. Don’t say the troops are in need of anything. Don’t say it even if it is obvious.

    Interestingly, only small soldiers stand trial for mutiny. Only little men deserve to die. The big chiefs who squirrel monies away from Nigeria’s multi-billion naira defence budget deserve to live forever. It would be too awkward to knock them off their pedestal and try them for sabotage.

    Everywhere the mode of defence spending is a delicate matter. It is a top state secret. The problem is that secrecy is more likely to breed criminality. And our experience is that security vote and other defence related allocations are stolen and spent like pocket money. It’s the money our defence chiefs and politicians binge on.

    The Nigerian Army can find among its top brass a dozen Judas Iscariots who kiss well in the public and steal from the purse in secret. They can make mutineers out of those who have been minting money out of the blood of our soldiers. They can make mutineers out of the generals whose greed perpetuates the conditions that make the eagerness to deploy tantamount to suicide attempt. The healing of the bitter waters must start at the spring.

    The Nigerian Army cannot shy away from addressing the fundamental issues of lack of battle equipment and appalling troop welfare. These issues will not vanish into the thin air. And the Nigerian Army cannot solve them by criminalizing legitimate complaints and creating a batch of scapegoats every three months. If it persists in “sharing”  mutiny to just about anybody, we will arrive at a point when youths be unwilling to enlist in the Nigerian Army.

    • Emmanuel Uchenna Ugwu
  • Army frees 42 Boko Haram suspects in Maiduguri

    Army frees 42 Boko Haram suspects in Maiduguri

    42 Boko Haram suspects were on Thursday freed by authorities of 7 Division, Nigerian Army, Maiduguri and handed over to Governor Kashim Shettima.

    The army also gave each of the freed suspects N100, 000 to resettle themselves.

    Three of the released suspects are from Chad, Burkina Faso and Cameroon. They would be repatriated immediately by the Nigerian Immigration Services (NIS) to their countries.

    Presenting the freed suspects at the Government House, Maiduguri, the Deputy Director, Army Public Relations, Col. Sani Usman, said the suspects were arrested and had been “released because we found out that they have nothing to do with Boko Haram activities.”

    “Out of the 42 suspects cleared by the military this month, three are from the neighboring countries of Burkina Faso, Chad and Cameroon.”

    The Nation gathered that most of the released suspects are students, traders, carpenters, drivers and panel beaters.

    There are three elderly persons among them, while the remaining falls between the ages of 18 and 30.

    Governor Shettima while receiving the suspects announced that some of them will be immediately engaged in their various areas of trade.

    “An idle mind they say is the devils’ workshop, therefore we cannot allow you people to be idle. From your introduction, some of you are drivers, others are tailors and some are students. All the drivers would be immediately engaged by the state government and the tailors too will be useful for our free uniform for school children.

    For the students, I am going to assist you to go back and complete your studies. Others will also be taken care of appropriately,” the governor said.

     

  • 15 officers, 82 soldiers on trial for mutiny, assault, AWOL

    15 officers, 82 soldiers on trial for mutiny, assault, AWOL

    The military authorities have put on trial a total of 97 army personnel, comprising 15 officers and 82 junior officers for offences ranging from mutiny, assault and Absence Without Official Leave (AWOL).

    Other offences preferred against the soldiers include house breaking; conduct prejudicial to good orders and service discipline and offences relating to service propriety among others.

    The military had, in September, sentenced 12 soldiers to death for mutiny. The sentence has continued to generate controversy across the land with prominent individuals and rights activists calling for a more humane sentence for the condemned soldiers.

    In his inaugural address at the court’s sitting in Abuja on Thursday, the President of the all military General Court Martial, Brig-Gen. Musa Yusuf, said the trial would be guided by the principles of justice and fair hearing.

    He assured that the accused persons would also be given the facilities and conditions necessary for the proper defence of their cases.

    “In line with the provisions of Section 35(5) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended), one of you shall be presumed innocent by the court until it is proved otherwise,” Gen. Yusuf stated.

