Tag: Nuhu Ribadu

  • The Ribadu debacle

    Have you seen the deceit President Goodluck Jonathan and the PDP have come to personify? Nuhu Ribadu is their latest trophy. They promised him the party’s ticket, and by extension, the Governor’s Lodge. Now they have thoroughly rubbished him, they have exposed Ribadu as an opportunist, how he’ll live with that is left for him to fashion out.

    But one thing is certain, he has been wounded and from now on, very few will attach any importance to whatever he says or does. Anyone investing any trust in the president and his band in the PDP does so at his or her own risk.

    By Simon Oladapo,

    Ogbomoso, Oyo State.

  • Lamido not fit to rule Nigeria – Clark

    Lamido not fit to rule Nigeria – Clark

    The Jigawa State Governor, Alhaji Sule Lamido, has been advised to shelf his presidential ambition because he is not  good enough to succeed President Goodluck Jonathan.

    The Ijaw national leader, Chief Edwin Clark, who stated this on Thursday, also warned the governor to abstain from making further comments against President Jonathan, describing him as a “corrupt public officer.”

    Clark, who spoke at his Kiagbodo country home, Burutu council area of Delta State, also blamed Governor Chibuike Amaechi for the crisis of interest between himself and the President, describing the governor  as a recalcitrant fellow.

    He, however, gave a ray of hope on possible reconciliation between the duo, saying works were on to readopt the governor back into the “fold”, saying “he is one of us.”

    Dismissing Lamido’s presidential ambition as unrealistic, the former federal commissioner described President Jonathan’s re-election bid as a valid ambition, due the people of the Niger Delta.

    “Lamido should not speak, if he has not been enjoying immunity, he should have been arrested for meddling with the funds of Jigawa State with his children. His children stole Jigawa’s money, billions of naira, he’s a signatory to some of those accounts, but because he’s enjoying immunity, nobody has spoken. He’s not the fit and proper person to govern Nigeria.

    “Apart from the fact that Jonathan has another four years, Lamido is not qualified to be president of Nigeria. One, educationally, he is not qualified. Nigeria is made up of very qualified people, let him tell me what his qualifications are. Aminu Kano was the one who brought him up, tell me what his qualifications are to take over from someone who has a PhD, who has been a lecturer, who has been a governor, who has been a deputy governor. The arrogance must stop,” he said.

    Restating his earlier comments on the waiver granted former chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Chief Clark, said the former anti-graft czar is not an asset, but a liability to the ruling party in Adamawa State.

    “Ribadu is not a stable man and I have said it openly at a press conference and an open letter to the national chairman that Ribadu is a political liability, I have said that Ribadu cannot win any election,” he said.

  • Ribadu, Marwa, Gundiri get PDP waiver for Adamawa poll

    Ribadu, Marwa, Gundiri get PDP waiver for Adamawa poll

    The national leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has granted waiver to the former chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu; former Lagos military administrator, Buba Marwa; and a former Adamawa governorship candidate of the Action Congress of Nigeria, Marcus Gundiri.

    This gives them clearance to participate in the party’s primary election slated for September 6. The eventual winner in the primaries will fly the party’s flag in the October 11 governorship election in the state.

    Metuh said: “The National Working Committee of the PDP at the end of its meeting on Friday, August 29, 2014, unanimously cleared all aspirants who expressed interest to contest the October 11 Adamawa State governorship election on the platform of the PDP to participate in the party’s nomination process.

    “After very careful and thorough consideration of all applications and the report of the Alhaji Abubakar Mustapha-led Adamawa State PDP Governorship Waiver Committee, the NWC was satisfied that all the aspirants met the requirements stipulated by the PDP constitution to participate in the process.

    “Consequently, waiver has been granted to Gen. Buba Marwa, Engr. Marcus Gundiri and Mallam Nuhu Ribadu to take part in the exercise.

    “The NWC hereby restates its confidence in the leadership of the National Chairman, Ahmadu Adamu Mu’azu, in providing a level playing ground for all eligible citizens of the state to participate in the democratic process.

    “It assures that the nomination process, including screening of aspirants as well as the primary election will be conducted with utmost transparency and strict adherence to rules and the principles of justice, fairness and equity.

    “Finally, the NWC debunks speculations that its members were divided on the grant of the waiver and reiterates that the decision to open the space for wider participation was unanimously adopted after very extensive deliberations.”

  • Adamawa: Seven aspirants move to stop Ribadu, Marwa, three others

    Adamawa: Seven aspirants move to stop Ribadu, Marwa, three others

    The scramble for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ticket for the October 11 governorship bye-election in Adamawa State has taken a new twist.

    Seven of the 14 aspirants have called for the disqualification of five of their co-aspirants from the race, alleging that they are not members of the PDP.

    The petitioners are – Umar Ardo, Ahmed Gulak, James Barka, Andrawus Sawa, Abubakar Girei, Idi Hong and Awwal Tukur.

    In their petition, dated August 28 and addressed to the leadership of the party, they listed Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Buba Marwa, Mohammed Modibbo, Marcus Gundiri and Aliyu Kama.

