Tag: Nigerian Civil War

  • Ore: From ‘theatre of war’ to industrial hub

    Ore, a town in Ondo State, is known to be theatre-of-war during the Nigerian Civil War. When Rotimi Akeredolu was elected as governor of Ondo State, he promised to transform the rustic town into an industrial hub. STEVE OTALORO writes that Ore town has become an insdustrial hub as promised.

    The mention of Ore town will send chills down the spine of so many people who were active participants of the great battle that took place there in the late 60s. It is a town where thousands of Nigerians were mowed down in a reckless and wanton manner during the Nigerian Civil War.

    Ore town was a theatre-of-war where the Nigerian troops and their Biafran opponents confronted each other in a fierce battle for the gain of Nigeria’s soul and territories.

    The sleepy town of Ore was historically known as the battle ground where the Biafran soldiers’ advancement into Lagos was halted by the superior and sophisticated weaponry power and tactical maneuvers of the Nigerian forces during the civil war.

    The battle was so fierce that it lasted for so long, almost unending. It was a defining moment in the war history, one which prevented the Biafran soldiers from gaining access to overrun the Western region of Nigeria, particularly, Ibadan and Lagos that were the seat of the Western Region government and Nigeria’s federal capital, respectively.

    This battle epitomised the defeat suffered the most by the ravaging Biafran Army which, consequently, led to the prevention of the Biafran troops from gaining further territorial leverage after they had captured the Midwestern states.

    Ore is a gateway town, situated in a vantage position between the Western and the Eastern parts of Nigeria. The historic town was so important to Nigeria’s continuity that it could sway victory to the enemy if captured during the civil war by the Biafran soldiers. The Nigerian Army has a real test and fierce battle for the soul of Nigeria at Ore. The Biafran Army which could not withstand the firepower of Nigerian troops retreated and the war was eventually restricted to the Eastern side of the federation.

    Vestiges of the civil war are still evident in this town and in our history till date as “o le ku, ija ore” was coined as a Yoruba maxim in describing the great military battle at Ore during the Nigerian civil war.

    In spite of the significance of Ore in the history the country and its strategic gateway location between the Western and the Eastern axes of Nigeria, Ore remained a very semi-urban town with poor infrastructure to support its huge population that comprised people from different parts of the country who have found a home in the town as traders and farmers.

    Also, Ore’s potential as a viable transit gate between the western and the eastern parts of Nigeria is another reason that its population is booming. The town has, however, been growing organically from its modest beginning after the civil war without no concerted effort by successive federal and state administrations to address infrastructure deficit of this this historic town. More importantly, to develop it into a functional city with full options of infrastructural development that will support her ever-teeming population after the civil war.

    Ore now enjoys the attention it deserves since the inception of the administration of Arakunrin Oluwarotimi Akeredolu (SAN). Governor Akeredolu has made true his promise of making Ore, a once-theatre-of-war town into becoming one of the industrial hubs of Nigeria.

    Akeredolu gave hope to Ore town as it joins the league of industrialised areas of the country. It is a common sight passing through Ore to see massive constructions of overhead bridges and link roads on the expressway to Lagos, Benin and Ondo town. These will serve as infrastructure support baseline for Ore as an industrial hub.

    When these multi-billion Naira constructions are completed, it will put an end to the traffic jam on the popular Ore Junction and adequately ease the flow of traffic on the notorious transit axis of Lagos-Benin-Ondo Road in Ore town that was partially caused by the location of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) deport at the entrance of the expressway in Ore.

    In his determination to ensure the realisation of Ore as an industrial hub and as a solid economic base for Ondo State, Governor Akeredolu has embarked on an investment tour to China at the inception of his administration in 2017. That tour gave birth to an entirely new industrial park, now called Ondo Linyi Industrial Park, situated at Ore. The park is an offshoot of Linyi Municipal Government of Shandong in China where Akeredolu signed the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Linyi Municipal Government of Shandong Province of the People’s Republic of China in 2017.

    Since that MoU was signed, many Investors from the Shandong Province of China have made good their promise to set up different industries in this park.

    Already, Linyi Industrial Park in Ore is bubbly as human and vehicular traffic are common features of the landscape of this once-empty space in the woods. Different companies have set up plants and warehouses while many other companies are undergoing construction.

    A paper mill, a textile company, an ethanol plant, a medium-density fiberboard, a high-density fiberboard and plywood factories and a host of other agriculture products-based companies have commenced production at the Ore Industrial Park.

    With the completion of the paper mill, the ethanol plant, the plywood factory and other industries, they will provide combined efforts in excess of over 20,000 direct jobs while many more double that figure are expected to benefit from jobs created down the value chain for residents of the state.

    The choice of Ore as the nation’s industrial hub was apt and a decision well thought out by Akeredolu because the town is strategically located between the western and the eastern gateway of the country.

    The people in the community are mostly settlers. The land is devoid of the activities of the notorious land grabbers who often prevent ease of doing business in some other traditional settlements.

    The proximity of Ore to Lagos ports through the proposed bridge by the Akeredolu’s administration over the Atlantic Ocean to Lekki in Lagos is the icing on the cake that makes Ore town the perfect location for the nation’s next industrial hub where thousands of hectares of land are in abundant and waiting for development.

    Sooner than later, Ore will become an industrial hub.

    Many established companies in Nigeria are now taking advantage of the opportunities provided by the Ondo State government in assisting prospective businesses in securing land free to establish their factories upon request. More than 50 existing companies in Nigeria have made inquiries on how to relocate their companies to Ore and be part of the industrial revolution going on in Ondo State.

    No doubt, Akeredolu has, through his performance indices across the nook and cranny of the state, etched his name in the history of the state as a visionary leader; one with inexorable desire for the growth and development of his people.

    • Steve Otaloro is the Director of Media and Publicity of the APC in Ondo State.
  • Decaying monuments of NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR

    January 15, 2019 marked the 49th anniversary of the end of the Nigerian civil war. The generation that took active parts in the war, particularly in the South East, then part of the defunct Biafra Republic, is gradually dying out.

    To many young men in the South East, the civil war is simply a distant echo of a harrowing past. Ordinarily, what would have served as a poignant reminder of this critical period of Nigerian history are the relics of the war in form of historical places, buildings, war appurtenances and other landmarks of the war.

    It generally acknowledged that the Nigerian civil war was a watershed in the history of the country; an important milestone in the nation’s political evolution. All over the world, relics and other materials of such a significant event in the history of a country are carefully preserved for research, tourism and also as a reminder to every one of the foolhardiness of resorting to war as a means of settling disagreements. That, however, does not seem to be the case in Nigeria.

    The Kigali Genocide Memorial in Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, and the Apartheid Museum in Johannesburg, South Africa, are examples of such preservation of difficult periods in the countries’ history. While not necessarily celebrating the dark period of their history, they are diligently preserving their experience as a people.

    A visit to some of the places that should be hosting the nation’s civil war relics revealed that the survival of such relic is due more to some half-hearted efforts than any conscientious bid aimed at appreciating the place of the civil war in the history of the country.

    Most people in Aba, Abia State, would swear that there was nothing in this famous commercial city to remind them of the ugly experience. Had the relics there been preserved properly, the city would have become a greater attraction for tourists. For instance, the civil war bunker used by the then Biafran leader, Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, and his army is located a few meters from the old post office, at the beginning of Ikot Ikpene Road, just before descending into the Waterside Valley on Sir Alex Onyeador Close. Rather than being preserved for tourism, the place has been taken over by refuse, water and rodents. Some mechanics whose workshops are located beside the bunker have turned the place into a toilet. It does not say well of government that such an important relic of the civil war is in such a sorry state.

    Neglected and eventually abandoned, the civil war bunker in Aba has become unrecognisable. Worse still, the place is being encroached upon by individuals who do not appreciate what the bunker stands for. There is the possibility that an individual or group could one day lay claim to the place and destroy the bunker as it is presently under the control of neither the federal nor the state government.

    Moving to Umuahia, the capital of Abia State, it is still the same sad story of neglect. In the Abia State capital, there is the National War Museum where obsolete hardware used in prosecuting the war are kept. The museum was established in 1985 with the aim of putting the saga of the war behind and speeding up the process of national reconciliation and healing.

    While the civil war lasted, various sophisticated weapons were used. Some of these deadly weapons were fabricated on account of the exigencies of the war. Outside the appurtenances of war, civilians were also involved in not just fighting, but psyching up the minds of the people to forge ahead in spite of the deprivations that came with the war. Different media of mass communication were used.

    The war was a watershed in the history of Nigeria as a country. The experience, many agree, is such that makes the resort to arms and war as a means of conflict resolution no longer an attractive option. It is in this spirit that the Nigerian War Museum, Umuahia, was established.

    The museum’s location was chosen because it was where the bunker housing the famous shortwave radio, ‘Voice of Biafra’, the mouth-piece for Biafra during the war, transmitted from. The National War Museum has the highest collection of the Nigerian civil war weapons which are no longer in use. The weapons are from both the Nigerian military and the defunct Republic of Biafra.

    The place has become a tourist site that attracts hundreds of people daily. They come from within and outside the country to see the war artefacts on display. For some, it is to relive the war period by watching the items on display. For others, it is simply for study purposes. There are yet others who come simply out of curiosity.

    The museum is located at Ebite Amafor in Isingwu Autonomous Community in the Umuahia North Local Government Area. It is off Umuahia-Uzuakoli Road. The war museum is very popular, so locating it would pose no problem as any cab operator or commercial tricycle rider could take one to the museum. There are no longer commercial motorcyclists in Umuahia.

    The museum was commissioned in 1985 on a large expanse of land. It has three galleries that cover traditional warfare, the armed forces and the Nigerian civil war weapons. War relics housed in the museum include weapons used during the pre-colonial civil disturbances, warfare materials used during communal and inter-tribal wars and those of the Nigerian civil war.

    After paying the entry fee, a tour of the museum kicks off from the prehistoric war section where some of the weapons that were used for war are on display. On display are spears, shields, bows and arrows. Metal war vests which warriors wore to protect themselves are also on display. From this section, one then walks to the gate of the bunker that houses the Radio Biafra of the defunct Biafran Republic. Just at the entrance is the Biafran flag: red, black and green with the rising sun in the middle. There are also black and white pictures of the Nigerian leaders who were victims of the war, starting with the January 15, 1966 coup, led by Major Kaduna Nzeogwu.

    The bunker is about 30 feet deep. On both sides of the staircase are pictures of the protagonists of the war from both the Nigerian and the Biafran sides of the divide.

    Inside the bunker are the transmission studio and the huge transmitter of Radio Biafra. The bunker was a perfect decoy that would be very difficult for an enemy aircraft to locate without any prior information, especially with the undulating hills in the area.

    The bunker has two stairways for entrance and exit. The tour of this section of the museum is arranged in a way that the tourist would enter through the main entrance to the bunker and exit through the back.

    Scattered on the expansive premises of the war museum are different obsolete military weapons. Looking at them in their obsolete state, one wonders how many lives some of these weapons must have terminated.

    Umuahia was also the second capital of Biafra after the fall of Enugu. Relics of this period are the biggest tourist attractions in the city. They are the War Museum and Ojukwu Bunker. When The Nationvisited the museum, some renovation activities to protect the artefacts were going on. One could see, however, that the place was not well funded. The indoor gallery was not well lit as there was no light. It was just a small generator that was supplying light.

    Tourists’ traffic to both the National War Museum Umuahia and the Ojukwu Bunker is light. And that is not surprising as the two sites are in bad shape. The attendants are not professional in their handling of visitors. When The Nation visited the National War Museum, it was poorly lit, hence one could not see most of the artefacts on display. The attendants were reluctant to explain the exhibits on display and the quality of the artefacts has deteriorated due to neglect.

    Apart from these civil war sites, there are also other places in Ulli and Oguta. In Ulli, there is the famous airstrip where most of the relief materials were brought in and children, the sick and injured Biafran soldiers were evacuated from the airstrip.

  • Don warns Nigerians to avoid repeat of Biafra

    A university lecturer, Prof. Hope Eghagha, on Wednesday warned that Nigeria should avoid tendencies that would escalate to another war after the bitter experience of the Biafra civil war.

    Eghagha made the plea while reviewing a book, “The Nigerian Civil War, 50 Years After… Reflections of A Younger Generation’’ during the launch of the book.

    He told Nigerians to shun propaganda and hate speeches, to prevent a re-occurrence of the events that led to the war in 1967.

    Information reaching us has it that analysts have often described the Biafra civil war as the deadliest of its type in Africa, having taken the lives of more than two million people.

    Citing the Rwandan genocide, Eghagha, a lecturer at the University of Lagos, said: “Propaganda breeds hate, the civil war was not a pleasant experience as codes of interpersonal behaviour were suspended.