    He continued: “Let me further assure you that the GCM will base its decisions and findings only on the facts presented before it,” adding that the court would not be influenced by extraneous forces.

    “In consonance with the desire of this GCM to do justice in this case, we shall take cognizance of the postulation of late Justice (Chukwudifu) Oputa that justice is a three-way traffic.

    “That is justice for the accused persons, justice for the victim and justice for the state. We intend to patiently and painstakingly listen to all evidence that will be brought before this court to ensure that no innocent person is convicted.

    Among the accused persons were four Lieutenant Colonels – SS Tilawan, DB Danzang, IC Ogamanya and SU Abubakar. Others were: Major II Sakaba; Captains. M Hamadikko, Z Alhaji, MB Abdullahi and SY Musa.

    Those in the rank of Lieutenant were – T Garba, F Ogunleke, A Abdullahi, IM Okoro and D Wunuji; with 2nd Lt. JM Uweh. The rest were in the rank and file.

    Gen. Yusuf said the trial would be conducted and concluded without undue delay, to prevent the accused persons from suffering from the psychological trauma associated with protracted litigations.

    “In line with this, I wish to appeal to both the prosecution and defence counsel to prepare their cases in earnest in other to assist the accused persons and this GCM in ensuring un-delayed justice.

    “I also wish to appeal to the counsel on both sides to keep to the timing of this court and avoid asking for unnecessary adjournments so that the sincere intention of this court could be achieved.

    “Finally, I wish to appeal to the members of the press that in the interest of national security, the accused persons, patriotism and justice, to be fair and objective in their reports on all issues concerning this trial,” he stated.

     

  • Soldiers on red alert against us – Shi’ite leader

    The leader of the Islamic Movement in Nigeria, popularly known as Shi’ite, Sheikh Ibraheem Zakzaky, on Wednesday raised alarm that the military after allegedly killing his 33 followers at a recent procession has again put soldiers on red alert against the group.

    El-Zakzaky made the statement at the end of Nahjul Balagha study session at the Hussainiyyah Baqiyyatullah, Zaria.

    The Nigerian Army has however dismissed the allegation, saying there was no such directive.

    El-Zakzaky said, “The Nigerian military after killing innocent people in Zaria at the recent Quds Day procession has now gone on the defensive and therefore spreading rumour that the “Shi’ites” were going to avenge the killing of their members.

    “The military having woefully failed in its plan has stationed all barracks on red alert to further unleash more violence and spill innocent blood.

    “We will not be surprised if the military decides to detonate bombs or even kill some of its personnel accuse the “Shi’ites” of taking revenge. The military had been doing this all over in the name of Boko Haram.”

     

     

  • A gathering of crocodiles

    A gathering of crocodiles

    With the hosting of a foreign flag on what is supposed to be Nigerian soil in the little known northern town of Gamboa, and with the security forces showing little appetite for swiftly terminating the disgraceful affront, Nigeria is effectively partitioned. Whether we like to hear it or not, and whether we want it mentioned or not, a great horror movie is unfolding not just for Nigerians but the Black race as a whole. Yet like paralysed participants in the Cabinet of Dr Caligari, the German horror film, we appear too dazed and confounded to comprehend what is going on.

    To be sure, this is not the first time Nigeria would be so symbolically dismembered. The Biafran flag was hoisted on a larger swathe of the nation and for a longer period. But not with this kind of psychotic daring and in your face bravura. In any case, Biafra never left anybody in doubt about its intention to secede from Nigeria. It was a textbook secession. The hosting of the flag was the final act of formal consecration after the declaration of independence from Nigeria.

    As far as rituals of secession go, the leadership of Biafra adhered scrupulously and rigorously to internationally stipulated norms and independence was formally declared after a Consultative Assembly mandated the old eastern region leadership to lead its people out of Nigeria. Thus, the former Colonel Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, freshly cashiered from the Nigerian Army, became the leader of a new nation. The rest is history.