    The petitioners stated that the five aspirants are not members of the party and therefore should not be allowed to contest the election.

    They said, “While on personal level we have absolutely no reason to wish to inhibit them from contesting the governorship of our state under the platform of our great party – for they are all eminently qualified.

    “But on the principle of playing a healthy political game, everybody must play according to the rules of the game. On this ground therefore we object to their contest as their participation will be an aberration to the election process. The issues against them are both constitutional and moral.

    “Constitutionally, Mallam Ribadu, Engr. Gundiri and Dr. Modibbo joined the PDP for the first time only recently, while Marwa and Kama returned to the PDP also only recently after earlier defecting from PDP to other political parties.

    “Going by the provisions of Sections 50 (9) and (10) and 8 (b) of the Constitution of the PDP 2012 (as amended), Ribadu, Gundiri and Modibbo are required to sustain continued membership of the PDP for a minimum of two years to be eligible to contest for the post of Governor; while Marwa and Kama remain on probation for at least one year, during which they will not be eligible to vote or be voted for except they are granted waivers as stipulated.

    “Both sides have not met the requirements. The purpose of the waiting period, subject to waiver, is to test the fidelity of persons who have joined or decamped to the party.

    “These provisions are important as they are actually meant to ensure that only credible and loyal members of the party are allowed the benefits and privileges of the party and also to ward off the proclivity of Nigerian politicians to defect from one party to the other at will without consequences.”

  • Don’t grant waiver to Ribadu – Clark

    Don’t grant waiver to Ribadu – Clark

    Prominent Ijaw leader, Chief Edwin Clark, has warned the leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) against granting waivers to the former chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu.

    Already, the party leadership at the national and state levels are divided on the issue.

    The committee put in place by the party to consider the waiver request is expected to present its report later on Thursday

    Clark queried the rationale behind such consideration since Ribadu, according to him, lacks the “political pedigree.”

    He said it would be unacceptable to other aspirants if the committee clear Ribadu who joined the party few weeks ago.

    The former federal commissioner for information who spoke at a press conference in Abuja on Thursday faulted the defection of the former anti-graft czar from the All Progressives Congress to the PDP.

    He said, “How can we so brazenly break our own rules to destabilize our party, if not in a dangerous palace coup in the interests of high-level element within and beyond the party for reasons best known to them? What is this man bringing into the party? His antecedents are many; alas, not clean.

    “My respected, chairman, is this the paperweight politician from Adamawa state, a state which gave the president the highest number of votes, behind Taraba, that is being celebrated as a viable candidate to fly the party’s flag in 2015?

    “A Presidential candidate turned governorship aspirant, being celebrated? And you are from that zone, and should know much more than I do. Why do we seem so unmindful of the collateral damage this abnormal development, its timing and all, would cause the party, in terms of loss of enthusiasm and indeed, membership in massive numbers?

    “Has something gone into our eyes and brains, or we are all locked in voodoo charms of some fifth-columnists working out some wicked, unpatriotic, subterranean agenda, in league without opponents, to undercut the President, the party and nation?

    “Also note that the recrimations over, God forbid, the downfall of the President and the party, will first be visited upon the leadership. Please note that names of possible internal blacklegs are beginning to pop up here and there.”

     

  • Ribadu’s defection and  sameness of political parties

    Ribadu’s defection and sameness of political parties

    On the 2011 presidential election, I voted for Nuhu Ribadu, former Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) boss and candidate of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), even though I knew he could not win. But I felt that more than any other candidate on offer at the time, including Gen Muhammadu Buhari, he was probably the most dynamic, charismatic, modern (both in depth of knowledge and cross-over appeal), and without ethnic, religious or ideological baggage. He in fact did not win, perhaps because everyone, including myself, knew he was young, impulsive, a work in progress, and a little somewhat idealistic, flighty and iconoclastic. Had he won, I would have been willing to offer my services to his government and the country in the assurance that my exertions would be both recognised and valuable.

    I always knew, however, that the young man was capable of curious rashness, not necessarily harmful to the country he so passionately craves to serve, but always counterproductive to the principles and values he wishes to be ennobled by. His defection last week to the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) after many months of speculations is not completely surprising. He was and still is a fine policeman and professional, but many of his admirers would wish him to be better anchored on the principles and values he adores but is unable to put into systematic thought and form. I am nonetheless unable to condemn Mallam Ribadu for the shocking political step he has taken, lured as he was by possible assurances from President Goodluck Jonathan or the PDP leadership to be made the PDP’s standard-bearer in October’s Adamawa governorship election.

    I have absolutely no doubt that should he overcome the stiff internal opposition in the state chapter of the PDP and is elected governor, the state would enjoy far more inspiring and productive leadership than many other states in the country have witnessed since their creation. His stewardship in Adamawa could also prepare him, ceteris paribus, for a shot at the presidency on a fortuitous tomorrow, when he probably would have matured. He would be in the news, and it would be mostly for the right reasons. And when he visits the State House in Abuja or appear at any other national event, he would be the cynosure of all eyes. Who knows, perhaps it was the lure of these possibilities that attracted Mallam Ribadu into taking last week’s fateful step to defect to a party he had consistently excoriated in the most brutal and waspish manner.

