Tag: Obasanjo

  • Now, Saraki squares up to Obasanjo

    Make no mistakes about it; the gloves are off in the National Assembly. The nation’s Senate, especially its embattled President, Bukola Saraki is spoiling for a hard-drawn, bareknuckle fight with former President Olusegun Obasanjo. Perhaps, if the wily old fox had tended to the needs of the assorted commercially lucrative birds in his Ota Farm instead of picking his pen to write mendacious letters to those in positions of authority, maybe the lawmakers would not be roaring for a fight at this critical period of our national life. But because mischief is second nature to Obasanjo coupled with the nagging urge to display his writing skill after obtaining a degree in Religious Studies from the National Open University, we now have a problem to contend with. For a man whose letters made huge impact, both positive and negative in the runoff to last year’s presidential election, it is doubtful if anyone would have succeeded in persuading the Ebora Owu to lay down his poisoned pen and allow Bukola and his gang of lawbreakers to find a way out of the a pervading, nay putrefying, self-inflicted hypocrisy.

    For, if the truth must be told, there are too many hypocrites fronting as the real deal in the nation’s legislative chambers. Recall that, in the not-so-distant past, one of their colleagues had actually wondered how drug peddlers, certified fraudsters, confirmed criminals and petty robbers found their into becoming powerful members of that ‘distinguished’ gathering? In fact, that senator, a former officer of the law, was forced to withdraw the statement. That was even before former state governor, including those facing criminal trials on corrupt practices, started adopting the hallowed chamber as some sort of retirement facility. Today, a big chunk of these characters have become a sickening plague to the system regardless of their pretentious leaning to party affiliations and ideologies if there is any.

    In all honesty and even before Obasanjo puts his pen to paper, many public analysts have warned against the shameless impunity that passes as a norm in the principle of independent lawmaking in Nigeria. Even where public affairs commentators have insisted on the need to conform to the democratic reality of separation of powers, it is obvious that the leadership of the National Assembly stretches its interpretative elasticity beyond common sense. Clearly, the independence of the legislature to make laws for the good governance of the country does not impose on it the right to have a different set of rules on how it runs its affairs. Unfortunately, the shenanigan in which budgetary appropriations for the National Assembly is drawn in bulk without sub-heads has gone on for too long that successive leadership in both chambers now see it more as a right than a clear breach of the law.

    If the lawmakers would, for once, shed the sanctimonious rage and confront the wailing truth in Obasanjo’s insalubrious letter to the two chambers, they would see the sense in his plea that they ought to tread with caution in their focused craving to bask in affluence in an economy that wobbles on crutches. The allegations itemised by the former head of state are just too weighty for any lawmaker worth the thumbprint of the electorate to whimsically brush off as a ‘misplacement of anger’ like Senator Dino Melaye, the official mouthpiece of Saraki, did.

    Now, what exactly did Obasanjo say? In his so long a letter, he surmised their attitude as wasteful, corrupt and insensitive. Like many well-meaning Nigerians, he wondered why the National Assembly budgets billions of naira to buy operational cars for each lawmaker when such issues of cars, housing and welfare are adequately covered in their allowances as approved by the Revenue Mobilisation Fiscal Allocation Commission (RMFAC). “A pool of a few cars for each Chamber will suffice for any Committee Chairman or members for any specific duty. The waste that has gone into cars, furniture, housing renovation in the past was mind-boggling and these were veritable sources of waste and corruption. That was why they were abolished. Bringing them back is inimical to the interest of Nigeria and Nigerians.” He reasoned.

    Okay, I agree that Obasanjo may not be the right person to beat any lawmaker into line. At least, not after Melaye reminded us that the former military head of state ‘introduced corruption’ to otherwise incorruptible lawmakers when he allegedly dashed out N50m per senator and N30m for each House of Representatives member, to actualise the failed third term agenda. Yet, I do not think what his demands are too difficult to meet by an assembly of lawmakers that vowed to do things differently and transparently. What would the National lose if it accedes to Obasanjo’s request that its finances from 1999 to date should be opened for an external auditor to vet? Would the world come to an end if the legislature and the executive genuinely tighten their economic belts in line present realities instead of wasting valuable funds on inanities like Obasanjo suggested? Or would the gathering of distinguished and honourables be ‘mocking democracy’ if they adjust their mentality to attune with “patriotism, commitment and service” to humanity?