    In the case of the Boko Haram insurgency, a rag tag militia has now snowballed into a full blown military force that has gravely imperilled the territorial sanctity of Nigeria, and one that is bent on imposing its weird form of a theocratic state on a substantial swathe of the nation if not the entire country. There is no Northern Consultative Forum as such in sight. There are no Boko Haram officers to be dismissed as yet. The only thing we have going is President Jonathan’s offhand declaration that there are already Boko Haram cells in the sanctuary of his own administration.

    Yet the insurrectionist sect has succeeded beyond its wildest expectation, laying to waste and complete ruination the northernmost fringes of the nation. If the federal forces were to withdraw from this troubled and tormented region at this minute, we might as well say goodbye to Nigeria as we know it.

    In a development that points at some international conspiracy beyond the government’s tenuous grasp on reality, the murderous sect has the entire north within its rifle sight, and it seems able to strike at will any target of choice even in the federal capital of Abuja.  It is now beginning to probe the Southern underbelly of the nation in what promises to be an apocalyptic endgame for Nigeria. History has become a nightmare from which we are trying to wake up.

    At the purely symbolic level, the cost to the psyche of the nation and its fabled military has been quite prohibitive and out of proportion. The old northern establishment has had its totems and escutcheons of political and spiritual authority completely devastated and ground to dust. The state and its paraphernalia of authority and coercive disincentives have been shown to be incapable of protecting, not to talk of maintaining, the territorial integrity of the nation.

    At the last count, the Boko Haram sect has accounted for General Mohammed Shuwa, a civil war stalwart and one of the finest officers of the old Nigerian army. It has killed the Emir of Gwoza, with his fellow traditional travellers being lucky to escape after they were dramatically abducted in broad daylight.

    It almost succeeded in dispatching the late Emir of Kano, Ado Bayero, until natural death mercifully intervened. It has summarily liquidated scores of notable politicians and clerics. It has successfully cordoned off a huge chunk of the nation known as Sambisa Forest. Meanwhile, it continues to hold in maniacal custody dozens of female pupils summarily rounded up in the middle of the night from Chibok, despite all national and international entreaties.

    It has continued to cock a snook at the federal authorities, treating them with implacable contempt, even as it spurns all offers of negotiations. From its redoubt, it has continued to issue threats undermining the fundamental raison d’etre of the state. Perhaps as an uncoordinated response to its deep humiliation, the military are beginning to show a dangerous edginess and a nervous disregard for civil populace and its ranking authorities. For political astrologers reading the horoscope of impending national calamity, it doesn’t get more bothersome.

    Last Wednesday, the chicks came home to roost, or rather the crocodiles gathered once again on the banks of the River Kaduna. A desperate and determined suicide bomber almost succeeded in eliminating General Mohamadu Buhari, another civil war veteran, former military Head of state and persistent presidential hopeful, from the political equation. Looking at the scene of carnage and combustion, it feels more like Islamabad or Afghanistan than Nigeria.

    The horrific consequences of Buhari’s elimination and in Kaduna of all places are better left to the imagination. For the better part of the Fourth Republic, this formerly pleasant and placid former capital of the old north and administrative seat of Lord Lugard has known its fair share of sectarian and religious upheavals. A tense truce prevails, but the city remains effectively partitioned between a Muslim north and a Christian south.

    In a clumsy and inarticulate manner, Kaduna mirrors the endemic fault lines of the nation itself, and its sorry and sordid history of elite-manipulated divisions. Yet it has not always been like this. In its heydays of glory, a breezy and cosmopolitan Kaduna that welcomed all and which served as the headquarters of the Nigerian military cum political complex and its emerging lions mirrored the strengths and possibilities of this gifted nation.

    Anybody who has spent his prime in Kaduna in the glorious seventies like this columnist, must know what we are talking about. It was pure bliss and blessing on the scale of the beatitude. As a fresh post Youth Corps graduate, Snooper spent a whole year in the cosy and plush ambience of Tourist Lodge  on Dawaki Road. The owner, Idris Morrow of the fabled Morrow bread, was as eccentric and impossibly kind as they come.

