Tag: Ogoni Nine

  • Inclusive democracy and the metaphor in pardon for Ogoni Nine

    Inclusive democracy and the metaphor in pardon for Ogoni Nine

    In a week shaped by reflection, celebration, and landmark decisions, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s maiden State of the Nation address on Democracy Day 2025 will be remembered not just for its innovation in form, but more so for its courage in substance. In one sweeping moment of presidential clarity and moral restitution, Tinubu granted a long-awaited presidential pardon to the Ogoni Nine — a group of environmental justice activists executed in 1995 — and conferred national honours on them, effectively rewriting a painful chapter of Nigeria’s history with compassion and bold leadership.

    Delivered before a joint session of the National Assembly, the address — a first of its kind — marked a significant departure from the customary early morning broadcast Nigerians have grown used to on June 12. Drawing on the traditions of American democracy, Tinubu instead chose to face lawmakers directly, with a live broadcast that conveyed not just the President’s agenda, but his tone, his emotion, and his message of unity in clear and undiluted terms.

    But the speech’s highlight, the “icing on the cake,” as many have since called it, was the full pardon granted posthumously to Ken Saro-Wiwa and his eight colleagues — Saturday Dobee, Nordu Eawo, Daniel Gbooko, Paul Levera, Felix Nuate, Baribor Bera, Barinem Kiobel, and John Kpuine. For the Ogoni people, the Niger Delta and indeed for Nigeria, it was more than a symbolic gesture; it was the long-delayed recognition of an injustice endured, a legacy restored, and an unmistakable step towards national reconciliation.

    The Ogoni Nine were executed on November 10, 1995, by the military junta of General Sani Abacha, following a controversial tribunal that convicted them of involvement in the murder of four Ogoni chiefs. That trial and its outcome were universally condemned — from global statesmen like Nelson Mandela and Bill Clinton to institutions such as the United Nations — all of whom called for clemency and due process.

    Ken Saro-Wiwa, the most prominent of the nine, had become the face of Nigeria’s grassroots environmental struggle. His leadership of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) brought global attention to the devastation wrought on Ogoniland by oil exploration and corporate neglect. Their execution was not merely a miscarriage of justice, but a scar on Nigeria’s conscience — a chilling reminder of the price of activism under tyranny.

    President Tinubu’s pardon does not erase the past. But it does bring overdue moral clarity. In conferring national honours — a Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON) for Saro-Wiwa and Officers of the Order of the Niger (OON) for the others — Tinubu elevated them from condemned men to national heroes. It was, in his own words, “an exercise of the prerogative of mercy,” but even more than that, it was a statement of the values his administration seeks to uphold: inclusivity, justice, and historical redress.

    In granting this pardon on Democracy Day — the very day set aside to honour the pro-democracy martyrs of the 1990s, symbols of which late Chief M.K.O. Abiola and his assassinated wife, Kudirat Abiola, were — Tinubu was deliberate. He was connecting the Ogoni cause to the broader Nigerian struggle for justice, equity, and democratic accountability.

    It was not lost on many that Ogoni leaders have, for decades, approached successive administrations with appeals for this very moment. But Tinubu, who himself bears scars from that era of dictatorship and led from the frontlines in the 1990s resistance, chose not just to listen but to act. His pardon and honours conferment were more than executive acts — they were reconciliatory moves signalling that no part of the country, no matter how geographically small or politically marginalised, is forgotten in his vision of a united Nigeria.

    That vision was further reinforced when the President made it clear during the same address that there is no intention under his leadership to transform Nigeria into a one-party state. In recent weeks, the ruling APC has welcomed a wave of defections from other parties, prompting unease from opposition quarters. But Tinubu’s words were unequivocal: “At no time in the past, nor any instance in the present, and at no future juncture shall I view the notion of a one-party state as good for Nigeria.”

    It was a sharp but necessary rebuke, one drawn from personal experience. Tinubu reminded the nation that in 2003, he was the lone progressive governor standing in the South-West, refusing to be swallowed by the then-dominant PDP machine. That commitment to political plurality, he assured Nigerians, remains unchanged.

    Read Also: Tinubu affirms commitment to multi-party democracy

    President Tinubu’s speech was not only backward-looking. It was also rich in policy direction and national optimism. He announced the expansion of consumer credit to 400,000 youths and NYSC members through CREDICORP, aiming to empower young Nigerians economically. He celebrated record GDP growth — 4.6% in the last quarter of 2024 — and a gradually stabilising macroeconomic environment. He spoke of food sovereignty, industrial transformation, and the digital revolution powered by fibre optic infrastructure now rolling out across the country.