    Those who defend his defection, not to say Mallam Ribadu himself, have argued that his defection was not morally offensive, seeing that both the party he left and the one he has just joined have very few distinguishing features or redeeming virtues. In their opinion, the PDP and the All Progressives Congress (APC) are not far apart ideologically, have their fair measure of political follies and foibles, harbour as many political ragamuffins as the other, and subscribe unflatteringly to, or are burdened by, the same political appurtenances such as short-circuited internal democratic practices. Mallam Ribadu himself gave close hints he would be a good governor in the PDP as he would be in the APC had he remained in his former party and became a governor on its platform. I hope they let him become governor, for it is clear he joined the PDP for that reason. If he doesn’t, then he had better go to Siberia, for he would not be able to live down the humiliation.

    However, the view is unfortunately widespread that both the APC and the PDP are virtually the same. This is a heresy promoted by those who still smart over the sanctimonious effusions of self-confessed progressive leaders. In repudiating the view that APC is ideologically different from the PDP, such troubled consciences have argued that there are governors in the PDP that perform as good as, if not better than, some governors in the APC. They also argue that the APC has nearly an equal share of odious personalities as the PDP, a reasoning underscored by the shocking and mortifying defections of personalities like Femi Fani-Kayode and Ali Modu Sheriff into the progressive fold, when in fact there was and still is nothing progressive about the two politicians. More importantly, many leading APC men have also defected to the PDP with so much pianissimo calmness and distinctive élan.

    But perhaps the most vociferous proponents of the PDP/APC sameness theory are leaders of the Southwest factional elite opposed to the APC leadership. They argue, and have convinced themselves and others, that even if the APC is progressive, a fact they now dispute animatedly, it is after all not the only progressive party in the country. In fact, given the loathing which that factional elite nurse against the APC, they are more than prepared to dismiss the party as an impostor deserving of extirpation by the Jonathan forces. Recall that that factional elite lost the power struggle in the Southwest between 2003 and now, and have tried futilely to win back its position, if need be, in alliance with either the most odious characters in the region or the devil himself. The region’s, and by extrapolation, the national ideological conflict between progressivism and conservatism should be contextualised partly within the struggle for power and dominance in the Southwest.

    Mallam Ribadu may therefore have been seduced by the foggy understanding and consideration of ideology in Nigeria’s contemporary politics, a fogginess helped by the blurring of ideological lines in political recruitment and policy enunciation in the Southwest. As Femi Falana argued in an interview published last Friday in The Punch when pressed to explain the APC victory in Osun vis-a-vis the party’s loss in Ekiti, the APC had failed to differentiate itself in the idiosyncratically progressive policies and politics of the Yoruba states as exemplified by the Obafemi Awolowo era. While this is a valid observation, Mr Falana himself recognised that this weakness does not fully account for the sometimes anomalous behaviour of the Southwest electorate, or any other electorate for that matter. It must be recognised that there will never be a time when the parties in Nigerian politics will be so differentiated that it would be a question of evil and good, right and wrong. That belongs to the realm of fiction and, to some extent, theory.

    The fact is that whether we accept it or not, and in spite of the jarring presence of certain personalities in the APC who are at odds with the party’s ideology, the PDP is actually largely and essentially a conservative party. It has retained all the essential elements of conservatism since the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency, and has under Dr Jonathan reinforced that conservatism to the point of being reactionary, if not dangerously fascist. Anyone who can’t appreciate the PDP’s predilection for fascism is either blind or out of his wits. On the whole, however, and though it cannot be affirmed with certainty how it would conduct itself should it form the government at the centre, the APC has proved in the states it governs that it is more democratic politically and more progressive in its developmental imperatives. That it concomitantly and sometimes undesirably imposes less sympathetic tax and other fiscal regimes on the people do not detract from its progressivism, but only speaks to the progressive states’ policy dissonance.

    There may be nothing morally offensive about Mallam Ribadu’s defection, but there is nothing wise in it either. The former EFCC boss was not an ordinary member of the APC. He was the presidential candidate of the party’s precursor, the ACN. At that high level, policy and ideological summersaults are simply intolerable and inexcusable. No one could rise to a level where had he been elected president he would embody all that the party stood for ideationally, culturally, politically and socially, and yet saunter over to the enemy almost casually. By defecting, Mallam Ribadu gives the unsavoury indication he was neither persuaded about what his former party stood for nor convinced enough that the PDP he fought against in 2011 was the weak, banal and implacable organ his former party made it out to be. And though he retains our respect for his person and his ability, his defection nonetheless showed how tentative his principles and values appear to be, and especially that his often impressionable mind still needs a lot of work to refine and solidify it beyond the entrenched casuistry that vitiated his leadership of the EFCC.

  • Resurgence of politics without bitterness, and ideology?

    Resurgence of politics without bitterness, and ideology?