    “Anyone who has gone through a war cannot hope for another, a child that goes through a war loses his childhood.

    “We should not promote the ideology of war by narrative or default.

    Read Also: Biafra: Buhari hails Gowon for restraining troops

    “From the refugee crisis being experienced internationally, the world cannot afford a war in Nigeria,” he said.

    Eghagha praised the authors of the book, saying that they did an excellent job in bringing to light narratives from the civil war as well as the reconciliation efforts of subsequent regimes.

    The Chairman of the occasion, Mr Chris Ogiemwonyi, described the book as a proof that combat should never be an option to settling national differences.

    “There is a Bini proverb which literally translated means ‘war is never beautiful.’ For those asking for war or the country’s separation, they should bear that proverb in mind.

    “We should never pray for war no matter how hard the discussion will be.”

    Giving insight into the book, Ogiemwonyi, an engineer, said the book was an assemblage of facts from the war.

    “We have read various accounts of the Nigerian civil war from warlords, politicians and eye-witnesses.

    “This account is a compilation of facts as witnessed by victims, who saw part of the war.

    “I will equally like to corroborate the facts as I also witnessed the civil war as a form three student in 1967.

    “The book mentioned a time in Nigeria where tribalism was not an issue. However, with successive coups and the civil war, things started falling apart.

    “The Nigerian civil war brought various hardships to the country,” Ogiemwonyi said.

    The book was written by Ebho Abure and Agbose Akinwole.

    In a remark, Abure urged Nigerians to read the book and give their feedback, saying that the objective of the book was to create a better union in Nigeria.

     

    NAN

  • Another look at Nigerian civil war

    Title: Biafra war revisited: Civil war may not be a bad thing
    Author: Major General Okon E. Okon (rtd)
    Reviewer: Major General Lawrence A. Onoja (rtd)
    No. of Pages: 404
    Year of Publication: 2018

    his four hundred and four paged work by Major General Okon E. Okon (rtd), is a twenty-eight chaptered book excluding the foreword, which reviewed the three years Nigerian civil war (1967-1970). For convenience of review, the chapters are categorized into four (4):

    In Chapter One titled Introduction: What is War, the author undertakes a panoramic survey of the various concepts and theories of war by laying credence to the works of great thinkers such as G.W.E. Hegel, E. H. Carr, Thomas Hobbes, Quincy Wright, Carl Von Clausewitz, Mueller, Karl Marx, Lenin, Engels, Mary Kaldor, and Rupert Smith.  The interesting point to note is that the author did not take the perspectives of these thinkers hook-line-and-sinker without rigorously subjecting them to the flame of objective analysis. Not stopping there, the author at the end would suggest a convincing position on each of the expressed thoughts and combination of all the relevant literature. For instance, Mueller’s definition of war as an armed conflict between governments (in the case of international wars) or between a government and at least somewhat organized domestic armed group (for civil war) in which at least 1,000 people are killed each year of the fighting, is criticized on whether the casualty threshold is appropriate measurement of what constitute war (pg. 4-5).  In further explication of the concept and theory of war, the author reviewed the concept of “new wars” as those not driven by opposing ideas but “about identity politics” which are fought in not properly governed countries and failed states with the non-combatants constituting the high proportion of the casualties.  In the subheading, “Causes of War”, the author embarked on a broad scholarly analysis of the causes of war from a global context of the World Wars before narrowing it down to examples within Nigeria with the activities of militant groups such as the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign States of Biafra (MASSOB).  He urged against the perception of an accidental war because all wars are functions of “deliberate and carefully considered acts and its conduct” (pg. 11).  The last subheading in Chapter One titled: “Why Study War” provides an intellectual examination from the views of notable thinkers such as Liddel Hart, Michael Howard and others, he demonstrated that the study of war is for the fulfillment of personal desire and human interest stories; preparation for future combat; war prevention; historical interest; understanding of societal changes etc. To this end, the author noted that “Could it be possible that the Biafra War brought some measure of development in Nigeria? Was it the midwife that would tend to Nigeria’s birth pang? Was it Nigeria’s rite of passage? This, no doubt reinforces the need to study this war in all its ramifications.  War can be messy, expensive, and can easily get out of any sort of control, but successfully waged war can bring about great benefits.  Did the war bring any meaningful benefits to the Nigerian state?

    Furthermore under the section – theoretical background, the author discusses in Chapter Two titled: “Background History and Causes of the War”, the international dimension of the context that gave birth to the Nigerian state, the formation of the colony of Lagos and the protectorates, the political structures of pre-colonial Nigeria nationalities, political party formation in Nigeria, constitutional making processes, the take off of the first republic and composition of the cabinet under the leadership of Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, and the character of ethnic group competition in Nigeria.  The interesting aspect of this analysis on ethnic group competition is that the perception was being controlled or checked by the colonial authorities only to find vehement expression in the post-independence Nigerian state structure.  Significantly, the author identified “great poverty” (pg. 30), the struggle over the control of the oil in the Niger Delta because it was “an attempt by the Eastern Region to gain exclusive control over oil reserves”; and the aftermath of the 15 January, 1966 military coup.

    Although the author discussed, in summary, the causes of the Biafra War in Chapters 1 & 2, he has taken the liberty to discuss in detail the immediate causes of the war which is the events leading, during and the aftermath of the 15 January, 1966.  Thus, in Chapter Three – Nigeria Army before 1966, the author provides a history of the formation and indigenization of the Nigeria Army especially of the politics that trailed the appointment of the first Nigeria GOC.  While the politics lasted, it was eating deep into the fabric of both the professional character of the Military and ethics of political leadership of the country.  Although Major General Aguyi-Ironsi was finally appointed the 1st GOC by the Prime Minister against the advice of the outgoing colonial GOC, General Welby Everard, there were levels of grievances which was giving room for speculations such as whether the new GOC was given the appointment to create room for others such as Brigadier Ademulegun, Brigadier Maimalari or even Brigadier Ogundipe.  Thus, the author asked, “were there any parties (sic) interested in aborting these changes”.

    In Chapter four, titled: Military Coup, the author undertakes an analysis of the grievances of the coupists and their civilian collaborators namely, political grievances that were centred on institutional corruption; military grievances on preferential treatment in promotion; and sociological grievances that were centred on corruption activities of politicians, tribalism nepotism, insecurity in the Western Nigeria and Tiv land. The preparation for the military coup, the coupists (Major Okafor, Major Ifeajuna, and Captain Oji) nursed the immediate intention and recruited other officers who shared similar grievances like them such as Majors Chukwuka, Anuforo, Nzeogwu, and Ademoyega.  This inner circle of coupists further recruited others on the basis of commonality of grievances, schoolmate, coursemate, unit mate, and other similar considerations.  The author details the minute by minute planning and recruitment for the coup, and interestingly explained how some personalities both in the military and political circles began to feel the aura of the impending trouble whether on the basis of premonition or foreknowledge.

     

    In Chapter Five – Execution of the Coup, the author provided a narration of the rules of interventionists prudence, which to him the 1966 coupists did not adhere to, the logistical arrangements, armaments, operational guidance and actual implementation strategies.  The coupists divided themselves into squads for Lagos, West and North. Important to the execution of the coup was the events in the Brigadier Maimalari’s residence which further provided the platform for the coupists to track the movement of their targets (victims).  He further explained how the Prime Minister, Minister of Finance, Premier of Northern Region and his wife, Premier of Western Region, Brigadiers Maimalari and Ademulegun, Cols, Shodeinde, and Muhammed, Lt. Cols. Pam, Unegbe and Largema were killed.  The twist in the narration by the author is in the analysis of the aftermath of the events of 15 January, 1966 and the role of Major General Aguiyi Ironsi. Critically, the Igbo was killed by the coupists as a counter to the question whether the 1966 was an all Igbo affair against the rest of the country. However, the author echoes the events that give out Major General Aguiyi Ironsi as an accomplice especially his response to Mrs. Elizabeth Pam’s distress telephone call with “I see, I see.” Secondly, he was reported to have told Lt. Col. Gowon at Brigadier Maimalari’s resident that, “Make sure you enjoy yourself very well tonight because you cannot be sure of what tomorrow will bring”.  The point still remains that Major General Aguiyi Ironsi seemed to have been alerted of the imminence of the coup.

     

    In Chapter Seven and Eight titled: Ironsi’s Regime: January – July 1966 and Ethnocentrism or Super-tribalism, the author narrates the efforts of the 1st military administration to tackle the numerous challenges confronting the military, political class and the country in general.  Critical among these are the perception about the involvement of Aguiyi Ironsi in the coup, the agitation by the People’s Republic of the Niger Delta, dealing with the coupists, the fear of Igbo domination, distrust among the ethnic groups, and disaffection among the military officers especially northern officers.  Some of the efforts include the composition of a balanced Supreme Military Council (SMC), Federal Executive Council (FEC), tribunal of inquiry, army promotional exercise, Decree 33 and 34 that made Nigeria a Unitary state.  Sadly, these initiatives only succeeded in aggravating the existing grievances within the military as well as the political class which resulted in the July 1966 counter coup.

     

    Chapter Nine titled: “Operation Aure: Counter Coup 29 July, 1966, deals with the grievance, the planning, execution of the coup in Abeokuta, Ibadan, Kaduna, Enugu and Kano; Northern agitation for secession (Araba), the aftermath of the coup, the coup’s casualty, Gowon’s assumption of leadership, the pogrom, the 5th battalion mutiny in Kano, refugee problem in the eastern region, and the killings in the east.  The author has tried to give a picture of the dastardly killings across Nigeria especially in the Northern and the Eastern regions both by the soldiers and the civilians.  However, nobody can explain in human language the extent of the gruesomeness and man’s inhumanity to man.  The thought of the repeat of that in the country is unimaginable and unthinkable even to your worst enemies because most war atrocities that are experienced across Africa are child’s play compared to what happened in Nigeria.

     

    In Chapter Ten – Aburi: Attempt at Mediation, the author’s analysis centred on the immediate trigger to the disagreement between General Yakubu Gowon and the Governor of Eastern Region, Lt. Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu which is the policy of the Military Administration under General Gowon to respond to the pogrom across the country with the splitting of the country into 8 or 14 states.  According to the author, Ojukwu’s disagreement with the policy triggered off the secession agitation, but the two leaders agreed to meet outside the country for negotiation.  The choice of Aburi was agreed by the parties and the meeting was held there, but the terms of agreement were not implemented which got Ojukwu infuriated.  At the Benin meeting, Ojukwu expressed his displeasure with the Federal Government side and vowed not to attend any SMC meeting again, which Gowon responded by rejecting his insubordination and enacted Decree No. 8 of March 1967.  Interestingly, Gowon and Ojukwu maintained telephone contacts but could not hold the SMC meeting, which created more gaps and room for disintegration.

     

    Chapter Eleven titled: Declaration of Biafran Independence, only lend the natural credence to the obvious disagreement and deep seated suspicion that existed between the Eastern Region and the Federal Government of Nigeria.  Although, the Eastern Region is divided along the Igbo and other ethnic minority lines, the leadership of the region continued to severe links with the Federal Government which climaxed with the promulgation of the Edict that expelled non-Easterners from the region, all revenue must be paid to Eastern region government, and taking over of all public institutions by the Eastern Regional Government. In reaction, the FG imposed economic blockade and further sent delegation to Ojukwu and the United Nations, but Ojukwu still went ahead to declare the independence of the Republic of Biafra.  naturally, the FG did not accept the declaration and therefore dismissed Ojukwu from the army and relieved him of his post with the appointment of Mr. Ukpabi Asika as the Administrator of East Central State.  The FG also ordered the interception and diversion of the oil tankers, and ships, and ordered a “police action” and the proclamation that Nigeria must be one.

     

    With respect to the actual execution of the war, the author uses twelve to twenty-six chapters to undertake a panoramic survey of the mobilization by both sides for the war, the actual outbreak of the war, invasion of the Midwestern and parts of the western states, the fall of strategic locations on the Biafra side such as Onitsha, Enugu, Biafran mercenaries, FG mercenaries, the involvement of foreign mercenaries, the involvement of women in the war, the fighting styles of Biafra and FG sides.  The author also attempted to discuss the responses and peace efforts both internally and internationally, and how the war ended.  Apart from the peace efforts at Aburi, there were other peace moves by the OAU, Commonwealth, Niger Republic with other African leaders, Ethiopian meeting.  However, the anticlimax of the Biafran war was the defection of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and his call on the Igbos to renounce Ojukwu.  The catalogue of non-African international involvement is long but largely driven by the politics of the Cold War era of the Western and Eastern Blocs antagonism.  Thus, USSR, Portugal, France, Britain and the United States of America, Israel, South Africa, China and even the United Nations played diverse parts in the war.  The author identified some low moments that resulted in the fall of Biafra especially the killing and abduction of Italian oil workers by the Biafra soldiers on the allegation of providing information to the Nigerian side.