    Snooper recalls launching into a tirade in Yoruba language one afternoon about the quality of the food and the possible racket that was going on to the hearing of Idris Morrow. Alhaji Morrow sat glum, stony-faced and seemingly inattentive. At dinner later, Idris Morrow walked up to yours sincerely in his inimitable dancing gait.

    “Omo mi, se o ti jeun?” (My son, have you eaten?”) Idris Morrow asked with a furtive smile in Yoruba as Snooper froze in his seat . Idris Morrow then calmly sat down and explained that he was actually born in Lagos and had lived in Yaba. “The problem with you boys of nowadays is that you are impatient”, the old man concluded with a grinning flourish. Thereafter developed a father and son bonding with the great man initiating Snooper to the rarefied social circuits of the Kaduna power aristocracy. Every Saturday, our first port of call was at Mrs Akilu, the wife of the late respected technocrat.

    There is a sense in which it can be claimed that the history of modern Nigeria is irretrievably wedded to the history of Kaduna. It was from here that Lord Lugard proclaimed his famous and infamous Doctrine of Dual Mandate which forcibly grafted the new nation to the apron strings of the metropolitan order. It was also from here that the late Ahmadu Bello began his great feat of social engineering which saw to the emergence of a new northern political, military and technocrat elite which placed the north at premium political advantage.

    But it was from Kaduna again that Ahmadu Bello’s feat provoked its violent political antithesis when a group of impatient young majors rose in brisk fury and radical distemper to abridge the First Republic. Forty eight years after this set of crocodiles swam out of the River Kaduna to consume everything in sight, Nigeria has known neither peace nor durable progress. It has been forty eight years of solitude and still counting.

    It is just as well that this great city is named after the humongous crocodiles that once lazed away on its muddy bank. Only god knows what havoc these fellows must have cost the unwary natives. But their human incarnation have cost the nation even more. The Nigerian political elite are a bunch of crocodiles who cry while feasting on the entrails of the nation. But this meal cannot go on forever.

    Had General Buhari been killed last Wednesday, the crocodiles would have swum out of Kaduna river again in what might have become a Nigerian version of Hiroshima. We thank God for small mercies. But let this remind the political elite of how close we are to the precipice of no return. While the madmen in our midst only need to be lucky once, the nation has to keep being lucky.

    For the Daura-born general, it is a win-win situation. If the attempt on his life can be traced to the Boko Haram sect, it will from now on be extremely stupid and irresponsible for anybody to cast him in the satanic role of a fanatic and sympathiser. If on the other hand, the assassination bid can be traced to some other rogue elements, it may have the unintended consequences of softening Buhari’s image and solidifying many undecided Nigerians behind his cause.

    What the general should now do his to parlay his new found authority of personal  outrage into playing an even more constructive role in the rescue of the north from its self-inflicted wounds and the redemption of the nation from an own goal. He doesn’t have to be fixated on the presidency. What saved him from that mortal embrace may yet turn out to be a higher calling.

  • We lack financial capacity to fight insurgency – Army

    The Nigerian Army said in Kaduna Wednesday that it lacks the financial capacity to cope with the challenges posed by Boko Haram and others in the country.

    Chief of Accounts of the Nigerian Army, Major General Abdullahi Muriana, while speaking at the opening of the Nigerian Army Finance Corps Warrant Officers/ Non-Commissioned Officers training week in Jaji , said the budgetary allocation for the military is adequate to meet the contemporary security challenges and cater for the welfare of the force.

    He also said that apart from the limitation of the “envelope system,”the Nigerian Army is enmeshed in the bureaucratic bottleneck in getting approval for funds needed for its operations and call for a review of the system.

    “It is our humble appeal that government should evolve other means of funding and support for military operations other than the normal budgetary allocations. Such means include but are not limited to strategic cooperation and liaison with other civil industries for the production of uniforms and other equipment,” he stated.

    He suggested the inclusion of a special operation fund in the budget for defence and place under the control of the Chief of Army Staff for immediate disbursement to the required operation areas.