    The facile claim by most politicians in our country that politics is a game of number does not apply to indiscriminate recruitment or admittance of members of ideologically opposed political parties

    As he exits the All Progressives Congress (APC) and migrates to the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Nuhu Ribadu, a one-time fellow at the Centre for Global Development for his reputation as Nigeria’s anti-corruption czar thrown into irrelevance by the same party that appointed him to the country’s anti-corruption agency, re-introduced recently into the polity what Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim of Greater Nigerian People’s Party during the second republic called ‘politics without bitterness.’ In the same breath, Malam Ribadu raised the problem of the scrambling of the culture of progressive politics in the country.

    Ribadu’s commitment to the politics of bitterness is unmistakable in his letter of withdrawal from the party that sponsored him as its presidential candidate in 2011: “My defection shouldn’t be seen as an initiation of political antagonism with my good friends in another party. I still hold them in high esteem, and even where there are marked differences, I believe there are decorous and honourable ways of resolving them.” He also added that there is no desire for any short-term gratification or love of ‘stomach infrastructure’ in his migration from APC to PDP, adding: “I wish to assure you that my defection is in pursuit of a good cause and never out of any selfish interests.”  Ribadu’s assurances should be believable, given the moral high ground that he occupied at the time he was head-hunted to run as ACN presidential candidate at the end of his fellowship at the Centre for Global Development in Washington.

    There will be many more qualified observers of partisan politics to comment on Ribadu’s choice of PDP as a platform for him to pursue his project of good cause. Today’s piece is about how Ribadu’s abrupt exit from APC, which he co-founded with other leaders of the Action Congress of Nigeria, provides  motivation for a narrative about the threat to the tradition of progressive politics in the country’s post-military era. When individuals like Ribadu migrate from APC to PDP and others like Nyako transfer their political seat from PDP to APC, students of political affairs are bound to raise questions about the character of progressive politics and parties.

    To call one party or movement progressive in the context of Nigeria is to recognise the role of ideology in the organisation of the polity and society. In Francis Fukuyama’s “The End of History,” he predicted that the end of the cold war may lead to the end of major ideological conflict in the world at large. However, Fukuyama added that in countries that have not attained liberal democracy as a dominant value, the tendency for conflicts remains until such countries accept the inevitability of liberal democracy. This implies that there will be reasons for creating ideologies in transitional societies like Nigeria until the end of history, if Fukuyama’s theory is accepted as capable of explaining human historical trajectory.

    From the 1950s till date, there has been the imperative for any political party created by the Yoruba to construct a clear ideology that presents its vision and mission statements to the electorate, as a means of mobilising for citizens’ support. Whether it was the Action Group, the Unity Party of Nigeria of Awolowo’s time (with no reference to the use of such names by contemporary politicians), the Social Democratic Party, the Alliance for Democracy, Action Congress, Action Congress of Nigeria, and now the All Progressives Congress, politicians in the Yoruba region have always known that any party that wants to be listened to by the generality of voters in the region must present a progressive face and agenda.

    It was the belief that most Yoruba people are politically ‘to the left of the ideological spectrum’ that also explained why it was the SDP (a little to the left party) out of the two party-structures created by General Babangida that the Yoruba espoused in 1993, leaving the non-threatening number of Yoruba conservatives to NRC. The recognition among a majority of Yoruba people that government exists for the sake of the governed also explained the attraction of Yoruba intellectuals to Aminu Kano’s NEPU or Balarabe Musa’s PRP.

    Now that the country’s presidential system makes it easy for politics of personalities or god-fathers to eclipse that of ideology or of ideas, it is understandable when governors or former governors catch headlines when they migrate out of and into parties whimsically. The fact that political parties no longer scrutinise the ideological leanings or credentials of politicians crossing into their folds should be a source of worry for truly progressive politicians and thinkers. Most of the nomadic politicians that move from one party to the other are more besotted to power than to service to the people. This also explains why most of such politicians have no qualms in moving back to their first political party when their assessment of their new political party changes. To such itinerant politicians, a political party’s normative vision is of no relevance. What matters is the opportunity to use their belonging to or disengaging from political parties as a bargaining chip for power and privilege.

    It is too soon to point at what made Ribadu run from APC to PDP. It is also premature to say that he will not run back to APC from PDP later. What is important is for political parties that are progressive and want to be seen to be progressive not to leave the gate to the party wide open. There needs to be a mechanism within the culture of progressive parties to resist the temptation of being ensnared or seduced by individuals capable largely of generating sound bites and hype. What makes multi-party democracy meaningful is the distinctiveness in the vision and mission of each political party in contest with others for state power, not the readiness of parties to serve as fall-out shelters for members of other political parties.

    What has been obvious in the last fifteen years of post-military governance is the search by the ruling party for a one-party system. The saying that the PDP will be the party in power for the next 65 years is a code to other parties seeking power at all cost and with immediate effect to merge with the ruling party. It is the desire for absolute power that must have pushed the ruling power at the centre to stigmatise opposition political parties periodically as working and talking to undermine the party in power. While it is right and respectable for opposition political parties to resist being swelled by the ruling party, it is a puerile strategy for opposition parties, especially those that carry the image of progressiveness, to open their doors wide for politicians that may have differences other than ideological disagreement with their home parties.

