Tag: Nigerian governors

  • Controversial LG elections: Are Governors setting standard ahead of 2027

    Controversial LG elections: Are Governors setting standard ahead of 2027

    It is shocking and laughable that ruling parties, which barely secured victories in gubernatorial elections, are now winning local government council elections by landslides.

    In some states, even parties that had never won elections are sweeping council seats, often at the behest of influential governors seeking to undermine their political rivals. As an example, Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State exemplifies how to win elections despite lacking support from traditional power brokers.

    The abuse of local government councils by governors is a pressing concern that threatens the very foundation of our democratic structure. While the federal government ensures timely disbursement of funds to all tiers of government through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), the reality is that many governors exert undue control over local government resources.

    This is particularly evident in the misuse of the State Local Government Joint Accounts (SLGJA), which, though intended to streamline funding, often become instruments of financial manipulation at the state level.

    Recognising that the federal government guarantees each tier of government its statutory allocations, governors have no legitimate reason to deny local councils their rightful share. This was underscored by the landmark Supreme Court ruling on July 11, 2024, which mandated direct federal allocation for elected councils to curb gubernatorial interference in local government finances.

    However, with limited access to local government revenue after the ruling, many governors swiftly orchestrated elections to consolidate control over council positions and finances. The predictable results have seen ruling parties dominate the polls in nearly every state. These so-called “victories” do little to inspire confidence, as the elected officials often act as mere extensions of gubernatorial power.

    The lack of genuine competition is hardly surprising, given that the governor’s appointees manage each State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC). The recent wave of local elections follows a clear pattern: handpicked candidates of the preferred parties consistently win and easily claim the titles of LG chairpersons and councillors through questionable processes, often coordinated behind the scenes by the governors.

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    While one might expect an outcry over the shambolic LG elections, only a few voices have raised concerns. The election observation group Yiaga Africa recently highlighted the troubling development and recommended civic education, genuine competition, and a transparent electoral process. Unfortunately, the entrenched realities make these ideals’ recommendations almost unattainable.

    These actions of some of the governors threaten to undermine the legitimacy of future elections, including gubernatorial and presidential contests. It would not be surprising if President Bola Ahmed Tinubu faced pressure to replicate this manipulative election strategy of governors in the 2027 general elections. The logic is simple: if governors can manipulate elections to their advantage with relative ease, why shouldn’t the president do the same at the national level?

    Sadly, disobedience to court orders and manipulation of local judges are similarly rampant at the state level, rendering adjudications predictable. For instance, some state-controlled courts of justice, which handle local matters—including traditional issues and chieftaincy titles—function as extensions of their governors, lacking genuine impartiality and integrity.

    The stronghold of governors on local governance is unmistakable, surpassing the President’s influence over state administrations as they wield significant control despite judicial efforts to safeguard local autonomy.” Meanwhile, under Tinubu’s federal administration, the Supreme Court has acted as an independent arbiter, often favouring opposition parties.

    For instance, following the last general elections and rulings of tribunals, the apex court upheld the victories of opposition candidates, including Governor Abba Yusuf of the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) in Kano, Governor Caleb Mutfwang of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Plateau, and Governor Alex Otti of the Labour Party (LP) in Abia, among others.

    While the Supreme Court’s mandate for direct funding is a positive step, governors’ continued dominance over local governments is still apparent. Yet, the federal government continues the transparent disbursements of statutory allocations to states without interference. Why can’t state governments reciprocate such by ensuring local governments receive their fair share of internally generated revenue (IGR) without encroaching on their legitimate federal allocations?

    The conduct of governors in a number of states may have set a worrying precedent and cast a doubt over their commitment to fiscal federalism and the principles of local governance.

    I strongly urge the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, and the Finance Minister, Wale Edun, to take decisive action to protect local governments’ administrative and financial rights. They must implement mechanisms to ensure local councils have political autonomy and receive their financial entitlements without the risk of misappropriation by state authorities.

    Local governments must be granted full political and economic autonomy to function effectively as the grassroots arm of governance. The future of our democratic governance hinges on the equitable treatment of all tiers of government, ensuring that local councils can genuinely serve their communities with the resources they rightfully deserve.

    For Nigeria’s democracy to thrive, we must hold local elections to a higher standard. Despite its flaws, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) still performs better than SIECs, whose inefficiency and bias are becoming more apparent.

    The debate over federalism versus centralisation will undoubtedly arise. However, a balance between federal and state powers is essential. If reforming SIECs proves unfeasible, INEC oversight may be necessary to safeguard democratic governance at the local level.

    If citizens remain silent on recent flawed local elections conducted by some state governments, they should equally accept potentially compromised gubernatorial and presidential elections that the federal government could conduct in the future, possibly in 2027. After all, what’s good for the goose is good for the gander.

    Yushau Shuaib is the publisher of PRNigeria & Economic Confidential – Email: yashuaib@yashuaib.com

  • Nigerians deserve more from governors

    Nigerians deserve more from governors

    By Niyi Akinsiju

    There has been a growing concern over the dwindling roles of state governors in the economic affairs of the country since the nation’s return to democracy in 1999. Many of them are on record to have shown limited knowledge of the concept of federalism.

    It appears that this confounding gubernatorial disposition to federalism is consequent upon an outright misunderstanding of the bolts and nuts undergirding the power relationships between the states and the federal government in a federal system or, perhaps, it may be that the state governors have, overtime, decidedly abandoned their roles as enshrined in the constitution in preference for waiting in line for federal government’s largesse.

    Consequently, rather than have scenarios of federating states that are economically self-regenerating and sustainable with implications on the standard of life of citizens living within their respective borders, the Nigerian state is saddled with a collection of dependent states whose only claim to political standing are their constitutional mentions.