     

    The author finally uses Chapters 26 and 28 to review other existing literatures especially the work of President Olusegun Obasanjo and the legendary Profession Chinue Achebe in providing a general overview of existing works on the Biafra war.  Earlier in the work, he had reviewed Chinue Achebe’s coincidental publishing of the Man of the People before the 1966 Military coup as if to prophetically predict the end of the 1st Republic with a bloody military coup.  However, since Chinue Achebe participated at the policy and advisory level in the prosecution of the war on the Biafran side, the author finds his account in “There was a Country”, indeed interesting and worth interrogating.

     

    In embarking on an analysis of the lessons learnt, the author argued that “Nigeria might have learnt virtually nothing from the war. “However, he acknowledged that the war indeed changed the configuration of the country even with the recognition of the minority ethnic groups after the war unlike the order prior to the war where national discourses were centred on the Hausas, Yorubas and the Igbos.  The creation of states and additional states and local government areas, constitutional making and law making processes to address some of the national questions were indeed reflection of the contributions of the war.  Doubtlessly, the formation of institutions to address structural and immediate challenges was equally a major lesson, which at the international level includes the Medicins San Frontiers (MSF). Particularly interesting in his analysis of the lessons of the war is the quote by General TY Danjuma, when he notes that: “The lesson of the war here particularly for the military, should be that arms and ammunition from other countries may be readily available for procurement during peace time.  But once war occurs, many would begin to question the propriety and logic of such conflict and determine on the basis for which arms could be sold.  Even if one had truck loads of money, they may not be willing sell (sic).

     

    A study of the Nigerian civil war (Biafra war) is beyond the history of the formation of Nigerian Army and their adventure or misadventure into the murky waters of Nigeria’s politics.  The tipping point in the casualty of the civil war is way beyond the night before independence in 1960, to epochal events that defined the Nigerian state.  Fundamentally, the nature of the colonial state and its bequeathed legacy of ethnic polarization and the character of independence struggle that laid the foundation for the dichotomization of the country along the north-south divide are critical.  The later trailed the Chief Anthony Enahoro’s call for independence in 1956, which the northern leaders expressed their misgiving with the timing because of their unpreparedness, developmentally.

    Secondly, unlike most of the literature on Biafra that are written without much scholarly touch, General Okon’s current work has undertaken a more comprehensive literature review over previous works.  This definitely shows the enormity of energy, resources and industry that have been invested in the writing of this book. Understandably, the author is one of the finest military intellectuals that have shown that art of soldiering is beyond the demonstration of brute force, and involves enormous use of both the brute and the brain.  As one of the oldest, if not the oldest profession, soldiering is the art of strategic thinking and as Karl Marx noted, unlike animals that fight without thinking, the soldier is a strategic fighter.  He spends significant amount of time to think on strategies, ideologies, methods, operations, logistics, outcomes, strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats. The Nigerian Army needs more of thinkers especially in the new war that is identity driven.

    The third area of emphasis in this regards is the post-Biafran reconstruction processes, which involves critical component of rehabilitation and reintegration. I think the author needs to further engage the process of post-conflict reconstruction by drawing out lessons for the country and other African states in view of the ongoing violent armed conflicts confronting the continent. Without pre-empting the author’s future scholarship enquiry, there are wide fields for academic engagement in the study of the Nigerian Civil War which experts and students of War and Peace Studies must explore.

     

    The author’s style of scholarship is commendable because this book is well researched, analysed and presented in a simple, easy-to-read and day-to-day English Language. I congratulate the author for this great feat of providing another perspective to one of our country’s milestone – the Nigerian Civil War.  Indeed, International War Studies will be incomplete without the mention or discussion of the Biafra War, especially in contemporary times with its protracted reconstruction processes.  I recommend this book to students of Peace and Conflict Studies, International Relations, Politics, Law, Peacemakers, Human Rights, Diplomacy, Development and Gender studies and the general reading public, to buy and read this book. The book is good.

     

     

     

     

    In Chapter Five – Execution of the Coup, the author provided a narration of the rules of interventionists prudence, which to him the 1966 coupists did not adhere to, the logistical arrangements, armaments, operational guidance and actual implementation strategies.  The coupists divided themselves into squads for Lagos, West and North. Important to the execution of the coup was the events in the Brigadier Maimalari’s residence which further provided the platform for the coupists to track the movement of their targets (victims).  He further explained how the Prime Minister, Minister of Finance, Premier of Northern Region and his wife, Premier of Western Region, Brigadiers Maimalari and Ademulegun, Cols, Shodeinde, and Muhammed, Lt. Cols. Pam, Unegbe and Largema were killed.  The twist in the narration by the author is in the analysis of the aftermath of the events of 15 January, 1966 and the role of Major General Aguiyi Ironsi. Critically, the Igbo was killed by the coupists as a counter to the question whether the 1966 was an all Igbo affair against the rest of the country. However, the author echoes the events that give out Major General Aguiyi Ironsi as an accomplice especially his response to Mrs. Elizabeth Pam’s distress telephone call with “I see, I see.” Secondly, he was reported to have told Lt. Col. Gowon at Brigadier Maimalari’s resident that, “Make sure you enjoy yourself very well tonight because you cannot be sure of what tomorrow will bring”.  The point still remains that Major General Aguiyi Ironsi seemed to have been alerted of the imminence of the coup.

     

    In Chapter Seven and Eight titled: Ironsi’s Regime: January – July 1966 and Ethnocentrism or Super-tribalism, the author narrates the efforts of the 1st military administration to tackle the numerous challenges confronting the military, political class and the country in general.  Critical among these are the perception about the involvement of Aguiyi Ironsi in the coup, the agitation by the People’s Republic of the Niger Delta, dealing with the coupists, the fear of Igbo domination, distrust among the ethnic groups, and disaffection among the military officers especially northern officers.  Some of the efforts include the composition of a balanced Supreme Military Council (SMC), Federal Executive Council (FEC), tribunal of inquiry, army promotional exercise, Decree 33 and 34 that made Nigeria a Unitary state.  Sadly, these initiatives only succeeded in aggravating the existing grievances within the military as well as the political class which resulted in the July 1966 counter coup.

     

    Chapter Nine titled: “Operation Aure: Counter Coup 29 July, 1966, deals with the grievance, the planning, execution of the coup in Abeokuta, Ibadan, Kaduna, Enugu and Kano; Northern agitation for secession (Araba), the aftermath of the coup, the coup’s casualty, Gowon’s assumption of leadership, the pogrom, the 5th battalion mutiny in Kano, refugee problem in the eastern region, and the killings in the east.  The author has tried to give a picture of the dastardly killings across Nigeria especially in the Northern and the Eastern regions both by the soldiers and the civilians.  However, nobody can explain in human language the extent of the gruesomeness and man’s inhumanity to man.  The thought of the repeat of that in the country is unimaginable and unthinkable even to your worst enemies because most war atrocities that are experienced across Africa are child’s play compared to what happened in Nigeria.

     

    In Chapter Ten – Aburi: Attempt at Mediation, the author’s analysis centred on the immediate trigger to the disagreement between General Yakubu Gowon and the Governor of Eastern Region, Lt. Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu which is the policy of the Military Administration under General Gowon to respond to the pogrom across the country with the splitting of the country into 8 or 14 states.  According to the author, Ojukwu’s disagreement with the policy triggered off the secession agitation, but the two leaders agreed to meet outside the country for negotiation.  The choice of Aburi was agreed by the parties and the meeting was held there, but the terms of agreement were not implemented which got Ojukwu infuriated.  At the Benin meeting, Ojukwu expressed his displeasure with the Federal Government side and vowed not to attend any SMC meeting again, which Gowon responded by rejecting his insubordination and enacted Decree No. 8 of March 1967.  Interestingly, Gowon and Ojukwu maintained telephone contacts but could not hold the SMC meeting, which created more gaps and room for disintegration.

     

    Chapter Eleven titled: Declaration of Biafran Independence, only lend the natural credence to the obvious disagreement and deep seated suspicion that existed between the Eastern Region and the Federal Government of Nigeria.  Although, the Eastern Region is divided along the Igbo and other ethnic minority lines, the leadership of the region continued to severe links with the Federal Government which climaxed with the promulgation of the Edict that expelled non-Easterners from the region, all revenue must be paid to Eastern region government, and taking over of all public institutions by the Eastern Regional Government. In reaction, the FG imposed economic blockade and further sent delegation to Ojukwu and the United Nations, but Ojukwu still went ahead to declare the independence of the Republic of Biafra.  naturally, the FG did not accept the declaration and therefore dismissed Ojukwu from the army and relieved him of his post with the appointment of Mr. Ukpabi Asika as the Administrator of East Central State.  The FG also ordered the interception and diversion of the oil tankers, and ships, and ordered a “police action” and the proclamation that Nigeria must be one.

     

    With respect to the actual execution of the war, the author uses twelve to twenty-six chapters to undertake a panoramic survey of the mobilization by both sides for the war, the actual outbreak of the war, invasion of the Midwestern and parts of the western states, the fall of strategic locations on the Biafra side such as Onitsha, Enugu, Biafran mercenaries, FG mercenaries, the involvement of foreign mercenaries, the involvement of women in the war, the fighting styles of Biafra and FG sides.  The author also attempted to discuss the responses and peace efforts both internally and internationally, and how the war ended.  Apart from the peace efforts at Aburi, there were other peace moves by the OAU, Commonwealth, Niger Republic with other African leaders, Ethiopian meeting.  However, the anticlimax of the Biafran war was the defection of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and his call on the Igbos to renounce Ojukwu.  The catalogue of non-African international involvement is long but largely driven by the politics of the Cold War era of the Western and Eastern Blocs antagonism.  Thus, USSR, Portugal, France, Britain and the United States of America, Israel, South Africa, China and even the United Nations played diverse parts in the war.  The author identified some low moments that resulted in the fall of Biafra especially the killing and abduction of Italian oil workers by the Biafra soldiers on the allegation of providing information to the Nigerian side.

     

    The author finally uses Chapters 26 and 28 to review other existing literatures especially the work of President Olusegun Obasanjo and the legendary Profession Chinue Achebe in providing a general overview of existing works on the Biafra war.  Earlier in the work, he had reviewed Chinue Achebe’s coincidental publishing of the Man of the People before the 1966 Military coup as if to prophetically predict the end of the 1st Republic with a bloody military coup.  However, since Chinue Achebe participated at the policy and advisory level in the prosecution of the war on the Biafran side, the author finds his account in “There was a Country”, indeed interesting and worth interrogating.

     

    In embarking on an analysis of the lessons learnt, the author argued that “Nigeria might have learnt virtually nothing from the war. “However, he acknowledged that the war indeed changed the configuration of the country even with the recognition of the minority ethnic groups after the war unlike the order prior to the war where national discourses were centred on the Hausas, Yorubas and the Igbos.  The creation of states and additional states and local government areas, constitutional making and law making processes to address some of the national questions were indeed reflection of the contributions of the war.  Doubtlessly, the formation of institutions to address structural and immediate challenges was equally a major lesson, which at the international level includes the Medicins San Frontiers (MSF). Particularly interesting in his analysis of the lessons of the war is the quote by General TY Danjuma, when he notes that: “The lesson of the war here particularly for the military, should be that arms and ammunition from other countries may be readily available for procurement during peace time.  But once war occurs, many would begin to question the propriety and logic of such conflict and determine on the basis for which arms could be sold.  Even if one had truck loads of money, they may not be willing sell (sic).

     

    A study of the Nigerian civil war (Biafra war) is beyond the history of the formation of Nigerian Army and their adventure or misadventure into the murky waters of Nigeria’s politics.  The tipping point in the casualty of the civil war is way beyond the night before independence in 1960, to epochal events that defined the Nigerian state.  Fundamentally, the nature of the colonial state and its bequeathed legacy of ethnic polarization and the character of independence struggle that laid the foundation for the dichotomization of the country along the north-south divide are critical.  The later trailed the Chief Anthony Enahoro’s call for independence in 1956, which the northern leaders expressed their misgiving with the timing because of their unpreparedness, developmentally.