    Obviously, the letter failed to reawaken the sensibilities of the lawmakers to the arduous role they need to play in Nigeria’s tortious developmental journey. Instead, it touched the raw scrotum of a vengeful legislature. That is how vengeance threw its hat in the ring for bloodbath with ‘anger.’ Perhaps, not satisfied with Melaye’s initial tame reaction to an ‘angry’ Obasanjo, the Senate President resorted to employing innuendos to forewarn his former boss that he would not hesitate to drag his agbada on the mud. Most newspapers aptly captured that mood when Saraki came out smoking, insisting that the visible rot that permeates the system today is the result of the callous rape of our collective patrimony since 1999. The simple question to ask is: Who was in charge of the country’s fortune in 1999? Hear Saraki: “We have all been here since 1999 up to the recent past when things were not done right. We are all part of it. I was there, you were there; every other political office holder in different capacities was there as well. The response of the 8th National Assembly is that the time for collective participation for the good of all Nigerians is here with us in line with the change mantra of the present administration. We are all on the same page for things to be done differently.”

    In all this, I guess we must give kudos to the 8th National Assembly for the maturity it has displayed so far in spite of the brashness displayed by an angry chicken farmer. Rather than confront him headlong and overheat the polity, the leadership of the Senate has chosen to ignore Baba’s politics of anger and vindictiveness. Instead, they have logged on to his books of many sins and have discovered that he actually superintended over the award of the multi-billion naira Abuja Rail Project in 2007 to a Chinese firm without Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) and design. That was not all. According to Melaye, who is the Chairman of the Senate Committee on the Federal Capital Territory, the contract was also inflated by a whopping $10m per kilometre. As if that was not enough sin to shut Obasanjo’s mouth, the non-vindictive senator the contract was eventually reduced 45 kilometres instead of the initial 60.67 kilometres without a cut in the contact sum. Consequently, Melaye, after making a thorough research and analysis of the figures involved, said the Federal Government should demand a refund of $195.8 from the Chinese firm.

    I still don’t get point the Senate under Saraki is making with this allegation. Obasanjo and Mallam Nasir el-Rufai, who was FCT Minister when the contract was awarded, left office in 2007. If they benefitted from the presumed inflation, then Melaye should avail us the relevant documents of transactions to assure us that it was not a vindictive move spurned by anger over Obasanjo’s diatribe against the lawmakers’ self-centredness and silly greed. Besides, how come the Senate closed its oversight eyes to the criminal act for more than eight years until Obasanjo tasked them on the need put service before pure mercantilism?

    By the way, Saraki needs not recoil into his shell by denying that his statement was not directed at Obasanjo. That stone was meant for one person and the target is wise to decipher the import. Now that Melaye has unleashed the first salvo in what promises to be an interesting boxing match should Obasanjo decide to join them in the ring, one can only hasten to take prime ringside position in a circus game of political chicanery. So, let the fight begin until another circus show dims the popularity of this latest joke!

  • Ekiti tragedy as Obasanjo’s legacy

    The sickening confession by Dr. Tope Aluko that in effecting what he described as a coup against the people of Ekiti, they “went into the election with 1,040 recognised soldiers and another batch of 400 ‘unrecognised soldiers’ brought from Enugu by a serving senator from the South-East;  raised 44 special strike teams brought in (with) Toyota Hilux buses from Abuja and Onitsha and made special stickers for the vehicles that conveyed members of the strike team with  each of them given a black band for identification” was but a confirmation  of the hijacking of our nation by PDP brigands. For 16 years, PDP and its leaders operated with impunity, engaging in war of attrition and assassination of their members over the sharing of offices and our resources.

    Fayose said we should look at the messenger and not the message. But there are compelling reasons to believe Aluko is a witness of truth. First Aluko confessed he and Fayose have been friends for 40 years. The closer we therefore look at these two friends, the more the possibility of agreeing with the saying by our people that ‘‘it’s only a thief who can accurately identify the foot print of another thief on a stone”.  For lying under oath at the tribunal claiming ‘the election was free, fair and credible’, Fayose wants Aluko committed to prison for three years for perjury. That Fayose’s Freudian slip, in itself, is all that is needed to confirm Aluko’s claim that the election was sham. But Fayose himself is no less guilty of perjury according to his political detractors who reminded us he claimed in his nomination form that he had never been indicted by any panel of inquiry. If the Supreme Court ruled he was not properly impeached, that came eight years after the event and long after filling the nomination form.

    There are other compelling reasons why we cannot doubt Aluko’s claim that Fayose, after purchasing his victory in the primary with Jonathan misapplied $2m state funds, went back to tell the president that there was no way he was going to win the election without the use of the military.  Here was an impeached former governor, chased from pillar to post by EFCC for alleged financial and murder charges and who in his own words, “flee (sic) with all (his) property left in the Government House, and taken to court about 59 times aside the 45 days (he) spent in detention”, pitched without an agenda against a performing incumbent few months after losing a senatorial contest. Little wonder, Fayose was to describe his victory “a rare miracle” and his “return to government as not common in history”.