    But these gains, he noted, mean little without justice, without healing, and without embracing the pain points of the past — such as the one carried by the Ogoni people for 29 years.

    That is why the Ogoni Nine pardon and honouring was so powerful. It captured the spirit of June 12 — the spirit of democracy that fights to be inclusive, that acknowledges mistakes, and that dares to do right even when it takes decades.

    Of course, some critics may say the gesture was political — timed for maximal impact, or designed to court sympathy from the South-South. But that argument ignores both context and intent. For years, the Ogoni cause has been a thorn in the side of every administration. Symbolic promises were made, but no president — not Obasanjo, not Yar’Adua, not Jonathan, not Buhari — had taken the decisive step of issuing a full pardon and backing it with national honours.

    Although in 2001 the then President Obasanjo, during a speech in Ogoniland, announced an intention to grant a presidential pardon. It never materialised. Also in 2021, former President Buhari suggested a possible posthumous state pardon during a meeting with Ogoni leaders at the State House and described the executions as unfortunate. The administration failed to issue the pardon. 

    Tinubu did. And he did so in a forum where all political persuasions were present, under the klieg lights of national television, not in a closed-door ceremony. That matters. That transparency is part of the message.

    By tying this unprecedented gesture to June 12, President Tinubu reaffirmed the essence of the date. Democracy is not just a milestone to be celebrated annually. It is a responsibility to be shouldered daily. It means recognising that justice delayed is not justice denied — but justice must come eventually. It means redressing wrongs, not to open old wounds, but to heal them.

    And for the Ogoni people — for whom November 10 has always been a day of mourning — this year’s June 12 became a day of recognition. A day when their sons were no longer remembered as criminals, but as citizens whose love for their land and rights led them to martyrdom.

    From Forgiveness in Lagos to Infrastructural Revival in Abuja

    Although the President’s riveting Democracy Day address inevitably dominated national discourse in the past week, the build-up to June 12 itself was packed with telling moments of leadership, reconciliation, and renewed infrastructural ambition. From emotional reconciliations in Lagos to headline-worthy project commissioning in the nation’s capital, President Tinubu’s activities this week once again reinforced his capacity to blend political symbolism with tangible governance.

    It began on a poignant note in Lagos on Sunday, where the President, still observing his Eid-el-Kabir retreat, welcomed key political stakeholders, including members of the Lagos State Governor’s Advisory Council (GAC). At the heart of their mission was a plea for reconciliation—particularly on behalf of Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu. According to reports, the GAC Chairman, Alhaji Tajudeen Olusi, acknowledged the President’s perceived displeasure and openly begged for forgiveness.

    In a gesture underscoring Tinubu’s often understated political magnanimity, the President replied: “It’s all over now. All is forgiven.” The moment prompted visible relief, with Sanwo-Olu and others prostrating in gratitude—an emblematic conclusion to weeks of speculation about a rift. It was a symbolic closure in Lagos, where Tinubu’s political journey began and where his political family remains strongest.

    By Tuesday afternoon, the President was back in Abuja, swiftly transitioning from statesman to reformer-in-chief. Stepping off the Presidential jet, he made a direct stop at the refurbished International Conference Centre (ICC)—now renamed the Bola Ahmed Tinubu International Conference Centre—for its formal reopening.

    Speaking at the event, Tinubu reiterated his commitment to infrastructure as a bedrock of national renewal. “Modern infrastructure is the backbone of a thriving economy,” he stated, affirming his administration’s readiness to transform sectors including transportation, health, education, and urban development.

    Commending the FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, for his transformational leadership, Tinubu added a political undertone to his commendation: “Don’t pay attention to the busybodies… continue with your good work.” The endorsement, as it turned out, would not end there.

    The following day, at the commissioning of the Arterial Road N16 in Abuja’s Katampe District, Tinubu once again lavished praise on Wike. In a politically charged moment, the President teased: “He’s not a member of my party—not yet. But the day he changes his mind… we will enjoy him in singing, ‘as e dey pain them, e dey sweet us.’”

    While clearly tongue-in-cheek, the comment reflects a strategic openness to Wike—a PDP strongman—joining the APC formally, a prospect that could further reshape political alignments ahead of 2027.

    Away from politics, Tinubu also found time to mourn and honour national figures. He expressed deep sorrow over the passing of former federal permanent secretary, Fidelis Kaigama, lauding him as “a distinguished public servant.”