    Secondly, unlike most of the literature on Biafra that are written without much scholarly touch, General Okon’s current work has undertaken a more comprehensive literature review over previous works.  This definitely shows the enormity of energy, resources and industry that have been invested in the writing of this book. Understandably, the author is one of the finest military intellectuals that have shown that art of soldiering is beyond the demonstration of brute force, and involves enormous use of both the brute and the brain.  As one of the oldest, if not the oldest profession, soldiering is the art of strategic thinking and as Karl Marx noted, unlike animals that fight without thinking, the soldier is a strategic fighter.  He spends significant amount of time to think on strategies, ideologies, methods, operations, logistics, outcomes, strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats. The Nigerian Army needs more of thinkers especially in the new war that is identity driven.

    The third area of emphasis in this regards is the post-Biafran reconstruction processes, which involves critical component of rehabilitation and reintegration. I think the author needs to further engage the process of post-conflict reconstruction by drawing out lessons for the country and other African states in view of the ongoing violent armed conflicts confronting the continent. Without pre-empting the author’s future scholarship enquiry, there are wide fields for academic engagement in the study of the Nigerian Civil War which experts and students of War and Peace Studies must explore.

     

    The author’s style of scholarship is commendable because this book is well researched, analysed and presented in a simple, easy-to-read and day-to-day English Language. I congratulate the author for this great feat of providing another perspective to one of our country’s milestone – the Nigerian Civil War.  Indeed, International War Studies will be incomplete without the mention or discussion of the Biafra War, especially in contemporary times with its protracted reconstruction processes.  I recommend this book to students of Peace and Conflict Studies, International Relations, Politics, Law, Peacemakers, Human Rights, Diplomacy, Development and Gender studies and the general reading public, to buy and read this book. The book is good.

     

  • Obasanjo: Nigeria civil war not meant to exterminate Igbos

    Obasanjo: Nigeria civil war not meant to exterminate Igbos

    …Says it’s time to beg Biafran agitators

     

    Former President, Olusegun Obasanjo said Thursday that the 30 months old Nigerian Civil War was never meant to exterminate the Igbos.

    According to him, it was an altruistic attempt to bring “our brothers and sisters” back to the fold of one Nigeria, adding that even though the federal troupes thought the war could be won within three months, it almost lost the war.

    Obasanjo spoke at an event tagged “Memory and Nation Building: Biafra 50 years later” organised by the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Foundation.

    Obasanjo who said there was the need for the Federal Government to negotiate with discontented persons agitating for the creation of a Biafran republic however confessed that he was one of those who wrote the operational manual for the war.

    Obasanjo as the Commander, Third Marine Commando Division, was the military officer who accepted the surrender of Biafran forces on January 12, 1970, after three years of war.

    He said: “We really never had a national leader. We had three leaders at the beginning of our journey as a nation who were mindful of their different regions and that remains our problem till today.

    “Even in the process of our movement towards independence and when you compare with other countries, they were talking about freedom and unity. When you look at the speeches of our leaders they talk of freedom, they talk of progress but they rarely talked of unity.

    “So, the unity they never talked about, and scarcely worked for has eluded us and that should be our starting point. So when of course the military for whatever reason, and I have maintained that the young officers who struck in 1966 were naive but there was an element of nationalism in some of them.

    “But be that as it may, it set us back and we moved from the political instability to military coup and then the program, the separation and the civil war. I was one of those who wrote the operation order for the civil war.

    “We thought we would end it in three months, and then bring our brothers and sisters back; we allowed six months, just for the unexpected. The civil war took us 30 months and the federal side nearly lost it.

    “Talking about reconciliation, right from the beginning of the war, reconciliation was on the minds of those of us on the federal side. If the plan was to exterminate the Igbos, the federal troops would not have operated by its own special code of conduct as well as the Geneva Convention, nor would the federal government have allowed foreign observers into the country.

    “If it was a war to exterminate; a war that did not put reconciliation in mind, then what would foreign observers be doing? We had foreign observers who were filing reports and even empowered to investigate allegations and they did.

    “Civil war is more difficult to fight than fighting in a foreign land or to exterminate because we were fighting to unite and if you are fighting to unite, how much do you have to do to prevent annihilation.

    “All the people who are agitating for Biafra today were not even born during the war. They do not even know what it entailed. Nigeria must be loved and we must treat Nigeria as we treat love affairs. It must be massaged.

    “Nigeria must be massaged by all of us. No exception. It’s like a husband and wife. If when you have issues, your wife would always say she is fed up and wants to go and every day that is what you get, one day, you would become fed up and say, ‘ok you can go’, but if there is any misunderstanding and you come together to solve it, then you would almost leave forever.

    “And I will say that we should even appeal, if anybody says he wants to go; not that we will say, ok you can  go if you want to go. Do not go. There is enough cake for each of us. And if what you are asking for is more of the cake, then try to ask in a way that is pleasant not in a way that could make others feel that you are not entitled to what you are asking for”.

    Acting President Osinbajo who delivered the keynote address said while it is kinder to learn from history, experience is a harsh teacher.

    He said; “Introspection is probably what separates us from making mistakes. That ability to learn from history is perhaps the greatest defence against the avoidable pains of learning from experience because history is a better and kind teacher.

    “There is a saying that experience is the best teacher. It is incomplete. The full statement of that adage is that experience is the best teacher for a fool.”

    Going down memory lane, he said “I was 10 years old when my friend in school, Emeka left school one afternoon. He said his parents had decided to go back to the East. I never saw Emeka again. My aunty, Bunmi was married to a gentleman that I cannot recall his name again, but I recall when my parents tried to persuade her and her husband not to leave. We never saw again.

    “We are better together than apart. No country is perfect”, he said, adding that the often quoted statement that ‘Nigeria is just a geographical expression’, originally applied to Italy”.

    Also speaking, President General of Ohaneze Ndigbo, John Nnia Nwodo warned that if the nation’s leaders fail to build a nation that caters fairly for all its citizens and prepare the way for the world of tomorrow, there will be new challenges for the nation in future.

    He said the challenges ahead of the nation were way beyond Biafra, saying “Just like the challenge in North East Nigeria exploded in our face and has engaged our nation for almost 9 years; we could face challenges anywhere and anytime. In my view, if we fail to build a nation that caters fairly for all its citizens; and prepares us for the world of tomorrow – there will be new challenges in the future.

    “We must find creative ways to manage a complex multi-ethnic and multi-religious state. History teaches us that no society is static; the status quo cannot endure forever. We must find creative ways to promote political, economic and social justice within a nation and between the people that comprise it. If not, then we are invariably opening the doors to future threats of chaos, disorder and societal dislocation.

    “The final challenge of our generation is to show that we learnt the right lesson from that sad conflict of 50 years ago. We must bequeath our children with a nation that works for all and one that looks ahead.

    “We want a Federal Republic of Nigeria which is collectively owned by all Nigerians as opposed to a Federal Republic that will be perceived as a the private property of one group or groups of ethnic groups depending on who is in office. The categorical destination is a Nigerian Nigeria under the collective hegemony of the people of Nigeria.

    “In order to achieve this, we must have a flexible federation; strong enough to guarantee our collective defence and protect individual rights, agile enough to react to emerging tensions and threats, yet expansive enough to allow each state room to develop at its own pace. We must create a national order whereby each state bears the primary responsibility for its development.

    “Today, majority of Nigerians are yearning for a restructuring of the federation. The beneficiaries of our current system are resisting it. A famous British Prime Minister in the wake of nationalist struggles in colonial Africa said to the British ‘there is a wind of change blowing throughout Africa. Those who resist it do so at their own peril’.

    “Nigeria cannot prosper, as it should, unless we redress some aspects of our current condition. I believe we have enough men and women of vision and experience, in every part of the country, to help us plot a bright future. I commit Ohaneze Ndigbo to this path. It may be difficult but it is doable.

    “True leadership evolves in historical circumstances like this. Our country is at cross roads. You can feel the tension every day. It is palpable, it is potent, it is real. Let us wake up to the change imperative at this moment and claim a glorious judgment by History.”

     

  • Biafra did not surrender – Achuzia

    Biafra did not surrender – Achuzia

    Col. Joe Achuzia was one of the major figures that held Biafra together while the Nigerian Civil war lasted. He commanded almost all the major sectors in the Biafran Army and also ensured that discipline was enforced throughout the duration of the war. Before the war ended, he was in charge of operations in the whole enclave called Biafra. This position made it possible for him to begin the necessary overtures to end the war. While Ojukwu was away, he took over control of the forces and then made the appropriate contacts to bring the war to an end. In this interview with Edozie Udeze, he debunks some of the claims made by Gen. Alabi Isama and Gen. Alani Akinrinade in their recent interviews.

    Gen. Alabi Isama in his latest book on the war alleged that Mid-western officers were alienated. Is it really true that as the Commander-in-Chief of the Biafran Armed Forces, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, did not trust some of the Midwestern Igbo officers while the war lasted?

    It is not true. Why I say it is not true is that for Biafra to have lasted so long, it was as a result of the efforts of the Mid-western officers. This was because Biafra was really being hard pushed until the mid-west operation began.

    And the Midwest officers that were supposed to go across, Alabi-Isama was one of them. Even then my own journey into the mid west when Banjo crossed into Mid west, Alabi too was one of those that I contacted. But somewhere along the line, after our meeting, after we gave him some instructions to follow across, Alabi defected. And he didn’t come back. So, for him to say that Ojukwu didn’t like some Mid west officers couldn’t be true. This was so because it was the Mid-west officers, all the way to the lower ranks, that really held Murtala from crossing over the bridge thereby entering Biafra.

    This was when Murtala started his so-called operation to cross the Niger. It was mid western officers who fought and sustained the momentum. These were the 52 and 57 brigades that are also manned by the Mid west officers. It is unfortunate that many people from hindsight now after over 40 years of the war are writing books on the war. This is an after-thought after having read over other people’s works on the war, reading newspaper comments and other people’s statements and interviewing people. Now, they have got themselves in the position as being authority on the war.

    I wouldn’t take Alabi’s document as a serious one. The only aspect of his statement that really deserves comment and which shows his inability to appreciate the war situation and reporting it as it were, was his reporting what did not happen in his presence. He talked about the end of the war, mentioning the participants. He is not in the position to say what he said about the end of the war. He wasn’t there.

    The first person who was there was General Alani Akinrinade. Also Tomoye. Then Tomoye was not a substantive colonel. The command that reached Orlu was Tomoye’s command. And it was Tomoye’s officer that my men and in a night operation and captured them that made it possible for me to take the step I took by declaring that everybody should lay down their arms. Then I said we could be announcing it until I was able to bring Akinrinade into my headquarters. The narrative by Alabi shows ignorance of what happened that day. That’s what I can say about that. The only person that many a time I look at and say let sleeping dogs lie is General Akinrinade. This was because of his behaviour from the moment we met was officer-like.

    And he conducted himself in a way that endeared him to me that up till date, we are still friends. Alabi, however, was right in one thing that the war had already ended before General Obasanjo came into the picture. And he came on the scene after I allowed General Akinrinade to make a call to him. And he told him that if he didn’t come, he might stand to lose his officers who were under my control then. When Akinrinade came, he came with only a few soldiers. We met at Orlu, I didn’t go to Owerri to look for any of them.

    Now, we told Tomoye to phone him because Tomoye stood to lose all his officers and in Brigade they ventured into our territory near Orlu.

    We assured Tomoye that we had already started to take steps to bring the war to an end. His officers that were collected were already deposited near my office in Igbo-ukwu. As a result, it wasn’t proper for me to claim that I went to Owerri looking for who to surrender to. Surrender who or what to who? After all, it was in my house while discussing with Akinrinade that we decided that in that instance we were bringing the war to an end. There was indeed no winner, no vanquished. The war had deteriorated into a state of stalemate, whereby we were trading one bullet for another.

    By this time our men were crisis-crossing the war front because both the Nigerian soldiers and our soldiers were tired of the whole thing; the whole episode.

    Could you please elaborate more on the last days of the war?

    Let me also elaborate more on the events of the last days…

    I read in the internet Akinrinade’s rejoinder. So I asked for it to be printed out. Akinrinade is the last person I expected to sanction what Alabi-Isama wrote or said about the end of the war. Isama wasn’t there. Akinrinade was there. Tomoye was there. The rest were just junior officers. Those collected that night of 11th were junior officers and they were in charge of a battalion which made it possible for us to move. It was almost a disaster. We could have capitalised on it but we were on the quest to bring the war to an end. Hence, we detained them at the DMI office in Igbo-ukwu, got them to send a message to their commander, Tomoye. Tomoye replied that he would contact Owerri. The officer at Owerri tactical headquarters, Col. Oni who replied that Obasanjo said he would send his chief-of-staff, Akinrinade, to come and negotiate with us.

    That was how Akinrinade came to the scene. And we asked when would this be? He said that myself and himself should meet at Orlu. Hence, I left, heading to Orlu with my own escort, while he was coming with his own escort. We met at Orlu, greeted one another and I asked that he follows me to Igbo-ukwu. If it was a war situation and they had the advantage they would have arrested me and held me hostage. But we were already holding their men hostage. That was how we came to my home and I am glad that Alabi confirmed that because Akinrinade told him.