    But Obasanjo is the source of Ekiti people’s nightmare. Precisely because of his contempt for them and their pursuit of academic excellence to advance in the social ladder, Obasanjo who self-conceitedly claimed he achieved on a platter of gold what Awo could not achieve through a life-long struggle, probably saw imposition of Fayose, considered half-literate by his people, a way to humble the Ekitis. In total disrespect of the feelings of the people, Obasanjo also sent Brigadier Olurin his kinsman to supervise the rigging of the 2007 election. The task was made easy with the exploitation of the intra-party feud in ACN by Obasanjo and PDP. Dissident ACN members, misled to believe they were out to prevent Tinubu from cornering the resources of the state  were armed with large sums of money, vehicles, communication and logistics to aid the rigging of the 2007 election later nullified by the courts. By the time Fayemi retrieved his stolen mandate, nearly all the legacies of Awo and his successors had been erased. The state College of Medicine which professors Oyebode and Oyebola tried to nurture had been traded for Fayose’s fraudulent poultry project. Christ School, one of the earliest and best secondary schools in Nigeria secured less than 30%success in WAEC examination. Other public schools suffered worst fate. This is the genesis of the present generation of Fayose’s area boys, ‘okada’ riders and political thugs. After four years of valiant effort by Dr Fayemi to prevent a repeat of the tragedy that befell a whole generation of our children, Dr. Aluko has now confirmed how he along with Fayose and some other Ekiti people colluded with outsiders to sabotage that effort.

    But Obasanjo and not Jonathan, a master of political subterfuge who merely used Fayose to settle scores with his estranged godfather, should be held responsible for the coup staged against our people. He set the precedent during his 2007 ‘do or die’ Ekiti battle and its rerun supervised by another spineless Egba woman. Jonathan alleged commitment of $37m to his own variant of ‘do or die’ 2014 pacification of Ekiti by all means was only an improvement on the unspecified massive deployment of funds through ACN dissidents in 2007. If  Jonathan and PDP subdued Ekiti with 1,040 recognised soldiers and another batch of 400 ‘unrecognised soldiers’ brought from Enugu in addition to  44 special strike teams brought in (with) Toyota Hilux buses from Abuja and Onitsha in 2014, Obasanjo and PDP in 2007 provided ‘security, logistics and communication’ to break the will of Ekiti people.

    Aluko was only confirming what we all heard and saw on national television when he said ‘we used the military to block all routes in the local governments and prevented APC chieftains, including former Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi from coming into Ekiti. So we ensured that no APC chieftain was in sight on Election Day. We provided polling agents for the APC in most of the polling units so we had no problem getting them to sign election results in the units’. It was a known fact that Fayose, Obanikoro, Adesiyan and Chris Uba reduced Ekiti to a conquered territory on Election Day in 2014.

    But as said on these pages two years ago, weep not for Ekiti but for the nation.  Bode Thomas in the fifties canvassed for regionalism in order to save the Yoruba country from the rule of a one-eyed king. The tragedy is that the whole country has been afflicted by a spectre of one-eyed king, a euphemism for incompetent leaders since independence. While the west burned in 1966, Balewa waited patiently for Ahmadu Bello who returned too late from his pilgrimage to Saudi Arabia. The bungling after the failed 1966 coup by ill-equipped Ironsi led to the civil war. The destruction of the bureaucracy and the university, the two major institutions that sustain the survival of society by Murtala Mohammed and Obasanjo who were ill-equipped to manage society is responsible for today’s corruption in the civil service and the collapse of our university system which once ranked with the best in the world. In 1979, Obasanjo who claimed the best didn’t have to win the election supported Shehu Shagari whose only ambition was to become a senator. Shagari smoked away while the economy of the nation was wrecked by his NPN led by Akinloye. We have had an Ibrahim Babangida whose regime Obasanjo dismissed as a government ‘deficit in honour’. Babangida destroyed all our values and institutionalised corruption.   We have had Abacha, a common thief whose obsession seemed to crudely ferry raw cash with boxes from the central bank. We have had Obasanjo, widely regarded and rejected as a one-eyed king by the Yoruba but wildly celebrated by the rest of the country as messiah. His legacy in the last 16 years is the seizure of our country by PDP brigands headed until recently by Goodluck Jonathan, his godson.

    The way forward is restructuring of our multi ethnic and multicultural society so that each group can decide who manages its affairs. Ekiti must be allowed to decide if it wants to be ruled by Fayose, his thugs and ‘okada’ riders just as Delta should be allowed to choose if they want to be ruled by militants led by Government ‘Tompolo’ Ekpemipolo. The beauty of federalism is that it liberates groups and individuals from the tyranny of the state.