    On Friday, he saluted media icon Prince Sam Amuka-Pemu, the 90-year-old founder of Vanguard Newspapers. Calling him “a doyen of journalism” and “an elder statesman,” Tinubu’s tribute reflected his enduring regard for those who shaped Nigeria’s media and democratic history.

    In the whirlwind of the week’s activities — from the Democracy Day lecture, to the extensive list of honourees that included Kudirat Abiola, Wole Soyinka, and Uncle Sam Amuka-Pemu — what stood out most was the President’s ability to transcend the ceremonial. With the Ogoni Nine pardon, Tinubu did not just make a speech. He made a statement. He did not just celebrate democracy. He deepened it.

    It was a reminder that leadership is not only about pushing policies or managing the economy. It is also about leading the national soul — helping a country remember, reconcile, and rise above its wounds.

    President Tinubu’s first State of the Nation address has set a new bar — not only in how leaders speak to the nation, but in how they act in moments of historic gravity. It was a week not just of activities, but of purpose. And in the words he chose and the gestures he made, Tinubu reaffirmed that democracy — our democracy — is still alive, still evolving, and still capable of doing the right thing.

  • Widows of hanged ‘Ogoni nine’ seek justice at The Hague

    WIDOWS of four of the Ogoni Nine – Esther Kiobel, Victoria Bera, Blessing Eawo and Charity Levula brought their historic case to The Hague yesterday to seek justice for their hanged husbands.

    Nine members of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), including its leader, the late Ken Saro-Wiwa, were executed in 1995 by the administration of the late military Head of State Gen Sani Abacha, following their controversial trial.

    Esther Kiobel’s husband, Dr Barinem Kiobel, was one of those executed.

    The widows allege that Shell was complicit in the Nigerian government’s policy of brutally quelling protests, and with human rights abuses that were aimed at protecting the company’s staff and infrastructure, actions that ultimately led to the death of their husbands.

    Shell has been accused of complicity in the state execution of nine Ogoni protesters and human right abuses dating back to 1993.

    The allegations concern the 1990s government crackdown in Ogoniland, in the oil-rich Niger Delta, where oil spills inflicted environmental damage on a huge scale.

    According to a report by The Guardian United Kingdom (UK), The Netherlands court will decide whether a case can proceed after hearing arguments from both sides.

    “Over the years, Shell has continually fought to make sure this case is not heard in court. They have the resources to fight me instead of doing justice for my husband,” Esther Kiobel said.

    Unable to seek recourse in Nigerian courts, Esther Kiobel first filed a case against Shell in the United States (U.S.) in 2002. The company denied allegations of complicity in the death of the Ogoni nine or in the widespread human rights abuses, although it acknowledged an awareness of Nigeria’s military action to protect its infrastructure. In 2009, Shell agreed a $15.5 million out-of-court settlement with the families of the dead men, stating that it was to cover their legal costs and recognition of events that took place in Ogoniland.

    The U.S. court declined jurisdiction and in 2017, with the assistance of Amnesty International, the case was re-filed in the Netherlands.

    In a letter to Amnesty International in June 2017, the Managing Director, Shell Nigeria, Osagie Okunbor, refuted allegations of misconduct and said: “We were shocked and saddened when we heard the news of the executions. Shell Nigeria appealed to the Nigerian government to grant clemency.”

    Mark Dummett, a researcher at Amnesty International, said: “These women believe that their husbands would still be alive today were it not for the brazen self-interest of Shell. This is an historic moment which has huge significance for people everywhere who have been harmed by the greed and recklessness of global corporations.”

    Yesterday at The Hague, plaintiffs Esther Kiobel and Victoria Bera gave evidence to the court. Blessing Eawo and Charity Levula were unable to attend. Presenting the response from Shell, Barrister Wemmeke Wisman, stated that the company denied the allegations made by the two women, and argued that the matter should not proceed on the basis of statutes of limitation in Nigeria.

    Besides, they asked the court to consider whether it should decline jurisdiction on the basis that Shell Nigeria operated independently of its parent company, Royal Dutch Shell. The case was adjourned to 8 May, for the judge to decide whether the proceedings should be stayed or whether examination of further evidence was needed.

    Speaking to The Guardian at the conclusion of yesterday’s hearing, Esther Kiobel said: “I am happy that I have had my day in court to tell the judge that I want justice and all the hanged men exonerated.”