    So, I had to do what I did because I was in full control of the situation. There was no way Akinrinade could have reached me in a hostile manner. I was the one who would have shown hostility but my mission was to bring the war to an end.

    I would have handed over to Bisala. Bisala’s men were at Awka, which as you know, is closer to my headquarters. When we concluded no winner, no vanquished affair with Obasanjo, treachery came into it. While we were all celebrating at Owerri, Obasanjo came to me and said whether he could talk to General Effiong and I said yes. Anything? He said no, just to discuss for old time sake. And I said okay, you can go ahead with him.

    So, they went out to discuss. It was Col. Anwuna who called my attention and said why did you allow Effiong and Obasanjo to meet alone and I said well, they are old friends. He said no, you better intervene. Obasanjo said ah, I am not eating your officer; we were just talking about old times. But the damage had already been done. On our way back to Uga, because that was where we took off from, it was then that Effiong told me and the rest of the people that he had promised Obasanjo that we would be going to Lagos to see Gowon. I said no, you don’t play a record we didn’t participate in crafting. He said it was necessary that we senior officers go with him; that they would provide the flight so that we and Gowon could see, that he had the final say for them. I said okay if we must go, all of you must go and put on your uniforms. Then he turned around and told me he also promised him we should go in mufty. So, I said in that case, I will not go. That was why I wasn’t in the entourage that went to Lagos. He said that it was important that I should go; that he even mentioned the names of the officers to go. I said, I will not go, I will not leave my troops undefended.

    Col. Ogunewe, he was of the same stature with me, said please colonel you have done so much. Give me your French suit, we are of the same size.

    So, he went in my place and that was why he was part of the team. I escorted them all the way to Owerri with reinforced company of soldiers. When we got to Owerri, Obasanjo and his men, with Col. Oni took over. They left from Port Harcourt. Instead, as they left from Port Harcourt, I continued with my company of soldiers all the way to Port Harcourt. Akinrinade will attest to this.

    When we got to Port Harcourt, I reported to Col. Oluleye who was the war commander. We booked in at the Presidential Hotel with my men surrounding me. It was in the morning, they had gone to Lagos, finished and Obasanjo brought them back and I was quite sure Obasanjo was monitoring what was happening and had been told by Akinrinade that I was in Port Harcourt with my troops. So, he arrived early hours in the morning with Effiong and the rest and they left for Owerri. Then he sent Akinrinade to call me. He came to the hotel and told me that Obasanjo was back and wanted to see me.

    I went with my troops to Owerri and we met and greeted. So, he said to me, was there any need for me to come with my troops?. And I said no. it was necessary for me because it was the cream of my men that you collected. Then we saluted and they escorted me across the Imo River at Owerri Nta. From there, I proceeded back to my home. Now, is that the position of a defeated army? If they want us to tell the truth about what happened, we’ll tell the truth. But for a group of people trying to make it look as if Biafra looked like a lily-livered army or a rag-tag army, no. No rag-tag army at all could hold a well-equipped army like Nigerian army to ransom for three years.

    The only thing, I repeat, is that the ground strategy adopted by Biafra made it possible for Nigeria to remain till today.

    In the face of all this, how did you warm your way into Ojukwu’s heart to become his favourite among other officers from the Mid-west?

    I don’t know about being anybody’s favourite. All I know is that each time Ojukwu gave me order I obeyed it. That people consider me his favourite, well why should a commander-in-chief, have a favourite? All his officers were his favourites. For anybody to consider himself not to be a favourite of the commander-in-chief he must have been harbouring some disloyalty attitude in his mind towards the commander-in-chief.

    But was Alabi-Isama fighting on the side of Biafra initially?

    No! He was one of the Mid-west officers in Benin. He was in Benin at the beginning.

    Now, let us look at another issue. Is it really correct to assert that while the federal troops had prisoners of war, Biafran soldiers were busy killing indiscriminately?

    Let me ask you, when Nigeria claimed that they won the war, were there any exchange of prisoners of war? Because that would have been the situation. There wasn’t. By the time the matter got to Lagos to Gowon, the war had been over. It was more of war of attrition at a point and so as it was on the Federal side so it was on the Biafran side.

    But why did you call for an end to the war when you did?

    We did so because of the situation we found ourselves. Certain things were happening at the time which up till now we haven’t told our people. For instance, they said Ojukwu left because the war was closing in on him and the entire Biafra. That also is not true. We had several options then. One of the options was to break out of the Biafra enclave to cause confusion. But we had studiously maintained that we were not trying to create a civil war but we were still being attacked based on the perceived situation that brought about the pogrom.

    Good enough, it was the pogrom that chased people out of the North. And when our people left the North, the pogrom continued and this made it impossible for our people to find relief in the West. There was no other alternative than to say, ‘to your tents oh Israel.’ So, our people left and came home. And even when organising the military defensive activity we still had it in mind that we couldn’t abandon a country we helped to build.

    But we couldn’t in trying to maintain the status quo we helped to build allowed ourselves to be exterminated. No. Consequently, we retreated. By retreating, regrouping, we said we will not carry our military exploits beyond our shores. Otherwise, as it were, we had several options. Take a brigade and break into Nigeria and cause havoc. That would have made the war total, but instead under the counsel of our commander-in-chief and our elders, we maintained an operational balance.

    It was for us to defend ourselves within our soil so that nobody could accuse us of either precipitating the war or as they try to accuse us that the coup was tailored against the North, an Igbo coup. If such a coup that had a universal acclaim could later change into an Igbo coup, what then would have happened if we had carried the war right into the North. The possibility was there and we didn’t do that.

    But then when Igbo officers and men crossed into the West why were they not coordinated, allowing soldiers scatter into different directions?

    No! No!! You see the war,… Every war produces certain actions and reactions. When it became clear after the second division of Nigerian army crossed over and attacked Biafra, we already heard that they were going to use the Mid-west whom we thought was the buffer zone between us and them. But the rampaging Nigerian army did not honour that. We were not prepared to allow them because once they did, it meant that they had three-quarters of the totality of the land in Nigeria. And that would have been very difficult for us.

    We were also mindful of the fact that during the pogrom in the North, the majority of the soldiers as far as the North was concerned, Midwest was an Igbo land. It was in fact an afterthought when they tried to woo the Benins, the Urhobo’s and so on, forgetting that the Benins and Urhobos were some of those they killed during the pogrom.

    So, ranging them against us by pacifying them as they did when they created Cross-River and Rivers States, it was not done to appease the North. No. it was done to range them against the Igbo people by telling them that they were sufficient to be on their own as states. And that they should not be an appendage of the Igbos. They even forgot that we could have done the same by moving into the North, bringing the Middlebelt against the Fulanis.

    But we didn’t do that. So, that was what it was like.

    Okay, were all these part of the blunders that prolonged the war?

    Of course, yes. If we had played the game the way Nigeria played it, we would still be in the battle field today. But our people have a saying that the hen with so many chicks doesn’t know how to run in a battle situation.

    At what point did the Biafran high command begin to consider some of the officers as saboteurs and what did it take one to be so considered?

    In many war situations, the word sabotage is a constant and recurrent decimal. This is so because not all believe in the cause that brought about the war situation. People have different ideas and ideals. And some people, according to their belief, put themselves in the position where they were either the loyalists or considered anti-war efforts. This was what gave rise to the word saboteur. So it happens everywhere and it occurs everywhere.

    You have nicknamed the Air Raid. How did this name come about?

    Oh, no, no. I can’t continue to dwell on this.

    But you’ve not told it to us before?

    Okay, why I say so is that soldiers, especially in a conflict situation have the tendency for giving one name or the other to their officers, depending on the situation they find themselves. So, they did that when they wanted.

    You didn’t start out as a commissioned officer, but rose to be a force to reckon with. How did it happen?

    No, no. you see, people don’t seem to understand that soldiering is an art. Just like engineering or medicine, when a doctor is made to be so. You cannot just go into an operating room, pick up your instruments and begin to work, if you haven’t been trained. So also in a war situation. You cannot go into battle field and carry out all the norms necessary for an officer who had been trained over the years.

    A civilian cannot plan war and execute war. It requires a trained military officer to confuse and configure the situation and operate. That is why many a time people say what they like and I don’t care. It doesn’t affect people like me; I am not interested. The situation occured within the purview of my duty and I operated just to show what I was trained for. After that I retired into a civilian life.

    What really happened – did you actually kill Haliday, the owner of Silver Valley Hotel in the presence of his wife and daughter as alleged by General Alani Akinrinade?

    That’s a lie. You see, when the war ended, Nigerian officers didn’t know what to do about me. First, they couldn’t reach me. Every effort made to kill me did not succeed. Haliday was a friend. My house, before the war started, was a stone’s throw from Chief Haliday’s house. If such a thing happened, why was it only at the end of the war that we started hearing that I was the one that killed him?

    I commanded; I took over in Port Harcourt, when Port Harcourt was falling. And all that participated there will give testimony that I never picked a gun and shot him. I never picked my gun and shot at somebody. Why should I? I had soldiers who could do that. But instead, they tried to foist the death of Haliday on me. That exactly was what they’ve been saying; that I had been killing people indiscriminately while the war lasted. That also is not true. It took the way the war ended for most Biafrans to realise that it was really a lie that whenever I saw somebody I’d shoot. Shoot for what? For what purpose? And if that was the case, would I lay my life on the line to bring the war to an end? After all, the people who asked that the war be brought to an end are still alive. People like P.K. Nwokedi, a former justice of Enugu. Louis Mbanefo too. These were the people who came to my house and pleaded that I should try to stop the war.

    Normally, I would have called for their arrest, because they were members of Biafran Exco. They were party to the last meeting we held with Ojukwu to ask Ojukwu to go to the conference that was to hold in Monrovia, Liberia. That conference was engineered by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe.

    It was this meeting that we arranged laboriously for where Ojukwu could stay so that there won’t be any sabotage against us. Hence, Felix Houphet- Boigny was one of those that recognised Biafran efforts. And the French were also partially assisting us.

    So, from Liberia, it was planned to move Ojukwu to Gabon and then to Ivory Coast. But we hadn’t settled down in Ivory Coast in readiness for the meeting when members of the EXco came requesting that I should bring the war to an end.

    How come then you were the man everybody wanted to see to end the war?

    I was the person in charge of operations. I was also visible. Yes, I was.

    Do you think because the Yoruba officers were the ones that saw to the end of the war, it has caused any friction between them and the Igbo people?

    No, because a day after my declaration, I started the announcement from 9a.m. Every 15 minutes, my broadcast was on. Sir Louis Mbanefo crafted the statement that we gave Philip Effiong to read. After it was read, it became necessary because in my broadcast, we said we had sent emissaries to various Nigerian military formations to inform them that we had decided to end the war.

    It is only people with authority who could do that. Any army on the run will not make such statement. So, we did it on a friendly basis. Today Akin is still my friend. We meet from time to time. He visits me here too. No, it has not caused any friction at all.

    Why was it possible for the Owerri battle front to be inclusive as it were?

    First and foremost, to take over Owerri was impossible. Owerri is the heartland of the Igbo nation. The heart land of our domain. Enugu is our foremost town which was prepared by the colonial masters as an administrative headquarters. Just as Lagos is to the West, even though Ibadan was the heartland of the Yoruba. So, also in the North, they have Kaduna State, which now they have Abuja, even though they have Sokoto, Maiduguiri and those other places.

    Nigeria is centered on a tripod, whichever way you push it, all that come to the surface are the Hausa nation, the Yoruba nation and the Igbo nation. Each of these nations has minorities. Today, all that people talk about are the minorities within the East, within the Igbo nation because of economic interest. If oil has not been the main source of income for the totality of Nigerians, nobody would care how the Ijaws, how the Itsekiris, the Ibibios, Kalabairis, the Efiks and so on, are faring. This is so because they’ve been in existence before the arrival of the Europeans.

  • ‘The civil war settled nothing’

    ‘The civil war settled nothing’

    General Alani Akinrinade (rtd), in this interview with Editorial Board Chairman SAM OMATSEYE, FEMI MACAULAY and OLAKUNLE ABIMBOLA speaks on the Nigerian Civil War, Alabi Isama’s book and other issues.

    Are you acquainted with the book by Alabi Isama?