  • Obasanjo opens BAT’s  head office

    Obasanjo opens BAT’s head office

    Former President Olusegun Obasanjo has described the commissioning of British American Tobacco Nigeria head office, which is located in Ikoyi, Lagos, as a major milestone and also a testament to government’s efforts geared towards attracting foreign direct investment (FDI). Tracing the return of BAT to Nigeria, which began with the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the government and the company in 2001, Chief Obasanjo said that BAT was among the first companies that heeded his government’s invitation to invest in Nigeria.

    Praising the role of the private sector in economic development and jobs creation yesterday at the commissioning, Chief Obasanjo, who was the chief guest at the event, highlighted the important role that companies such as BAT play in the country. “Almost a decade and a half after the signing of the MOU, we are again at BAT to witness another milestone. I’m particularly delighted because this head office building showcases faith in Nigeria and BAT’s continued investment in Nigeria,” added Chief Obasanjo.

  • I was happy in jail, says Obasanjo

    I was happy in jail, says Obasanjo

    •Three ex-presidents launch world’s ‘biggest’ bible

    Former President  Olusegun Obasanjo yesterday said he was happy during his imprisonment in a Yola jail from 1995 till 1998 by the late Head of State, General Sani Abacha.

    Obasanjo spoke at the launch of a bible said to be the world’s biggest, during the 50th anniversary of the Bible Society of Nigeria (BSN) at the MUSON Centre, Lagos, yesterday afternoon.

    The retired Army General and BSN patron, presented the bible with other BSN patrons and former Head of State, Dr. Yakubu Gowon; former Interim Head of State, Chief Ernest Shonekan; former Commonwealth Secretary-General, Chief Emeka Anyaoku; and Chairman, Fidson Healthcare Plc, Elder Felix Ohiwerei.

    Delivering the BSN’s annual lecture, entitled: ‘Man in pursuit of happiness’, Obasanjo said: “When I was in prison, I had joy. I was always bubbly, teaching and preaching to other prisoners.

    “It was because of the joy I had found in God, although it can be said to be abnormal that one is in prison and is happy.”

    Obasanjo was sentenced to life imprisonment for alleged  coup plot but he protested his innocence yesterday.

    “I was put in jail, even though I didn’t deserve it,” he said, adding that while in prison, he became a born-again Christian.

    Gen. Gowon and Chief Shonekan thanked the BSN for appointing them as patrons and urged the society to continue its good work.

    The Society launched the bible, titled ‘Legacy Bible’ to mark its Golden Jubilee.

    The Legacy Bible comes in five parallel Nigerian languages; Efik, Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo and English. With a genuine leather cover and specially-made bamboo case, it is expected to last for 500 years.

    Only 500 of the bible are in print and each costs N150,000.

  • I was happy in Abacha’s jail – Obasanjo

    I was happy in Abacha’s jail – Obasanjo

    Former president Olusegun Obasanjo on Monday declared that he was happy during his incarceration  in Yola prison.

    Obasanjo was sentenced to life imprisonment in 1985 after he was convicted for his involvement in the plot to overthrow the late Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha.

    He spoke at the 50th anniversary of the Bible Society of Nigeria held at the Muson Centre,Onikan,  Lagos.

    He presented a bible, regarded as world’s biggest, alongside other BSN patrons which included former Head of State, Yakubu Gowon; former Head of the Interim National Government, Chief Ernest Shonekan; former Commonwealth Secretary-General, Chief Emeka Anyaoku and Chairman, Fidson Healthcare Plc, Elder Felix Ohiwerei.

    Delivering the BSN’s annual lecture titled: “Man in pursuit of happiness,” Obasanjo said, “When I was in prison, I had joy. I was always bubbly, teaching and preaching to other prisoners.

    “It was because of the joy I had found in God, although it can be said to be abnormal that one is in prison and is happy.”

    “I was put in jail, even though I didn’t deserve it.”

    Gowon and Shonekan thanked the BSN for appointing them as patrons and urged the society to continue its good work.

     

  • Obasanjo back on familiar terrain

    Obasanjo back on familiar terrain

    Former President Olusegun Obasanjo is a complex person. He never shies away from controversy. He has continued to live up to his reputation as a controversial, unpredictable, but courageous individual. In recent weeks, Obasanjo has returned to his familiar turf, writes Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI. 

    Former President Olusegun Obasanjo is back to familiar terrain. In one week, the former President has lambasted some state governors for living like emperors while demanding sacrifice from the citizens for the country to survive the hard times. Obasanjo, who spoke at the inaugural conference of the Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy, held at the University of Ibadan, Ibadan (UI), Oyo State, said Nigeria is a country where some governors have become sole administrators, acting like emperors and have thereby rendered public institutions irrelevant and useless.