  • Remembering Saro Wiwa and Ogoni Nine

    SIR: On November 10, 1995, Ken Saro Wiwa and eight others were summarily executed after a dubious military panel judgement.

    Whenever I remember Ken Saro Wiwa, my heart bleeds. My heart bleeds at the injustice of his death and the remaining members of the Ogoni nine. My heart bleeds at the conspiracy of the military junta and the multinational oil company. Thinking about this uncommon hero who made the ultimate sacrifice, a question comes to mind: did Ken Saro Wiwa die in vain?

    This is a question with two different answers.

    No. Because his death further drew international attention to the environmental degradation, actions and inactions of Shell plc. After another major oil spill 14 years after his death (2008), in a milestone decision, Shell settled a law suit out of court by paying £55m to Bodo community, the largest of such kind of payment to an African community by a multinational company. Every of the villagers affected by that oil spill got N600,000 compensation. Meanwhile, in 2009, Shell paid $15.5m to the families of the Ogoni nine to settle a legal action over Shells involvement in the killing of the Ogoni nine.

    No. Because, 22 years after his death, the environmental degradation still continues in Ogoni and the rest of the Niger Delta. Farms destroyed, waters polluted, the people still live in poverty. The region is still not developed; despite sitting on one of the largest deposit of riches in the world. How heartbreaking!

    It would be befitting if the Nigerian government immortalize this legend by naming November 10 ‘The Ogoni Nine day’ and name a street after Ken Saro Wiwa in the federal capital. Interested state governments can follow suit by naming streets after him in their respective states.

    ‘… The labour of our heroes past, shall never be in vain …’

    Even if the government does not immortalize him, Ken Saro Wiwa will forever live in our hearts. HE WILL NEVER DIE.

     

    • Adeyemi Ahmed Abiodun,

    Ilorin, Kwara State.

  • Court dismisses suit against Ken Saro-Wiwa’s trial

    A Federal High Court sitting in Port Harcourt on Friday struck out a suit filed by a group seeking to annul the Ogoni Civil Disturbance Tribunal which convicted and sentenced to death by hanging the Ogoni rights activist, Mr. Ken Saro-Wiwa, and eight other leaders of the Ogoni ethnic nationality in Rivers State.

    The group, Ken Saro-Wiwa Associates, had approached the court asking it to declare the special tribunal constituted by the military government and process of setting up the panel as unlawful.

    The group had also asked the court among other reliefs sought to set aside the tribunal judgment handed out to Ken Saro-Wiwa and others on October 31, 1995.

    It further prayed the court to hold that the special tribunal was unlawful and acted contrary to the African Charter on Human rights.

    Justice Mohammed Liman in his verdict condemned the ruling of the tribunal that convicted the nine activists, noting that such laws cannot exist in a civilized society.

    Justice Liman held that the tribunal was not properly constituted, adding that only three men formed the tribunal whereas the constitution provides for the chairman and three other members.

    He stuck out the case on locus standi, noting that the applicant was unable to state his relationship with the convicts.

    He ruled that the applicant had nothing to gain or lose in the matter, adding that it was for academic reasons.

     

     

  • Remembering  Saro-Wiwa, Ogoni Nine

    Remembering Saro-Wiwa, Ogoni Nine

    The late famous environmentalist, Ken Saro-Wiwa was synonymous with the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP). He was born on October 10, 1941 and became the President of MOSOP on July 6, 1993.

    As a result of his agitation against the backwardness of his people and land due to environmental degradation resulting from oil exploration, Ken Saro-Wiwa was hanged at the Port Harcourt Prisons on Friday, November 10, 1995, along with eight other Ogoni martyrs. They were Dr. Barinem Kiobel, John Kpuinem, Baribor Bera, Felix Nuate, Paul Levura, Daniel Gbokoo, Saturday Doobee and Nordu Eawo, during the regime of the late Gen. Sani Abacha.

    Before his death, Saro-Wiwa had said: “The Ogoni took stock of their condition and found out that, in spite of the stupendous oil and gas wealth of their land, they were extremely poor, had no social amenities, unemployment was running at over 70 per cent and they were powerless, as an ethnic minority, in a country of over 100 million people, dispersed in over two hundred nations and ethnic groups, to do anything to alleviate their condition.

    “Worse, their environment was completely devastated by decades of reckless oil exploitation or ecological warfare by Shell.”