    Yes; when he first wrote a draft or what I call perhaps a draft. It was in three volumes, big volumes and then he gave them to me to read. His first idea was that I should get it into a printable form. But I looked at it and told him that it would be the work of professionals. They know how to put it together. As far as I was concerned, there was so much tautology in it. One issue was brought out three times. It looked like the book of an angry man. The professionals would really sit down, look at it, get the facts out correctly and make it readable. But I had no problem with the facts, figures and things which he put in the book. It was just the presentation that I had reservations about. But that was many months, or maybe two years ago.

    General Alabi Isama said in his book that Obasanjo, in his My Command, misread the 3rd Marine Commando battle tactics at Onne for the entrapment of your troops, when it was indeed a decoy. Would you like to corroborate Osama’s claim?

    Yes, it was for me, in military terms, a tragedy – a tragedy in the sense that we lost more men and some equipment in the process which ought not to happen. But there were issues which led to that tragedy. I suspect that if anyone wants to be fair, he would now lay out all those issues and then weigh them against what the result was. But Obasanjo did not. Like I told Alabi, if you read Obasanjo’s book, you would be nauseated to the point of vomiting. But when he insisted that he wanted to read it, I got him two copies, not just one, if he really wanted to make himself unhappy.

    Obasanjo himself was not party to all those issues. He was in Ibadan at that time. It was (Benjamin) Adekunle who was in charge of 3 Marine Commando and the GOC. I was commanding Bonny, and we had an operational plan. I had been to see the divisional commander. I was not part of his division. The 15th division I commanded was an independent brigade; and we reported straight back to Lagos. But for the purpose of continuing operation in the riverine areas, the main objective was to capture Port Harcourt. We were very near, but we couldn’t get there by ourselves. So, if the Third Division was going into Port Harcourt, we had a very major role which we could play to secure Bonny channel, to make sure there was no interference; and also, if it was possible, stage enemy diversion from Third Division troops. That was the whole purpose. I had been to Calabar. We sat down in Adekunle’s headquarters. We all agreed to it. Then when the Third Division troops got to Opobo, I took a boat and found my way to Opobo to reconfirm that that operation was still on. Now when they left Opobo to cross the Imo river (the idea was if they were crossing the Imo river, a very substantial river because it went towards the Niger Delta estuary, and they were using pontoons to cross, since there was no bridge), it was necessary for us in Bonny to stage some operations to divert enemy attention from them, so that they could safely cross. That was what we didn’t do in Onitsha; and that was why we lost maybe up to 2000 to 3000 (soldiers). In Bonny we had what you call a brigade but I didn’t have more than 1,500 men, even though we called it a brigade. It was out of that small group that I had to take out maybe about maybe 500 men to go and do the operation. It was strictly an assault landing, in which case we had nobody on the other side. All we needed to do was to take boats and get into Onne. The village was just a few kilometers to the main road that led to Port Harcourt. So if we succeeded in getting to Onne and move out of Onne, we would have cut off everybody by the river crossing. That was the whole idea. We were supposed to be supported by artillery from those who are crossing; we were supposed to be supported by a little bit of air power. But what happened was that because they started crossing late, everything was concentrated on Bonny, so we didn’t get any support at all. Then secondly Lagos, who promised to send me a few equipment before the date, failed to do so. Col. Femi Oluleye was rear commander in Lagos. We landed in Onne all right, but instead of being there for say 24 hours, and the Third Marine Commando troops joining us, they never did. Even though Adekunle assured me that they had started to cross, they never did. So by the time we got to Onne, there was no help coming from anywhere. So we had to move out of Onne and go to Bonny again. It was in that process that we must have lost, maybe about 200 men. That was what happened. So when Obasanjo put what he didn’t understand in his book, I was just laughing because he didn’t know what happened there; and I think you don’t go around making comedy out of a very terrible tragedy. For me, 10 soldiers lost in an operation was a tragedy: what are you doing as an officer? What is your plan? What are you thinking about? So…

    (Cut in) That means without your operation there, Third Marine would not have been able to enter Port Harcourt?

    That’s right. But what Obasanjo didn’t say was that when the crossing now started, we repeated the operation and this time, we succeeded. But that first one was premature, absolutely premature and I take responsibility because it was stupid. I was their commander. Whether the GOC did or didn’t do his part, for me, was immaterial. Men are put under your charge as commander and I was responsible for them. We lost about 200.

    There was this guy Azuatalam, a Biafran officer – what was the story? It was said the guy was very brave and that and you fought him for five hours before finally capturing him?

    Yes it was Makanjola’s front, God bless his soul. It was my brigade but Makanjuola was the battalion commander in the area. When that skirmish was over, what really interested me about Azuatalam was that he wasn’t the commander there, he was one of the officers we captured when the operation was over. When finally he got to my headquarters and I looked at him, he was such a nice little boy and he was not really a soldier at such – I mean, not a trained soldier but he had secondary school certificate. He was a smart boy: he worked with me for about two or three weeks. So, I persuaded Adekunle: why don’t we send him to cadet school so he could really become a proper officer? Adekunle agreed and we talked to Gen. Gowon and we sent him to Lagos, and they sent him to Sandhurst and he became an officer. He’s in Port Harcourt now.

    He is still a soldier?

    I was a bit disappointed on that score. By the time he made captain, I think I was a general then, the next thing I knew was that he had left the army. He left as captain. So, I looked for him in Port Harcourt, I got him, he told me he wasn’t getting real satisfaction out of the job. He thereafter became a marine fellow, repairing boats and things like that.

    But it looks like you don’t want to talk about your own exploits in the place; the five hours that Alabi Isama talked about when you chased after him, he said he ran out of bullet, nd you ran out of bullets but you had to go get him?

    Yes, but you know when you have a unit you give them work to do. Unfortunately, the civil war was not the conventional war taught in school, where the commander sits at the back and he gives order; and expects his lieutenants to carry out the operations. Unfortunately you had to wake up at five o clock in the morning to make sure, even though your officers were there at the frontline, to get them to start the operation. You had to hang around in the evening to make sure that the operation was carried out. That was how 3rd marine commando worked throughout the operation and that’s why Alabi, even though he was chief of staff, for a long time was always at the front. You would do most of your writing works at night and this same night you travel round to join your troops at the front to make sure that the operation went well, otherwise nothing might happen. So I was there. It was normal. It happened every day. You got out there, you got surprises, you had to adjust yourself and get on with it.

    Yes, another fault: there again, we made another big blunder because we wanted to get to Uli Ihiala at all cost, so we thought if we got to Owerri, we could follow the Orashi river right up to Owerri lake, land on the other side – that is Oguta; and then come out. I think less than five kilometers from Oguta was the main road that links Owerri, Ihiala, Nnewi. So, if you came out of that road, the war was as good as over.

    That was Pincer 2 strategy?

    Yes, that was short cut. But then we sent Makanjuola there and he landed. He spent about two/three days there but unfortunately all the reinforcement that was supposed to come to Owerri, to now push a little bit to divide the front properly, never happened. So, the rebels concentrated on Makanjuola and they pushed him back to Oguta Lake. There were quite a number of small tragedies that happened during the war. But in this case we didn’t lose too many troops because we were smart enough to get out in time.

    You must have been very trusting sir, the Azuatalam guy was a Biafran officer. He could have been a traitor. To have converted him from Biafra to Nigerian army, was that not a big risk?

    Maybe. But I think at that stage of the war, we had come to the point where a lot of the so-called rebel officers-Biafran officers, even their men, seemed to think that whenever they were captured, that the war was over for them. That the loyalty they were talking about and the fervent Biafran thing about everybody singing the anthem and this and that didn’t go beyond when things are comfortable…..That’s my impression right from when I was in Second Division, to the operations in the Midwest. That was my impression. Each time you captured anyone and you treated him well, he forgot about the Biafran thing.

    Isama himself talked about Third Marine Commando; that Boro was the one training them; that when they got there, he trained them and at first he was sleeping with one eye open. But he discovered that the people were not a threat, after which he relaxed.

    My first encounter with riverine area was when I was abruptly posted to Bonny to go and take over the place but I did. I had three officers who I can never really forget. The first one was called Amangala George. He was a school principal, he had a master’s degree, he was my adjutant, I inherited him there. He was not a soldier but he was very intelligent

    He was Biafran?

    No! I think he is from Yenogoa. I am talking about the people who came from the riverine areas and then we had not captured Port Harcourt but we had Bonny so it was Bonny now that I met this George, he was my adjutant. Not a soldier but a make-shift soldier, he would just put on uniform and we started teaching him the regimen of how to fight. But he was a good administrator. He administered my headquarters. The other one was Yanayo , he was also a school teacher and the third one was Nottingham Dick. If you remember, Nottingham Dick was one of the persons sentenced with Boro. So, you can see these were people who had been involved, in one way or the other, in the liberation of the riverine areas. It was not really as articulated as it is today, as the area has now been carved into Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta, Cross River and Akwa Ibom states. Back then, it was Kalabari, Ndoni, Andoni, Ijaw, the pure riverine areas. That’s what Boro stood for but Port Harcourt, of course, used to be their headquarters. So, I met these three people there and I learnt a lot from them. First I had never done any canoeing or boating but in Bonny, there was no way of surviving for an officer. There was no way you could go looking at your troops without you really being able to use a canoe or to use a pontoon; and there was nothing worse than asking people to do things which you could not do yourself. So, I had to learn how to use a canoe, how to use a speed boat, things like that. So those were the things we learnt from people like Boro. Unfortunately, he went to Okrika and he got killed there. Many people got killed but that of Boro was significant because of what he stood for. But what Boro stood for we have refused to address till tomorrow. But if we don’t address these issues, Nigeria is not going to go very far.

    Could you substantiate a bit on that sir?

    Well, Boro formed what he called Niger Delta Volunteer Force and he was saying they didn’t want anybody to come and mine their oil and all that. Later on they gave it a name. They called it resource control. Some people later still called it restructuring of the system. That’s what Boro stood for. He decided that the only way to get attention was to go around molesting the oil companies and the rest of these insiders, he didn’t make it habitable for foreigners who were digging oil in the place. Well, he died during the war. The whole thing died down after the war because you had to do reconstruction, things like that. But there was a resurgence of it, championed by Saro-Wiwa (Kenule). Again, he approached it from a very sophisticated intellectual angle. But Instead of listening to him, they hanged him. They organized some people to lie and do whatever was needed to get rid of him. Now the third phase of it is the militant agitation involving Asari-Dokubo and co. What did we do? We gave them amnesty, we make them into tin gods and empower them. They are all billionaires now. But we haven’t solved the problem because tomorrow it is going to come back to us again. A new generation of them will come up, rebels with a cause. You cannot get rid of such a rebel unless you remove his cause. You are always going to get supporters for it until we go to the riverine areas and really set the place right.

    When I was in Bonny around 1967-68, if you could paddle a canoe and you got a basket and you went on the Bonny River, you could catch Cray fish, if they taught you a little bit about this thing. You could go to Okrika, at low water, and catch periwinkle –a basketful of it. All those things have disappeared and we are saying that the people don’t have a reason? Well I’m sorry for them. All they do now is to want to hold the presidency, which the Yoruba held for eight years and were worse off for it. When they hold it for eight years, they would also be worse off for it. So really it is either we sit down and really resolve this problem in the interest of everybody, not just in their own interest but in the interest of everybody. Let’s recognize the problems that we have in the country.

    That was one lesson I learnt during the war – Lesson because I could see in practical terms how they live in the riverine areas. Those of us who say they are very lazy people don’t even know that sometimes they go out for a whole week in the water catching fish, going from fishing pond to fishing pond and now when they come back to the village and they are sitting down in the morning to drink kaikai and all that, then you’ll say these people are just drunkards. But look, that is their lives. That is the dictation of living inside the creeks and bog where they live. Unless you sit and study, understand these issues, you won’t understand the problems; and you would understand even less the people.

    The question of people threatening us that they have kept their arms in the creeks and whenever we don’t do their bidding they are going to go back into the creeks, I take seriously. You know Boko Haram, and all that. So, let’s go to the root of these issues. I thought it was a privilege for me to have served in Bonny and in that riverine area, to go round meeting the people, seeing the villages and the way people lived, the conditions in which the people lived and what is their livelihood. I know we took 90 percent of their livelihood out of them. So if we get the oil, give them the money and let them go and organize themselves.

    I want to ask a question that may seem philosophical. I can take the difference in perspectives in civil war literature. What I can’t understand is the difference in facts in the narratives. Who is to be believed and why, in view of the distortions here and there?

    But you also know that even in the Acts of the Apostles, the disciples went with Jesus, all of them were supposed to be present but when they wrote, their versions were different, here and there: language, expressions, perceptions and interpretations. That’s why we have so many; Mark, Luke; and everybody wrote his own. I think that is one. But you will find that the facts are very close. In the case of the war, I expected that would happen. However, if you can’t correctly interpret whatever happened, you could at least narrate things as they happened. In that wise, those who were physically present there would have a much better account of what really happened.