    The facile claim by most politicians in our country that politics is a game of number does not apply to indiscriminate recruitment or admittance of members of ideologically opposed political parties. The game of number principle applies to the electorate. It is the number of voters that political parties can woo to their sides on account of the relevance of their vision and mission statements to the citizenry that matters in a proper democracy, not the number of individuals in office or seeking office who choose to change political parties without any reference to the ideological stance of such parties.

    Just as Malam Ribadu has pledged to avoid any acrimony with members of the APC during his stay in the PDP, so should APC leaders and their image makers refrain from demonising him for what may appear to be political nomadism in a country where whatever goes up politically must always come down.

  • Nuhu Ribadu’s defection: the instructive analogies of Sam Aluko and Nasir El-Rufai

    Nuhu Ribadu’s defection: the instructive analogies of Sam Aluko and Nasir El-Rufai

    Sometime in 1999 (or it may have been early 2000) I got an extraordinary personal note from Chief Ebenezer Babatope (“Ebino Topsy!) who had been Sani Abacha’s Aviation Minister and is now a PDP chieftain, being a member of the ruling party’s Board of Trustees. Before I come to the contents of this note, a few background facts and details are perhaps necessary.

    With many others like Edwin Madunagu, the late M. Agunbiade (“Chairman Mao”), Yemi Adefulu and Dayo Abatan, Babatope and I had been stalwarts and comrades-in-arm in the radical students’ movement in Nigeria when we were undergraduates, he at the University of Lagos and I at the University of Ibadan. A self-declared and militant socialist like most of us, Babatope had also been a diehard supporter of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and was quite easily one of the most indefatigable “Awoists” in our youth. After graduating from Unilag, he went on to become a prolific pamphleteer and essayist whose passion for socialism and Pan Africanism bristled in all his writings. As I recall it now, the bottom line of all his revolutionary writings and activities could be captured in one single slogan: let the revolution come and let it come quickly; it did not matter through which way it came. From this, the reader can deduce why it wa such a surprise to many when Babatope not only agreed to serve in Abacha’s cabinet but actually served him loyally, actively, vociferously. This observation leads directly to the personal note that Babatope sent me in 1999.

    Briefly, the note said please, BJ, don’t judge me on my service to Abacha before you read my new book and we have met to discuss the contents of the book. The note duly asked for the address to which he could mail the book to me and as a matter of fact, I did receive the book. I think between then and now he and I have met only once, but it was such a brief meeting that we didn’t have the opportunity to discuss his book and his experience as one of Abacha’s leftist loyalists. In my memory, the most noteworthy thing, indeed the most sensational thing in the contents of Babatope’s book was the part in which he bitterly asserted that many of those on the Left and among “progressives” who later turned round and vilified him for having served under Sani Abacha had in fact not only initially encouraged him to accept the appointment the dictator gave him but also had personally benefitted a lot from his ministerial job under Abacha. And as if to clinch the point he was trying to make though this allegation, Babatope gave the names of those he could name among such people; where, for one reason or another, he couldn’t or didn’t want to give the names of some particular personalities, he dropped unmistakable hints that let the knowledgeable reader know who they were.

    On the road to Damascus Saul of Tarsus, the persecutor and nemesis of the early Christians, became Paul, the rock who would later serve as the foundation on which early Christianity was built. This is one of the most outstanding moral and spiritual metamorphoses in history. And indeed “on the road to Damascus” has become perhaps the most widely used metaphorical phrase in the English language for a change, a transformation from a lower, evil state to a higher, more beneficent plane of being. But imagine the reversal of this historic, celebrated apotheosis in which on the road to Damascus, Paul became Saul of Tarsus: the hero became the antihero; the revolutionist who formulated new ideas of religious worship and thought became the brute who used violence and repression to squelch new possibilities in human spirituality.

    This, in essence, was the story that Babatope told in the book that he sent to me in 1999. The slight twist in his story was that he was not alone, that other “comrades” masquerading as St. Paul when they were really Saul of Tarsus encouraged him to serve under Abacha. More damningly, Babatope went on to add that in the depth and the secret of the night, these people often came to him for contracts and other forms of largesse. Biodun, do not judge me, Babatope said to me in his note to me in 1999, until you have read my book and found out just how many Sauls of Tarsus there are among those you and I have always thought of as progressives and revolutionaries.

    Now I think that in one way, Babatope was absolutely right in this claim, this plea. In our country, they are literally uncountable, the politicians and activists who at one time or the other were “comrades”, radicals and progressives who have decamped and joined the camp of reactionaries, ethnic jingoists, religious zealots and plain political opportunists. Indeed, so deep and wide is this phenomenon, especially since 1999, that the line has been almost completely obliterated between progressives and reactionaries, between genuinely patriotic democrats and extremely cynical politicians for whom patriotism is no more than a path to unlimited self-enrichment. To use our opening metaphor of “on the road to Damascus”, this means that the line between Paul and Saul has been almost completely obliterated in our country’s political affairs, again especially since 1999. Please note that I said almost completely obliterated because in fact the line still exists because the society is yet to be created in human affairs in which the line between what is right and what is wrong, what is just and what is unjust, what is decent and what is ignoble has been completely wiped out. And that is where Babatope was wrong in his 1999 personal note to me. This observation brings us to the topic of this piece, Nuhu Ribadu’s defection to the PDP. But what does my claim that Babatope was wrong have to do with this topic?