    From the analyst standpoint, a large number of the states, overtime, have not had the good fortune of being entrusted to capable, resourceful, policy minded individuals that could have positively impacted the whole gamut of existence of people in the states. This would have saved the nation from the untoward whining of governors elected on the platform of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) that recently made a spectacle of themselves in the public space.

    After a meeting in Abuja, the PDP governors addressed the media on the economic challenges confronting the nation at this time. Typically espousing an abbreviated understanding of the nuances of federalism with intent at manipulating the larger populace’s perception of the current administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the governors declared, rather, in a tongue-in -cheek manner:

    “But at the onset of this administration, we supported the removal of subsidy, we believed that there were safeguards, we believed that if we took collective decisions, we should go by it. But certainly, we have seen that it is a free fall for the naira. The cost of living is going high; we are almost on the road to Venezuela.”

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    The above extraction from the statement of PDP governors merely captures a pedestrian understanding of the place of state governors in a federal structure.

    Petroleum subsidy was a national policy not a federal government policy; that was why payments were deducted from the federation account, not the consolidated account. Federation account receives all accruals on behalf of all tiers of the federating units. It is from the federation account that Federation Account and Allocation Committee (FAAC) shares money to the three tiers of government on the basis of a legislated revenue formula; the federal government takes 52.68%, of distributable revenue while the states as a collective take 26.72% and the Local Government areas shares 20.60%. 

    The PDP governors had also gone on to describe the withdrawal of subsidy and harmonisation of the foreign exchange windows as obnoxious policies. This, in our consideration, smacks of imprudence by governors that refused to acknowledge the exponential increase in revenue they had been sharing from FAAC every month since the application of the twin policies of subsidy removal and exchange rates unification.

    To put this in perspective, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reports that in 2023, state governments got the most cash in FAAC allocations in at least seven years. This was after the petrol subsidy was removed and the currency reform availed a 40 percent increase to the country’s revenue.

     According to the NBS, FAAC shared a total of N16.04 trillion to the three tiers of government in 2023, a 37.3 percent increase from N11.7 trillion in 2022. From this, the states and their Local Governments received a total FAAC allocation of N6.57 trillion, twice the N3.16 trillion they received in 2022. The NBS particularly notes that the amount shared by the federation surged in June 2023 following President Tinubu’s removal of the petrol subsidy and liberalisation of the foreign exchange market.

    However, the increased revenue shared has not reflected in the lives of Nigerians residing in the states. While we acknowledge the feverish efforts being made by the federal government to manage inflation through providing more food and enhancing supply of Dollar to the foreign exchange market, except for Lagos State and a few other states, we have not seen a replication of the federal government’s commitment to assuaging the challenged economic circumstances of citizens at the sub-national level.

    Delta State, a PDP-controlled state received the highest FAAC allocation of N214.74 billion between June and December 2023. Rivers State, another PDP-controlled state followed with N179.81 billion, Akwa Ibom State, yet another state with a PDP governor got the third highest sum of N145.57 billion, and Bayelsa, a PDP state with only eight council areas, received the fourth highest revenue allocation at N128.5 billion.

    Despite this hugely increased revenue, a PCL State Performance Index (PSPI) released by Phillip Consulting Ltd in December 2023 ascribes a poverty rate of 13.10 percent to Delta State as well as an unemployment rate of 31.10 percent and an inflation rate of 24 percent.

    According to the PSPI, Delta State faces significant challenges in the effective management of public institutions, provision of public transportation, and access to potable water.

    While poverty rate is 7.3 percent in Rivers State, its unemployment rate is stated at 41.60 percent and inflation rate at 31 percent.  These figures are way above the national average of 33 percent unemployment rate and the 28.9 percent inflation rate respectively.

    Akwa Ibom, another high earning PDP State has a poverty rate of 22.9 percent, unemployment rate of 51 percent, and inflation rate of 26 percent with Bayelsa State recording poverty rate at 24.3 percent, unemployment rate of 36.7 percent, and inflation rate of 28 percent.

    Other data have shown that most of the states in the federation are ill managed, reflective of the fact that substantial FAAC allocations received by these states have not significantly improved the condition of their residents.

    We further question the basis of the governors’ insinuation that Nigeria is treading the path to the economic situation that had become the lot of Venezuela when, indeed, the policies being deployed by the Tinubu administration are the opposite of the policy undoing of Venezuela.

    The South American country, like ours, used to binge on crude oil revenues by subsidising virtually all basic needs but when oil prices crashed, its economic vertebra couldn’t carry the burden of the weight of the populist- driven subsidies that had inflation rate skyrocketing to nearly 190 percent in December 2023.

    Rather than castigating President Tinubu, he should be commended for the courage of applying policies that will redeem the country from a possible Venezuela scenario.

    Meanwhile, all state governors need to be reminded of their roles as prescribed in various Nigerian laws. To be sure, the management and control of all land in the territory of the federation is vested in the governor of the state who is expected to hold the land in trust for the use and common benefit of the citizens. This duty is conferred on all governors by virtue of Section 1 of the Land Use Act. The clear import of this is that the federal government can only contemplate possible agricultural interventions in states only in active collaboration with the state governors who are the custodians of land. That was why we commended President Tinubu, in an earlier policy statement, for streaming the cultivation of 500,000 hectares of agriculture land in collaboration with the governors.

    We, however, wonder why the governors have not actively employed the land at their disposal for agriculture even if it is to adopt the small holder farming framework as a means of food production and employment?

    Our understanding of the Nigerian circumstances is that for the country to develop and flourish, the states and their local government council components must be transformed into economic facilitators in their respective spheres of influence. It is the aggregation of economically viable sub-nationals that determine the outlook of an economically prosperous country.

    • Chief Akinsiju is chairman, Independent Media and Policy Initiative.