    Isama was present there, Obasanjo was present there. Yet you find Isama coming out with counter points to Obasanjo’s own version?

    Yes, I think if Obasanjo had concerned himself strictly with the short time that he was in 3rd Marine Command and told factually what he saw, maybe his book would not have been so nauseating. But he didn’t. He embellished it. If you were not party to things, you don’t talk about them. If you are told about these things, you can verify them before putting them down in a book. I don’t think Obasanjo took enough pains to really find out about things, all in the process of trying to justify his stand or position. Why was Obasanjo the only general officer commanding present there at the formal signing of documents ending the war? How can he justify that? Was he the only person that fought the war? I don’t know why Nigerians didn’t ask questions: are you the only one who fought the war? He couldn’t get the other GOCs to be part of the formal surrender: of the First Division, Second Division, those who did it before and those who succeeded them and even Adekunle that Obasanjo succeeded. Why wasn’t Adekunle present there? These are issues which Nigerians ought to have asked; are you the only one that fought the war?

    You were not even there when the war ended, you were sitting in Port Harcourt. The matter had been settled in Owerri ever before you showed up. Achuza is still alive today and people can ask him. That made people like Alabi angry about Obasanjo’s claims. That’s why I said when I saw the draft, I told him it is a book by an angry man. Don’t destroy a very good book because you are also angry that somebody had done it in a very derogatory and incorrect way. So, that was why I thought somebody should edit the book. I only got a final copy of the book yesterday (July 7) when I visited him; and even then I have not been able to read him to see exactly how much the original copy has been altered. But I suspect he got some very good people to tinker with it.

    He suggested in the book that actually you were the person instrumental to the final surrender push. You were the one they really surrendered to. Would you want to tell us the last seconds of the war?

    Yes, I was the chief operation officer for Obasanjo and then like I said, at least in the Third Marine, when you order an operation, it is better for at least the chief operations officer, from headquarters, to be there when the execution takes place. So, in the last two days of the war, I had to move myself to Owerri. As soon as we got back to Owerri, I decided to stay there so that we could continue the operation. In the night, one of the officers came and woke me up and said that some rebels were looking for the GOC. They brought them to me. Their leader introduced himself and said that …

    Do you remember his name sir?

    Achuzia. We call him Air Raid. He wasn’t my friend anyway because he killed my friend in Port Harcourt. So, we talked…

    What friend did he kill in Port Harcourt?

    Halliday, the owner of Silver Valley.

    He wasn’t a soldier?

    No he was just a business man. He shot him in the front of his children and his wife. Till today one of his daughters never recovered from that trauma. She’s in America today. So Achuzia said he needed to get a message to the GOC. I explained to him that I wasn’t the GOC, I was only the operation officer for the division. However, my GOC was in Port Harcourt; and that I was prepared to do anything to minimize the carnage going on, if the talk was surrender. I said okay. It was 5 o’ clock that morning and we were supposed to start the final push; but that I had enough authority to stop it. But how was I sure his side would keep to the arrangement such that after we lost the momentum, we would not go back to fighting again? So I said, let’s go and see Effiong. Where is Effiong? I asked. He said he was in Amichi. How far away was Amichi? He said about a few minutes drive. So about 5: 30 in the morning, we left our own headquarters, I followed him. My brigade commander, Ola Oni, said he was going with me but I said no way! I told him, if in two hours you don’t see me or you don’t hear from me just start the operation, don’t worry about where I am, it doesn’t matter. So I took another young officer to follow me so we got to the vehicle and I noticed that as morning was coming, people were not interested in the war anymore. The Biafran soldiers sat down beside the road like refugees. Nobody had guns. Even for those that still had uniforms, you could see that for them, the war was over. Then, Achuzia made a request: just in case anything happened to us, he wanted us to visit his wife – can I call on my wife just to tell her that I’m okay because when I was coming here she said they were going to kill me? I said okay , why not? So we went to his house, in a small village. He had a very nice place and I said you people said you were fighting a war; and yet you can keep a bungalow like this in this place! So, we joked about it so he brought a brandy bottle and we poured libation and we drank and I assured the wife, a European, white lady, that the war was over.

    So we now drove to Amichi. Getting there, the time was now like 6: 45-7 in the morning and people were already anxious to find out what had happened to Achuzia. As we came out of the vehicle, among those who trooped out were three of my classmates: Ben Gbulie, Iheadigbo, Nwakwe! Then, some of my juniors were there too. So, I forgot what we came to do there, and were laughing and busy back-slapping, saying we were all so stupid to have allowed this thing to go on for this long,

    So where is Effiong, I asked. They said he was upstairs. We went upstairs and I met General Effiong. We were very close at the Army Headquarters before. Then he said something of an honourable surrender and all that. But I told him I didn’t care whatever he called it. All I knew was that the war was over; and they didn’t have one chance in hell of negotiating anything. If I were you, I told him, I would just give up and let everybody go home. So, we just argued about that a little bit and that was that. I told him I would have to take proper instruction from my GOC, since I had sent him a signal that I was leaving Owerri, to check some stories about rebel surrender. So, Obasanjo left Port Harcourt for Owerri. I came back around 11: 30 am, since we had spent so much time drinking and pouring libation. Shortly after, Obasanjo arrived and I briefed him and he said he wanted to see Effiong. So, he did. We then drafted a speech and agreed that Effiong should go to the radio station nearby to read the speech, saying the war was over; and that everybody should stop shooting. That was it.

    Thereafter, we agreed everybody should come to Port Harcourt, en route to Lagos. But as Obasanjo and the former rebel officers were leaving Port Harcourt for Lagos, I called our rear commander, then Lt. Col then, Emmanuel Abisoye. I told Emmanuel that these people were coming to Lagos; and that he should get accommodation for the visiting party and also get all the other divisional commanders. The idea was that the former rebels, the Nigerian divisional commanders and Obasanjo would go to Dodan Barracks for the formal surrender ceremonies. But it never happened that way. Abisoye arranged the accommodation. But the rebel officers never showed up. Obasanjo had lodged them in another place. When Abisoye eventually met Obasanjo, he told him he should alert and bring the other divisional officers to the surrender ceremony. But I blamed Abisoye, telling him he should have told Gen. Gowon. Anyway, Obasanjo didn’t call anyone and Abisoye was the only one who followed him.

    I think Obasanjo has a very acute sense of history and I think he was dying to be something someone had never been before and do something nobody had done before, not just in the military but also during his presidency. So, I think that was what motivated him and that is the reason people like Mohammed Shuwa, people like Murtala Muhammad, people like Ibrahim Haruna and Benjamin Adekunle never showed up at that armistice. So, he took all those photographs and then put them in his book. I thought that was very uncharitable.

    Was there any reaction by these excluded commanders?

    Nobody bothered. They were not like Obasanjo, all those people. These were just soldiers. I don’t think they were thinking of history or whatever. Their attitude was: let’s just get this job done and get on with it.

    We also learnt that from Isama’s book; he said that there was this long trip that George Innih took to Arochukwu, while you were getting the surrender?

    Yes, George was supposed to join us a day before because we had finished all the operations in the sector. He was supposed to bring most of his brigade to come and join us in Owerri, so together we could do the final push to Uli Ihiala …

    So Innih’s was on an Israelite’s journey?

    By the time he eventually came back, the battle was over.

    Isama also said in his book that Obasanjo was clueless about where you were at the surrender, and that he was looking for you, moving from one place to the other?

    Yes but we finally met in Owerri and I took him back to see Effiong.

    Interestingly sir, it was you I think who suggested Obasanjo to Gowon as GOC to succeed Adekunle?

    Yes, but those were very sad stories!

    Isama described Obasanjo as clueless and lacking depth. I just wonder: if you had seen Obasanjo in that light, would you have made the recommendation to Gowon?

    Those of us in Third Marine Commando knew we couldn’t post any officer to the division, who was not strictly southern, a Yoruba for instance, and expect him to succeed in the place. The way the place was structured, the people who either volunteered or were posted to serve there were mainly from the Yoruba West. So there is something about trust and you know this, and the third division needed very high handed discipline because of the terrain where we were, the people amongst whom we were operating. You cannot afford to upset them as such and you cannot operate in a place where you are tearing down the town. We had to keep the population ….and therefore we needed someone who understood what it was all about. Now if the idea, what happened in 1966 during the coup was anything to go by, it was a bit difficult for a northerner to operate in the southern part and get the trust of everybody. It was difficult. Murtala tried it and he did very well but when you look at the make-up of his divisions, they were mainly westerners.

    So you are confirming too that, as I asked Isama, that this war was actually inspired by the Hausa Fulani but the brain and the execution was by the Yorubas?

    Yes, really because they took part in some of the operations. If we had gone by what was happening in the northern sector and the rest of them, that war could have lasted like 10 years. It was the southerners who really injected some form of impetus into the war. There was this talk about in the present South-South, the Niger Delta. The people were friendly; they were supporters of federal government. But if you antagonized them, you wouldn’t get anywhere. Also, many of these people were also victims of the pogrom in the North. That was why I suggested Obasanjo to Gowon.

    The problem with Adekunle was that he was a very tired man. He had done well but he was tired. The law of diminishing returns had set in and he was getting a little bit irrational. Only yesterday (June 30) Isama gave me a book written by Adekunle’s son, one of his sons. I had never seen it before. But just going through, I now realized Adekunle had written in letters to Gowon, about all sorts of things; and in those letters he had insinuated that people were talking about him trying to take over the government and this and that. All these didn’t occur to me but I thought these were illusions. People must have been telling him: that he was the black scorpion, that he was bullet-proof and this and that; and all that was beginning to get into his head. We at the front we were beginning to see irrational behaviours and I said you can’t enforce, and I start taking orders that I know patently did not make sense. People started getting killed and that’s why I left 3rd division. I just came to Lagos and said look, if you people don’t have control over your GOC, I have no reason to serve under him. I left 3rd Marine and I came back to Lagos.

    The Obasanjo thing, I’m still curious. Apart from ethnicity which you said was important, what attributes did you see?

    The Nigerian Army was short of officers as at that time, we didn’t have too many choices anywhere. In any case, none of us had been to any war front apart from Congo. I just believed then that first of all, you couldn’t bring a northern officer to 3rd Commando as the GOC, it’s not going to work. Then, Obasanjo had been to Staff College or something. So, he had enough to recommend him to do a job that Adekunle was leaving. I think he had enough qualifications. He was an engineer officer. He wasn’t an engineer but he was posted to the engineering corps and there he learnt a lot on the job. He was also rear commander of Second Division in Ibadan. So, there was no reason he shouldn’t take over the Third Division from Adekunle. I was thinking in terms of writing him a confidential report or anything like that. He was my senior, anyway . We were just talking about possible replacements: there was Wole Rotimi there, there was Oluleye; there were very few anyway

    And Abisoye?

    Abisoye was already commanding the rear of 3rd Commando.

    There was this claim by General Isama that Adekunle indeed tried to kill both of you. Could you shed more light on that?

    Adekunle, when he was tired and became a bit irrational and started taking decisions, difficult to understand in military terms and refusing discussions, refusing what we thought was legitimate and reasonable advise, we just thought we had had enough. And then Alabi talked about the final situations, and two of us sat down and wrote a battle plan, which we submitted to him for discussion and eventual approval. But instead of discussing the plan, Adekunle wrote a scrap of paper: “Tactics Lesson 101. When am I expecting more tutorials?” So I said wait, this man has gone bunkers, so we had to leave. But as we went back to our headquarters, his provost officer came and told us that the GOC was going call a meeting and would ambush us and get us killed. But I told him Adekunle won’t do a thing like that. But he said sir, I know what I am talking about. So I said okay, what do we do? So I just decided: why should I serve under a man who will organize to get me killed – for what? So, I decided to get out of there. So, we commandeered ammunition and went back to Lagos. That’s why I’m not interested in writing my war memoirs. I think there are too many dirty things …

    How did the army high command take that? Was that some sort of desertion or what?

    (Laughs) I think most of the officers in the front were really getting out of their elements. I think we were all getting crazy a little bit in some ways. For me, I just felt I didn’t want anything from anybody, anymore. I didn’t start the war, am I supposed to finishe it? So, why should I do things that I don’t want to do? I admit: It was a question you should never ask in any army but everyone was getting crazy as the war was taking its toll. So, I just disappeared. I just went to Takwa Bay, took a small chalet, and started living there.

    Just like that?