    It is extremely misleading to cast Babatope’s experience in the metaphorical framework of Saul becoming Paul on the road to Damascus. My old friend and comrade, “Ebino Topsy” will have to forgive me for saying this, but for many of us, his decision to serve under Abacha was saddening but it wasn’t that surprising. As a person, Babatope was – and I imagine still is – at heart, a warm, ebullient and caring person. But as an activist, as one who wanted justice, development and dignity for all women and men in our country and our continent, he always tended to place the means far above the ends. Please remember that I said earlier in this piece that if there was one slogan that captured the essence of Babatope’s progressivism it was “let the revolution come and let it come quickly; it did not matter how it came”. For men and women of conscience of this kind, any decision, any action at all can be justified one way or another. At any rate, I think Babatope has completely stopped trying to justify his prominence in the PDP as a way to hasten the revolution to bring better life for all in Nigerian and Africa: the “means” has completely swallowed the “ends”.

    So, as I contemplate the shock with which many in Nigeria this week received the news of Ribadu’s defection to the PDP, it is not to the likes of Babatope’s defection from socialism, Pan Africanism and Awoism to Abacha loyalism and PDP militancy that mind turns. There are thousands of such defections going on all the time in the rot and the decadence of the political order in our country. This is why it is to the far more rare instances when a defection – from Saul to Paul or the reverse and imaginary one of from Paul to Saul – is made by one who is generally recognised as an outstanding public figure or a moral and spiritual touchstone that my mind turns. In this regard, the two instances that readily come to my mind are, one, the case of the late Sam Aluko and his loyal service to Sani Abacha which, to the end of his life he vigorously defended absolutely without any apologies and two, the case of Nasir El Rufai who, from being the most articulate defender of the policies and actions of Obasanjo as President and “statesman” became perhaps his most fiery and unrestrained traducer. I suggest, dear reader, that when you think about Ribadu’s defection to the PDP, it is to the rare kind of defection that we see in Aluko and El Rufai that you should think of rather than the far more commonplace kind of defection that we see in the Babatope case. In concluding this piece, let me give a brief explanation on why I make this suggestion.

    It is very easy and also very tempting to see Ribadu’s defection as belonging to the Babatope type and from this to proceed directly to strong and emotion-laden condemnation. That is the pattern in much of what I have so far read in the reactions to Ribadu’s announcement of his departure from the APC to the PDP. For some people, this may provide some relief, some salve for deeply thwarted moral, emotional and political investment in Ribadu’s past and future career, but it does nothing by way of explanation or understanding. By contrast, when you think of the Aluko and El Rufai cases, you are immediately struck by the impression that there are no simple explanations and that you have to think hard to know what the defection portends for our country and its present circumstances and future prospects.

    Although I think his standing and achievements as an economic thinker were vastly overrated, the late Professor Sam Aluko was without question a towering figure among his generation of Nigerian social scientists. Moreover, he had been highly respected for his application of his intellectualism to public policy by way of advice to many governments. Then came his stint with Abacha which had the added disadvantage of coming near the end of his life. He pronounced Abacha the greatest leader Nigeria had ever had and the man who would finally bring economic development to the country. His reasons for making these assertions were so puerile, so unconvincing that they were an embarrassment to even his supporters. In effect, he became a sadly ridiculous and tragicomic figure, with only the saving grace that he did not seem to have served Abacha for self-enrichment or power lust.

    By contrast, El Rufai has given trenchant critiques of Obasanjo and his administration. The big question he faces is why he was silent on all the policies and activities for which he now berates Obasanjo when he was part of Obasanjo’s inner circle. Unlike Aluko and rather fortunately for him, the future still lies ahead of El Rufai and he will or may have the chance to prove to us and the world the worth of his defection from Obasanjo and the PDP. This also holds true for Ribadu, but in the first month of his defection to the PDP, what we have seen is more like the Aluko pattern: absolutely puerile and meaningless justification of his defection. Like Aluko’s absurd praise for Abacha as the greatest leader that Nigeria ever had, Ribadu this week hailed Jonathan as “a great achiever”. This would have been quite laughable if things were not so dire, so tragic for most of our people under the administration of Jonathan. When Paul becomes Saul, all bets are off, expect the worst but keep hope alive. For the society is yet to be created in human affairs in which the line between right and wrong has been completely wiped out.

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • The trial of Nuhu Ribadu (…and a recant)

    The trial of Nuhu Ribadu (…and a recant)

    I’ll be blunt: this government has not given the former chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, his deserved respect and honour. Regardless of the grouses some of us nursed against his style while he reigned as the czar of the anti-graft body, he remains a distinguished police officer.

    My worry has nothing to do with the politics surrounding last Tuesday’s announcement of his demotion from the rank of an Assistant Inspector General to that of a Deputy Commissioner of Police. It has to do with our queer way of rewarding those who commit their lives to doing that which is right at all times.