    This is coming less than a week after he wrote Senate President Bukola Saraki and Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara, accusing lawmakers of corruption, greed, lawlessness and impunity. In the letter, Obasanjo accused the leadership of the National Assembly of not being sensitive to the economic plight of Nigeria by planning to buy cars for themselves. He accused the lawmakers of fixing and earning salaries and allowances far above what the Revenue Mobilisation and Fiscal Commission approved for them. He also alleged that most of the 109 senators and 369 members of the House of Representatives were receiving constituency allowances without maintaining constituency offices as the law requires of them.

    Love him or hate him, Obasanjo has become a consistent critic of successive administrations since he voluntarily relinquished power to civilians after his first coming as a military dictator. One may not always agree with Baba, as he is fondly addressed by Nigerians, but when he talks, everyone listens. Since he left office in 1979, he has never failed in criticising his successors and predecessors, especially on national unity. He obviously enjoys doing so.

    Having ruled Nigeria three times, once as a military dictator and for two terms as an elected leader, Obasanjo has become a strong factor to reckon with in the country’s polity. In his letter to Saraki and Dogara, he indicated that when he became President in 1999, he had set up structures, such as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), in recognition of the fact that corruption is a major impediment to the economy. He added that after he left, corruption returned to Nigeria with vengeance, draining billions of dollars from the economy that could hardly afford to lose even a million dollars.

    The accusation against lawmakers did not go down well with them and other stakeholders. At the risk of being labelled as not being in sync with the current anti-corruption war, some stakeholders have dismissed the former President’s comments. Chairman Senate Committee on Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Senator Dino Melaye, said the former President’s anger was misplaced. He said: “The letter, I can see, is a misplacement of anger. Our leader is mistaking the 8th National Assembly as the same Senate that defrauded him in 2007; those who collected his money and refused to implement the 3rd term agenda.”

    The spokesman of the House of Representatives, Hon. Abdulrazak Namdas, also dismissed Obasanjo’s letter as one meant for the lawmakers who served while he was the president between 1999 and 2007.

    Some say the recent outbursts are the former President’s way of identifying with President Buhari’s anti-corruption war. Critics say that over the years, he has been playing the ostrich by being consistently vocal in his condemnation of people in the corridors of power. Yet, under his watch the country did not fare differently.

    The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) took to Twitter to slam the former President for berating the National Assembly, led by Saraki and Dogara. It asked Obasanjo to apologise for trying to use money to buy third term. It said: “It’s good that Obasanjo wants the National Assembly to stop waste. He should apologise for using #GhanaMustGo to try to buy 3rd term.” It added: “President Obasanjo should take personal responsibility for transactionalising the business of the National Assembly and corrupting legislative affairs.”

    In his reaction, the Deputy National Publicity Secretary, Comrade Timi Frank, advised President Buhari to be wary of Obasanjo because no one is sure what he is after this time. Frank described Obasanjo’s accusations as: “sweeping generalisations – without supplying concrete evidence that could lead to prosecution of those found to have abused their offices in the manner they want everybody to believe.”

    Obasanjo is a complex and difficult person to understand. Over the years, he has continued to live up to his reputation as a controversial, unpredictable, but courageous individual. After he fell out with his former protégé, Dr. Jonathan, Obasanjo launched a series of public attacks on him, including a widely-publicised open letter, where he accused the former President of failing to deal with corruption, piracy, kidnapping and oil theft. In the 18-page letter, he stated: “I want nothing from you personally except that you should run the affairs of Nigeria not only to make Nigeria good, but to make Nigeria great for which I have always pleaded with you and I will always do so. And it is yet to be done for most Nigerians to see.”

    Before the election, in mid-February last year, Obasanjo who was an elected leader between 1999 and 2007 publicly tore up his PDP membership card and refused to back Jonathan’s re-election campaign, despite helping his initial rise to the top job.

    But, critics say he should have utilized his well-known single-mindedness of purpose in pursuit of desired goals to lay a solid foundation for democracy, as an elected leader. But, according to such critics, he used same to enthrone imposition and lack of internal democracy in the former ruling party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He engineered the emergence of his successor, the late Umaru Yar’Adua, who was paired with Jonathan to pave the way for the emergence of the latter in the corridors of power.

    Immediately Buhari was announced the winner of the March 28 presidential election,  Obasanjo wrote him, a move that was interpreted as a sign that he is available to help the incoming leader. The letter read in part: “I am sure there are men and women of goodwill, character and virtue… that you can mobilise to join hands with you in the reform, repairs and re-direction that will be imperative to put Nigeria back on fast lane.

    “With so much harm already done to many national institutions, including the military, which proudly nurtured you and me, you will have a lot to do on institution reform.”