    Yes! So that’s why I said I think we had all gone crazy. I was living in Takwa Bay until finally they found out that I was there. Gowon wanted to see me and I went to see him. At the meeting, it was on an evening, everyone was there: Gowon, Baba (Akinwale) Wey (Rear Admiral, chief of staff, Supreme Headquarters), David Ejoor (chief of Army staff), Hassan Usman Katsina, Adegbola (Police DIG)and others. But from the setting, it was far from a war meeting. It was more of an administrative one which, at war time, seemed rather amusing. I told them Adekunle had gone crazy; and that I didn’t want anything to do with him again. But Gen. Gowon insisted I should go back to 3rd Marine Commando to which I rather angrily retorted that I didn’t start the war. It was in the heat of this discussion that I suggested: “why don’t you send Obasanjo there?”, when it was clear Adekunle would be recalled. By then, a lot of things were happening in 3rd Marine Commando, reverses that suggested Adekunle was tired. So, he was recalled and Obasanjo replaced him. But when Obasanjo got to 3rd Marine, he found the division was not such an easy place. He needed some officers to assist him. It was then he insisted that the only way he would stay as GOC was if Isama and myself came back. That was how both of us went back.

    The reverses of Owerri led to the dusting up of Pincer 2. Obasanjo was apparently not aware of it until you radioed him that surrender had come. What was Pincer 2 all about?

    It wasn’t anything complicated. We had suggested it to Adekunle before but he said it was Tactics Lesson 1. So of course, the thing died a natural death. But we had the documents and we knew the situation in that sector of the war. We needed to capture three cities for the war to end: Owerri, Aba and Umuahia (OAU). Incidentally, there was some Organisation of African Unity (OAU) thing; and Adekunle decided we needed to do something dramatic before the OAU event, evidently inspired by the similarity in the OAU abbreviation. We now launched a frontal attack on Owerri, from which we lost too many men. Though we got close, we could not capture the town. So, to plan these three operations we were able to seal one: the Aba one. We were able to seal from Aba to Umuahia but we couldn’t seal the Owerri one and we were already in Aba, so he wanted us to now go up to, at least, Owerri.

    So sir if it were to be today, it would have already been okay, with Aba and Umuahia meaning AU?

    AU yes, so we said no you couldn’t do that, he said no, we have to. Then we had a young brigade commander who was going to be responsible for the operation. So I had been able to see him and I had told him that the operation was not on. So he took Edet?, I said this thing is not on but he was a much younger officer than I was. So when we now got to the other group, I didn’t say anything. All he himself could say was, ‘yes sir, yes sir’. So, the Owerri battle was settled. But we didn’t have enough troops. We could manage what we had and get to Owerri. But we couldn’t hold the town. Adekunle said don’t worry: by the time we get to Owerri, he would have got enough reinforcement from Lagos. But I insisted we should get reinforcement first before starting the assault. When my protest became too much, Adekunle said what was my concern – after all, Edet, not I, was the brigade commander! Edet, of course, could not say no, for he was a much junior officer. So I told Adekunle: “Sir, tomorrow by five o clock, I will personally be there and we will get into Owerri. Since you said we can hold it, it’s your responsibility, not mine. He said yes, why not? That was how we went into Owerri. We got there but as I feared, we could not hold it. I was even surprised that we lasted that long in the town. There was also the Umuahia tactics debate before the action was aborted. Because of my strong reservations about Adekunle’s preferred tactics, one of my classmates, Shande, came to tell me and Alabi that the GOC called him a coward. He felt bad.

    For a soldier that was …

    He was my classmate, we went to school together. But Shande got killed in the Owerri assault, a death that was probably avoidable. There were quite a number of tragic stories. They ought not to have happened. After putting all of these together, I decided this man had gone crazy. That was why Alabi and I left.

    How would you grade Obasanjo and Adekunle because you worked with both of them?

    Adekunle did a much difficult and much better job. Obasanjo simply took over Third Division after they had gone all the way from Calabar, all the way to the northern point of Obubra, all these areas in the present day Cross River, Akwa Ibom and Rivers states. The war, in all those places, were over. 3rd Marine were already in Igbo land. What Adekunle should have done was to change tactics a little bit, be less ambitious about what we were doing, and to know that we needed to commit more troops in a place where the people were not our supporters. In the riverine areas, we got a lot of support from people. They showed us the creeks, it was a very complicated place to operate in. That was why when Asari Dokubo decided that he was going to get nasty, I told people you won’t be able to stop them, if they have arms. They don’t have to be very smart, they live there. But you don’t live there. Your soldiers can’t live 24 hours on water in a canoe and eat there and sleep there and fight from there.

    Making comparisons: Isama called Obasanjo bossy and Adekunle listening?

    At the beginning, Adekunle had enough honesty. In every war, you change command, you change people but we didn’t have that luxury in the Nigerian Army. The Nigerian Army didn’t have the luxury of, say, moving three officers out and replacing them with fresh ones. That affected people like Adekunle. Also, I didn’t know who was playing politics with him because until I now read some of the papers now published, as letters he was writing to Lagos, people accusing him that he had ambition of becoming the head of state or anything. At that point, he did not want to listen to anyone, any more. His brusque rejection of our proposed operational order, which he dismissed as Tactics Lesson 101, was high-handed. We should have argued it. That was what he used to do. But now, he was changed, as he appeared to know everything. And it was bound to be disaster after disaster. That was why a new GOC had to take over.

    Losing Owerri and moving troops back gradually towards Elele was a bad time for the GOC. By that time he had disorganized his headquarters. He came back from Lagos one day and said he was accused that his whole division was Yoruba. He said so. So, he reshuffled his key men: me, Isama, Ayo Ariyo and now put relatively junior officers, who could not face these top men in charge of sectors, just to prove his division was not exclusive Yoruba territory! Whatever he was thinking, I had no idea. But the new operational officers could not give instructions or challenge the actions of these more senior officers in the front. That led to more reverses and confusion.

    General Gowon, what sort of commander-in-chief was he?

    I think he was too nice for a soldier.

    Too nice?

    Too nice, in the sense that he is a very polished person. I can say that because I grew up under his tutelage. So, I know him from his bedroom, to the office, to everywhere. He was too understanding sometimes, and it is very difficult to extract a yes or no answer from Gowon. That is his nature: “I mean, honestly, you boys…honestly, well…honestly.” It’s very difficult to get him to say yes or no! Very difficult!

    So how come he lasted that long as head of state if he was vacillating?

    For most of his time the army was busy. We got into the war, we fought almost three years out of his tenure. Thereafter, we resettled and there was this big problem. I think the army was too preoccupied with itself: you know we had lost many officers, too many. We had wounded soldiers all over the place, so nobody had time to address the issue of governance until about 74, four years after the war, when people started turning attention to governance, and agitation in the army started that they wanted back all the officers for military duties. All the military governors were senior to me – very good officers. We wanted all of them back in the Army. In any case, what were they doing there?

    Then the story would come: two governors were travelling to this event; then they went to Kontagora. They went to the Keffi Guest House, and they were told there were no drinks except champagne. And they said, okay, we would manage it! (general laughter). These people were just enjoying themselves and we in the army were just running around. So, we wanted them to come back and help. Why don’t they get civilians to be governors in place of these officers sorely needed in the military. That agitation culminated in the coup that removed Gowon.

    I don’t know if anybody had written about it, but about four months before the coup that ousted Gowon, there had been big commotions at Army Headquarters. Gen. David Ejoor, our army chief of staff, was told to go to Dodan Barracks and tell them off, insisting that officers holding political positions must return to the army. But Ejoor could not do it. So, we called a meeting of all senior officers in the commander-in-chief’s office, that’s what happened. We got all the senior officers, we went to Dodan barracks and we had a meeting with Gowon and we gave him an ultimatum to announce a definite exit date by the military? That was when Gowon started losing grip. There and then. Our chief of staff (Ejoor) couldn’t do it. This was how we started losing grip. Gowon was not a very forceful person. I think he leaves you as a senior officer to make your own decision. But you can’t do that, as commander-in-chief.

    I had this debate with Isama and he wouldn’t go that far and I said from his own account of the war, the GOCs were just doing what they wanted and there was no overarching strategy which would say this is where you have gone, stop and so on. For instance, Shuwa was just moving from village to village, he seems to have no plan and then there was the instance of Gowon (and you were there) asking Muritala not to cross the Asaba bridge but he still did and nothing happened?

    That’s why I said he seems to leave you finally to do what you like but you don’t do that as a commander, you take responsibility for what would have happened. Therefore, you have the last say. You can debate, you can discuss but the last thing you are going to do, is what you are going to do. I heard, the moment we got to Asaba, Murtala said we were crossing the bridge. I told him wait a minute, you know I have stomach ulcer. Before we leave Midwest and go to the other side there, I’m going to get to Lagos and see my doctor and collect enough medicine from him before coming. So, he said okay. I could go for five days.

    Now the argument that preceded that was that there was no way we were going to cross. And we made suggestions as to what we should try to plan and see whether it was possible but we thought it was possible to move out of Asaba, leave maybe half a brigade because we didn’t need more than that because the bridge had been broken anyway. The bridge was still intact as at that time but we had intelligence report that it had been mined. So we asked that we could go to Idah, it didn’t matter, we could do it leisurely, even if we had one ferry. We could do it over one month and get our troops across to the other side and then divide the sector into two. We take the right hand one, which would end up in Onitsha ; and Shuwa could keep going to Umuahia. My GOC said, are you really suggesting that I should go and share boundary with that renegade?

    Who is that ?

    Shuwa. They were classmates at Sandhurst; they were my seniors. I spent only one term with them because they were passing out when we got there. I said if you can’t share boundary with Shuwa, who else are you going to share boundary with? He said no don’t give me that, we are going to cross this bridge. I drove back to Lagos and I went straight to Dodan barracks. Gowon was so happy to see me and he said well-done boys. I said but there was trouble. He said what? I said my GOC wants to cross the Niger into Onitsha. I told Gowon we would never get there, since the bridge had been mined. Gowon said, don’t worry, we would stop him. I had spent like three days; then went to Abeokuta to spend one night there with Olu Bajowa, because he had a training depot. So, I went to see what was going on there, to talk about the kind of people they were sending to us. I told him I thought it would be better if we had the permission to extend the training for about one month, since people being sent to the front hardly knew the difference between the gun’s barrel and its butt. I said these people are just coming to die.

    After the night, I drove back to Asaba and I had with me Ike Nwachukwu. The reason was simple: I couldn’t leave him anywhere. He was operation officer but I couldn’t leave him. I didn’t trust that I would find him when I came back. They could probably kill him because he was Igbo. So, every time where I went, I said let’s go. I took him to Lagos, we came back. By the time we came back, the operation had been carried out and the disaster had happened. So, we came to a salvage operation. That same morning we arrived, they had landed at Onitsha and trouble had broken out and they had pushed them back. By the time we arrived in the afternoon, we just met stranglers, fleeing for life. That was the first operation.

    But he insisted we had to repeat the operation. I said well, there are two conditions: you know my brigade, we have served you so well. Virtually we fought 95 percent of the Midwest all the way from Okene to Benin, from Abudu to Asaba. We have three brigades; one had gone and come back. Talk to the other brigade, let him go and do it. I give you one condition if you are able to secure a proper base there, I promise you I will cross the sea with you and that day we will get to Nnewi. The day we cross, we will get to Nnewi before sun down that’s the only thing I can promise. He agreed.

    In the meantime, I added, I wanted to take my brigade back to Iluche. I wanted not just to rest but to do some training, to do some recapping for my officers, and I’d got enough trucks to take them, since you couldn’t train or do anything in Asaba, and I didn’t want my men sitting down idle in the trenches. He agreed. But I asked him about the equipment for the second crossing, so that I could use them in my battalion’s training, cross from Iluche to the other side, and see how adequate they were. But the equipment was so ragged there was no way we could do what we planned. I would get into trouble because the river had so much heavy current, so you needed some powerful boats, which we didn’t have.

    Then the next thing he said Daramola had agreed to do the second operation. I said okay; I had agreed to follow him if he could secure the bridge. That was the agreement. I got my tools ready to follow him just in case, you never know there might be some surprise success. But again, there was defeat, tragedy and confusion. Indeed, one of Daramola’s officers, Bassey Inyang, a signal officer who still had his riffle with him, came out of the canoe that brought him from the front to the bank at Asaba. Bassey, how was it? I asked. Sir, he replied, they were shooting at us! I laughed: you were expecting roses? Even then, he (Murtala) thought of doing the crossing the third time.

    The third time?

    Yes, the third time. But we debated and debated until he abandoned the idea.

    So I came back to Lagos and I said I wasn’t going to serve in Second Division anymore. I told them that despite my alert, they could not stop Murtala from his disastrous crossing. He did it two times and each time we lost officers, good officers. I told them I didn’t want to return to the division.

    Gowon didn’t stop him?

    He didn’t.