    By every standard, Ribadu is not a perfect human being, but he rightly belongs to the category of Nigerians that should be treated with utmost respect. He does not deserve to be nailed on the barn door and left in the sun to dry.

    Somehow, that is exactly what the President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua (as he then was) administration is doing—it is kicking Ribadu in the groin and, at the same time, asking him to ignore the pain. How callous! When, early this year, Azubuike Ishiekwene, Executive Director Publications (as he then was), in The PUNCH stable came out with a book detailing Ribadu’s travails at the hands of the powerful forces attempting to muzzle the anti-corruption campaign and get the lawyer turned crack police officer off the swinging chair of the EFCC, I had dismissed it as a needless cry.

    My argument then was (and still is) that the operations of the EFCC should not be tied to the apron strings of one man. I had also poked fun at those who expressed fears over Ribadu’s selection for a capacity building course at the National Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru, Plateau State. By the way, I still hold firmly to this belief.

    In what has turned out to be a blind trust in the ability of Mr. Yar’Adua to walk his talk about fighting corruption and caging the rampaging wolves in the system, I said it was not only patently disingenuous but also jejune for anybody to “gloat that Ribadu’s nine-month stint at the NIPSS could spell the death knell for the fight against corruption or that it was designed as an exit point for a man who remains a shining symbol of hope in a country where leadership is corrosively corrupt.” Well, I eat my words.

    I was wrong on one point. It is clear to me now that Ribadu’s exit and subsequent humiliation was choreographed from the top and the script handed to hirelings to execute! It is not enough for the Police Service Commission to include 139 other names, including the late Haz Iwendi, a most distinguished gentleman, on the list of demoted officers. And I do not buy the argument that Ribadu was not the target of the exercise.

    It is even curious that the PSC has promised a post-humous elevation for Iwendi after publicly downgrading a man who died in active service and buried with full honours as Commissioner of Police.

    Is the PSC expecting Iwendi’s family to be gratified by the news of a sudden demotion of the rank of its late breadwinner and a ridiculous elevation to a rank that he was last addressed with on earth? It’s a clear case of ripping a man naked in public and covering him with an expensive robe thereafter.

    What a wicked insensitivity! He might have been passionate about his job but, like I once wrote, Nuhu Ribadu overreached himself in many ways just like his bosom friend, Mallam Nasir el-Rufai. That was why I never flinched in condemning him for turning into a monster in an attempt to nail the corrupt elements in the system.

    That mortal affliction reached its zenith when Obasanjo deployed him as his rabid attack dog ferreting for incriminating evidence against former Vice President Atiku Abubakar. He trampled on people’s rights and, occasionally, spoke like the demi-god that had Ribadu’s balls at Aso Rock. That was bad.

    He did many other condemnable things which had been documented. For example, he made a song and dance of the arrest and prosecution of corrupt governors and, in a show of double standard, discreetly withdrew and resold the two hundred million shares his boss’ firm bought in Transcorp.

    He dehumanized notable personalities allegedly involved in corrupt practices and trampled on the rule of law and due process. And he is yet to explain how some known crooks, including close aides to the former president, escaped the searchlight of his agency.

    Today, these persons strut the streets insulting our sensibilities with their sudden wealth. But beyond that, Ribadu is an icon that should not be allowed to be rubbished by cheap politics. He it was who put his precious life on the line, battling the powerful forces that daily raid our collective inheritance with impunity. If he got promoted rapidly in the police force, it wouldn’t be because he influenced such promotions.

    He was simply good at his job and those who demoted him cannot deny that fact. Some of these facts are contained in Azu’s book where he states that: “From 419 kingpins to ‘yahoo’ fraudsters and political bigwigs, and from ranking police officers to retired generals, Ribadu has stepped on many powerful toes. Out of the 400 or more of its cases that are in court, the EFCC has secured over 120 convictions, including that of a former IG and a former state governor.

    The agency has helped to recover over $5 billion in four years.” Azu’s book titled ‘The Trial of Nuhu Ribadu’ which, I must point out, is essentially pro-Ribadu, also reminds us that the former AIG initiated the “investigations that led to the smashing of the Emmanuel Nwude case—the biggest 419 case in history.” And these fine points come to mind each time I think about the sacrilege of last Tuesday by the Mr. Parry Osayande-led PSC.

    The commission’s argument that the advancement of the affected officers violated stipulated criteria simply cannot wash. It is also doubtful if the PSC can push to a logical conclusion its veiled yet silly excuse that Ribadu does not qualify to be selected for accelerated promotion based on its “special” criteria which stipulate, among other things, that the officer must have a record of exceptional performance; must have displayed exceptional act of gallantry and bravery outside the routine police duties.

    The point is simple: if Ribadu’s activities in the EFCC have been found to fall short of the stated criteria, then only someone from outer space stands a chance of getting accelerated promotion in the Nigeria Police Force! The demotion of Ribadu, if I must add, will serve as a major source of de-motivation for younger police officers who once saw him as a hero.

    And I assure you such young officers are many. You can only imagine their collective disappointment with the Nigerian system. It is a big shame that heroes don’t live here anymore. It would have been better if Ribadu had been asked to resign as AIG with full honours and move on to other things if the tin gods that want him out are not up to a needless mischief.