    It is on record that Obasanjo bared his mind to almost all his predecessors, warning against destructive trends and events in a country he fought to unite during the civil war. Aside from letter writing, he also capitalises on public lectures and conferences to make his views known. A common trend that runs across his attacks on his predecessors is that something terrible happened to almost all of the regimes soon after he criticised them.

    Obasanjo’s international image soared in 1987 when he indicted the military administration of Ibrahim Babangida of implementing a structural adjustment programme that lacks a human face.

    He did not spare the military administration of Buhari, who was in power before Babangida. At a lecture he gave to the Agriculture Society in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, in August 1985, Obasanjo had criticised Buhari for allegedly running what he called “tilted federalism.” Obasanjo was reported to have sent an advanced copy of the lecture to Buhari. Later that same month, the Buhari regime was sacked in a palace coup led by Ibrahim Babangida, the then Chief of Army Staff.

    The contraption called Interim National Government (ING), headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan, did not last long enough to attract Obasanjo’s criticism. It lasted 82 days between August and November, 1993.

    Gen. Sani Abacha, who shoved Shonekan aside in a bloodless palace coup, did not escape Obasanjo’s criticism. In 1994, at a lecture organised by Arewa House in Kaduna, Obasanjo sternly criticised the administration, which assumed office in November of the previous year, of lacking in credibility and moral fibre. He also accused the administration of habouring dark design to perpetuate itself in power and blamed Mr. Babangida for Mr. Abacha’s ascension to power. He said: “General Babangida is the main architect of the state in which the nation finds itself today and General Sani was his eminent disciple, faithful supporter and beneficiary.”

    Subsequently, the late Abacha was not comfortable seeing Obasanjo moving as a free man; he had him incarcerated on trumped up charges of complicity in the 1995 phantom coup. Abacha was not comfortable because of his self-succession plan. The taciturn general not only imprisoned Obasanjo, he also tamed other critics, including Obasanjo’s erstwhile deputy, Shehu Musa Yar’Adua. Abacha considered the latter’s political activities as a threat to his own self-succession agenda. Yar’Adua later died in prison, while Obasanjo did not regain his freedom until the emergence of the Abdulsalami Abubakar.

    Born on March 5, 1937, his full names are Olusegun Mathew Okikiola Aremu Obasanjo. At the age of 21, he enlisted in the Nigerian Army in 1958. He attended the six-month Short Service Commission training at Mons Officer Cadet School in Aldershot in England and was thereafter commissioned as an officer in the Nigerian Army. He was also trained in India at the Defence Services Staff College, Wellington and at the Indian Army School of Engineering.

    Although he did not participate in the military coup of July 29, 1975, led by Murtala Mohammed, he supported it and was named Murtala’s deputy in the new government. On February 13, 1976, coup plotters, led by Army Col. Buka Suka Dimka, marked him, Murtala and other senior military personnel for assassination. While Murtala was killed during the attempted coup, Obasanjo escaped death. The low profile security policy adopted by Murtala had allowed the plotters easy access to their targets. The coup was foiled because the plotters missed Obasanjo and General Theophilus Danjuma, chief of army staff and de facto number three man in the country.

    Obasanjo is a statesman and diplomat respected internationally. He has the distinction of being the first military ruler in Nigeria to hand over power to a democratically-elected government. He served the country as a democratically elected President from May 29, 1999 to May 29, 2007 on the platform of the PDP. In 2006 he came under domestic and international criticism for attempting to amend the constitution to allow him to stand for a third term as president; the proposed amendment was rejected by the Senate later that year.

  • Chibok schoolgirls gone forever, says Obasanjo

    Chibok schoolgirls gone forever, says Obasanjo

    •Says Soyinka cannot be trusted

    It is too late to bring back the over 200 abducted Chibok girls, former President Olusegun Obasanjo declared yesterday.

    He stated that any of the nation’s leaders promising the return of the teenage girls is simply lying.

    Obasanjo spoke at an interactive programme of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife Staff Club tagged Reflections of an elder statesman: An evening with OBJ.

    He declared emphatically that searching for the Chibok girls will amount to an effort in futility because “nobody can bring back the girls for they are nowhere to be found.”

    According to him: “So if any leader is promising to bring back Chibok girls, he is lying. Majority of these girls would have died, while those alive would have married, sexual violence and human traffic would have affected others.

    “Nigerian leaders should stop deceiving the populace as Chibok girls cannot return again.

    “The disappearance of the Chibok girls is as a result of non challant attitude of the previous leaders who did not swing to action immediately, which constituted impediment to their return.

    “72 hours after the Chibok girls were adopted was too late for their rescue, talk less getting to two years by April.”

    On his celebrated ongoing feud with Nobel Laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka, the former president, said the acclaimed writer cannot be trusted.

    He said: “I will trust Wole Soyinka as an “aparo hunter” (partridge hunter) than trusting him as a political analyst. I have no issue with him.”

    On why he refused as President to release fund appropriated by the National Assembly for its members, Obasanjo said: “You don’t know so many things that transpired during my administration. So many things were not resolved, so don’t attack my intelligence and personality.”

    On the fate of political Science graduates in mainstream politics, the former President advised them not to rely on godfatherism but work hard to gain grounds.

    He said he did not have any godfather, maintaining that politicians get “their hands dirty and their feet wet” before major opportunities come their ways in politics.

    “You have to get your hands dirty and your feet wet in politics before you can make it. So, I admonish you (students) to work hard in order to gain ground and not rely on godfatherism because I never had any godfather,” he said.

    Obasanjo, who commended President Muhammadu Buhari for fighting corruption, charged Nigerians to support him to succeed.

  • Obasanjo prostrates for Ooni

    Obasanjo prostrates for Ooni

    •Says: ‘He’s my father, father of Yoruba’

    Former President, Olusegun Obasanjo yesterday prostrated for the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, the Ojaja II, when he paid homage to him in his palace.

    He described Oba Ogunwusi as his father and father of the Yoruba people, saying he was pleased that Ife people did not pick a wrong person to occupy the throne.

    Obasanjo won the admiration of those present when, in his agbada, he prostrated for the Ooni.

    He prostrated twice: when he arrived the palace and when he was leaving.

    He said it was an honour for the Ooni to pay a visit to anybody, advising those Oba Ogunwusi had visited to reciprocate the gesture by supporting him in his effort to bring unity to Yoruba race.

    He said those singing ‘Owu Lakokoda’ should stop and not sing it again, especially at the Ooni’s palace, because Ife is the cradle  of humanity.

    The former president, who expressed support for the unity move by the Ooni of Ife, explained that the move by the Ooni was important for the progress of Yorubaland.

    The former president urged the Ooni not to relent in ensuring unity among the Yoruba, adding that Ife remained the source of Yorubaland.

    He said: “I commend the role of Ooni in ensuring peace in Yorubaland. Continue what you are doing, especially your unity course. I am happy with the move taken so far.

    “It is only a sign of honour for the Ooni to visit anyone. That does not stop Ile-Ife from its position in the history of Yorubaland.”

    Obasanjo, who prayed for the progress of Ife and Yorubaland, apologised for not being present at the Ooni’s coronation.

    Responding, the Ooni expressed appreciation of the former president’s visit.

    The Ooni described Obasanjo as a prominent leader in Africa, saying: “He loves Yoruba culture and had been promoting it.”

    The Ooni had been visited by many Yoruba monarchs, including the Alafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, the Awujale of Ijebu-Ode, Oba Sikiru Adetona, to encourage unity in Yorubaland.

    Dignitaries present during Obasajo’s visit included Dr Femi Okunnu, Femi Majekodunmi, Chief Oyewole Faseye, Chief Abiola Ogundokun, Ayo Balogun, and a host of others.

  • Obasanjo and his PDP children

    Once again, Obasanjo did what he does best. Adorning a toga of the conscience of the nation, he embarked on a crusade on her behalf. In a  letter dated January 13, he wanted  Bukola Saraki  the Senate President and his counterpart in the Lower House to look into  ‘the mind-boggling expenditure going into cars, furniture, housing renovation which he said were ‘veritable sources of waste and corruption’; the ‘different disingenuous ways and devices the legislature employed to overturn the recommendation of the RMAFC in order to hike up for themselves that which they are unwilling to spell out in detail’; and challenged them to “have the courage to publish its recurrent budgets for the years 2000, 2005, 2010 and 2015 to enable comparisons made between their emoluments and those of their counterparts in Ghana, Kenya, Senegal and even Malaysia and Indonesia who are richer and more developed than we are.

    Many have wondered what qualified Obasanjo for this periodic crusade which he first embarked upon shortly after handing over power voluntarily to Shehu Shagari in 1979. Fate ceded that role to Obasanjo.  For instance others fought the civil war, he took the glory. The assassination of Murtala Mohammed in 1976 threw him up. He faithfully implemented the transition programme and thereafter became a respected international statesman. He was to later exercise tremendous influence on the administrations of Shehu Shagari, Ibrahim Babangida and General Abacha who sent him to Gashua prison.