    But because it is a season of long knives out there, common sense has taken a flight and the nation has been, once again, exposed to international ridicule. This is not just about Ribadu. It is about the wrong signal that we may be sending to the international community that, when it comes to fighting corruption, we simply do not have the guts to walk the talk.

    And that is the real shame in all this! And now, August 23, 2014 on Knucklehead… I wonder if I had not made a grave error in placing all my cards on the table and vouching for a man that was merely unfolding in a country in dire search for a true hero. No, this is not just a sudden burst of outrage against Ribadu because he has decided to move to a camp where his bread will surely be buttered.

    Even when he had joined the Action Congress of Nigeria and later emerged the party’s presidential candidate, some of us had wondered if that was not a perfect example of marriage of strange bedfellows. There was just something not right about this man jumping into the murky waters of politics, warts and all. He looked too clean, too decent, too aloof and too urbane for that kind of gang. So we thought. Well, it turned out that we were wrong all the time. Ribadu is right.

    He is, like the rest of us, talking from both sides of the mouth, all noise without rhythm. He must have realised time was running out and he couldn’t beat them. The only available option is to join them. And that was exactly what happened.

    He owes no one, not even himself, any excuse for opting to defect to the Peoples Democratic Party in “pursuit of a good cause and never out of any selfish interests as portrayed by a section.” Just this unsolicited advice for a man who has decided to throw all away on the altar of political expediency: Instead of thanking us, his admirers, for “bearing with me on this decision, and for those who have been in solidarity with my struggles and still giving me the benefits of the doubt, I’m most grateful.

    I’ll never let you down,” he should have simply explained off his fresh romance with those that hounded him into professional and political irrelevance in 2008 on the tested saying that, in politics, there are no permanent enemies but permanent interests. That’s all! It’s not just the new face of politics in Nigeria. It has always been the only face of political prostitution that has left us in a quagmire. There are no heroes. It’s just a jungle of pretenders!

  • Why I joined PDP, by Ribadu

    Why I joined PDP, by Ribadu

    A former Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu has explained why he left the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    He also denied disparaging the APC and Governors Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers) and Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano).

    Ribadu was the presidential candidate of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), one of the parties that fused to form the APC.

    In a letter to APC Chairman in Bako Ward in Adamawa State, he said he would forever be thankful to the opposition party for admitting him into its fold as a member.

    The letter, dated August 14, 2014, reads: “I wish to forward my membership withdrawal with the All Progressives Congress (APC) from this day, Monday, 30th of July 2014.

    “It has indeed been a great pleasure working and being associated with the party, APC. I am forever thankful for all the support accorded me while I was a member.”

    On his Facebook page, Ribadu opened up to his friends on why he joined the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    He also denied insinuations that he attacked APC, Amaechi and Kwankwaso.

    He said: “I know how difficult it may be for you to come to terms with my defection to another party. But I must assure you that it’s a carefully considered decision for which I do not wish to hurt anyone’s feeling.

    “I’ll not embark on a needless animosity with my good friends, irrespective of political, religious and ethnic affiliations.

    “Let me make it known that I did not issue a statement disparaging APC and its members, including Governors Rotimi Amaechi, Kwankwaso…

    “These were clearly fabricated, expected backlash, by mischievous characters interested in misleading the public and drawing a picture of non-existent feuds between me and my good friends.

    “My defection shouldn’t be seen as an initiation of political antagonism with my good friends in another party. I still hold them in high esteem, and even where there are marked differences, I believe there are decorous and honourable ways of resolving them.

    “So, kindly disregard any statement said to be by me attacking the personality of any politician since my defection. I’ll never allow myself to be drawn into such disrespectful exchange.

    “As for my next step in this political struggle, this would be made known in due time.

    “For now, I wish to assure you that my defection is in pursuit of a good cause and never out of any selfish interests as portrayed by a section.

    “Thanks for bearing with me on this decision, and for those who have been in solidarity with my struggles and still giving me the benefits of the doubt, I’m most grateful. I’ll never let you down on this new path. Thank you!”

    Yesterday, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) released the time table and schedule of activities for the Adamawa State governorship by-election.

    The by-election to replace impeached Governor Murtala Nyako has been slated for October 11, in accordance with Section 191(2) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), which states that governorship election shall hold not more than three (3) months from the date of impeachment of a governor.

    According to INEC’s time table and schedule of activities, September 17 is the last day for the submission of nomination forms to the INEC headquarters. September 29 is the  last day for publication of details of candidates.

    Campaigns end on October 9.

    Where the election is unable to produce a winner, a run-off election is slated for seven days after the announcement of the result.

    The last day for submission of Forms CF002, CF001 and nomination forms at the INEC headquarters is September 17. The last day for publication of personal particulars of candidates (CF001) is September 29. Campaign ends on October 9.

    “Should there be any run-off election, it will be held within seven days after    the announcement of the result of the election in accordance with Section 171 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended).”

    As at yesterday, nine aspirants have picked the PDP nomination forms.

    Latest to pick the form is Adamawa State House of Assembly Chief Whip Jerry Kumdisi.