    Our country is also unique in many respects. Nigeria is the only known federation where you could become an elected president twice without being sponsored by any of the federating building blocks. With such a feat, akin only to climbing the palm tree from the top, leaders like Obasanjo can, in defiance of all known sociological state model builders’ postulations that a man is first a product of a family before becoming a member of a group, believe he can indeed climb the palm tree from the top by being a Nigerian first and Yoruba as an afterthought. Obasanjo probably actually believes he is ‘Mr. Nigeria’. Not his wife’s book that detailed his humble beginning or his dearest daughter, Iyabo’s public chastisement about thinking he owns Nigeria could cure him of the illusion that without Obasanjo, there will be no Nigeria.

    And by virtue of being PDP leader in and out of office since 1999,  Obasanjo can lay claim to the title of ‘ father of all the corrupt elements that have held our nation to ransom since 1999’. After all, the 22 elected PDP governors in 1999 out of which 17 were indicted for corruption by 2008, all the successive PDP chairmen, senate presidents and speakers of the lower house  between 1999 and 2015 address Obasanjo as ‘Baba’. Of course Saraki and Dogara of the Senate and the House of Assembly are Obasanjo’s PDP grandchildren. His house was Saraki’s first port of call after trading off the victory of his party in order to usurp the senate presidency.

    Obasanjo, knows Saraki the target of his crusade this time around like the palm of his hands in the same manner he knows his other illustrious, some will say notorious, children such as Diepreye Alamieseigha, Odili, Ibori, Igbinedion, Okupe, Fayose, Daniel, Jolly Nyame, Joshua Dariye,  Boni Haruna, Mu’ azu, Chris Uba who locked up governor Chris Ngige, like a common criminal over the sharing of confiscated Anambra government funds and ex-president Jonathan who says stealing was not corruption. But does Obasanjo expect Saraki to give what he has not got?

    Well, Saraki also seems to know his father and how to massage his ego.  Like a son who knows how to manipulate his father, Saraki praised President Obasanjo ‘for his consistent role in always reminding those of us in government about our responsibilities to the general public and offering timely advice where necessary’. He was however silent on his father’s accusation of  massive corruption, greed, impunity and lawlessness at the National Assembly  as well as his claim that most members of the 469-member assembly were receiving constituency allowances without maintaining constituency offices as the law requires of them.  Saraki then went on to speak vaguely about the senate’s commitment ‘to good governance, transparency, accountability, due process and responsiveness to the economic reality of our nation’.

    On his part, Dino Melaye’s reaction to Obasanjo’s letter seems to reflect his special endowment-capacity to play the clown and the reflective. Unfortunately most people who watch his theatrics on television trying to justify abandoning his senate duties to accompany Toyin Saraki to EFCC’s office or to justify his role in the invasion of CCT along with 84 senators during the senate president’s arraignment for false declaration of assets will most likely associate him with the former. Few remember Melaye had the presence of mind during the obscene N8.64b National Assembly wardrobe allowance controversy to tell his colleagues ‘they cannot be talking about change and this kind of money in this country now when people are hungry.’

    But tragically, following Obasanjo’s warning that ‘‘it will not only be insensitive but callously so for leaders, who call for sacrifice from the citizenry to live in obscene opulence’, the same Senator Melaye, like a clown comically says: ‘Our leader has mistaken the 8th National Assembly as the same National Assembly that defrauded him in 2007; that is those who collected his money and refused to implement the third term agenda… I appeal to Baba that we are not the ones please. After nine years of that bribery saga, the first of its kind, I expect forgiveness to have taken place”. He also said: “There was the case of bribery introduced by the Obasanjo regime in the desperate attempt to remove Speaker Ghali Umar Na’Abba from office then. In fact, there was an open display of that bribery money on the floor of the House”. Concluding, Melaye asks; “I hope this is not in an attempt to cover up and distract attention from the Halliburton and Siemens corruption allegations?’’ But if one may ask the irrepressible Melaye, what has this clowning got to do with the massive corruption Obasanjo claims is going in the National Assembly?

    The truth however is that slippery Saraki, clowning Dino Melaye along with cunning Obasanjo, their father, are all parts of the problem and can therefore not be parts of the solution. The challenge before our nation is how to move beyond the baleful legacies of Obasanjo and those of his PDP children that breed nothing but corruption.

    The starting point is for APC oligarchy to take control of their party and use it as weapon for development as has been done in all developed democracies. Nigerians voted for APC because it promises change. Their job will be made easier if they allow all the senators that do not share their party’s world-view to join PDP.

    Now with the success recorded with the card readers, politicians now know Nigerians don’t actually suffer from collective amnesia as they had made us to believe. Those greedy clowning senators who want Nigeria taxpayers to cough out N8.64b as wardrobe allowance and the Saraki ‘like mind’ senators who think Saraki as number three citizen of the country owes Nigeria no explanation as to the source of the massive wealth he allegedly amassed between 1990 and 2009 should be given a choice to re-join PDP and await the verdict of voters in 2019.