    On June 21, 1993, Ken Saro-Wiwa was arrested and detained in Owerri, together with two other MOSOP activists namely N.G. Dube and Kobari Nwile. Criminal charges were brought against them for belonging to MOSOP.

    Prior to his arrest, Ken Saro-Wiwa had travelled to The Hague in Netherlands in July 1992 where he registered MOSOP with the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisations (UNPO), whose charter was embedded in non-violence.

    Ken Saro-Wiwa also brought the suffering of his people to the attention of the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Populations in Geneva, Switzerland and made useful contacts with international environmental groups and business organisations such as the London-based Body Shop International, whose founder and chief executive, Anita Roddick, had long been involved in such campaigns as MOSOP was pushing in Nigeria.

    Saro-Wiwa said in the mid-1992: “We depend on fishing and farming, and to take that away from us, it is genocide. If you take away our land, and then you pollute the water and so on, it is just saying we do not have any right to live.”

    The environmentalist declared that gas flaring had destroyed the flora and fauna of the land, polluted the atmosphere and poisoned the inhabitants of the surrounding areas whose inhabitants suffer from partial deafness and respiratory diseases.

    The people also accused SPDC and some Ogoni elders of sabotaging the efforts of MOSOP. On May 21, 1994, Ogoni leaders, namely Chief Edward Kobani, a former Commissioner in the Rivers State Government, who had resigned as Vice-President of MOSOP, along with Dr. Garrick Barile Leton (MOSOP’s pioneer President); Albert Badey, an ex-Secretary to the Rivers State Government (SSG); Samuel Orage, a former Rivers State Commissioner; and Theophilus Orage, an ex-Secretary of the Gokana Council of Chiefs; (Ogoni-four), who had earlier been labelled “vultures” by some Ogoni people, were allegedly murdered in a mob raid at Giokoo in Gokana Local Government Area during a meeting at the Gbenemene’s (King’s) Palace Hall.

    Two prominent Ogoni leaders: Alhaji Mohammed Kobani, brother to Chief Edward Kobani and Mr. Francis Kpai, who were also at the Giokoo meeting, escaped from the mob action and ran from the king’s palace into the ancestral shrine: Gberesaako, of the Gokana people.

    On May 21, 1994, Ken Saro-Wiwa; Ledum Mitee, Dr. Barinem Kiobel and 12 others were arrested by soldiers and accused of been instigators of the Giokoo mob action and the murder of the four prominent Ogoni sons.

    The Justice Ibrahim Auta-led Ogoni Civil Disturbances Tribunal, set up by the then Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha, was inaugurated by the then Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Mohammed Bello, in November 1994, to try the 15 Ogoni men, who were charged with the killing of the Ogoni-four. The trial commenced in February 1995.

    The Justice Ibrahim Auta-led tribunal tried the Ogoni-Nine namely Ken Saro-Wiwa, Dr. Barinem Kiobel, John Kpuinem, Baribor Bera, Felix Nuate, Paul Levura, Daniel Gbokoo, Saturday Doobee and Nordu Eawo and convicted them the trumped-up charge of murder of the Ogoni-four, sentenced them to death by hanging on October 31, 1995, while Gen. Abacha, confirmed the death sentence on November 8, 1995. They were hanged at the Port Harcourt Prisons in the morning of Friday, November 10, 1995.

    On September 1, 1995, Ken Saro-Wiwa, in his pre-conviction statement to the Justice Ibrahim Auta-led Ogoni civil disturbances tribunal, entitled “Shell is Here on Trial,” said: “My Lord, since my arrest on the 21st of May, 1994, I have been subjected to physical and mental torture, held incommunicado and denied food for weeks and medical attention for months. My 74-year-old mother has been whipped and arrested, my wife beaten and threatened with detention. The three telephone lines to my office and residence cut and they remain cut to this day. My office and home have been ransacked on three different occasions and personal and family property, official files and documents taken away without documentation.

    “I have been calumniated in the press and on satellite television before the world by a Rivers State Government anxious to prejudice the mind of the public and to convince the public of my guilt, even before trial.

    “The fact that a case of homicide is being charged before a tribunal, set up under Decree No. 2 of 1987, speaks for itself. I am aware of the many strictures laid against the decree and this tribunal by local and international observers.

    “All the same, I have followed the proceedings here with keen and detailed interest, not only because I am charged before this tribunal, but also because, as a writer, I am a custodian of the conscience of society.

    “I regret that the legal counsel I freely chose, Gani Fawehinmi, the human rights hero and pride of this country, was forced to withdraw. His withdrawal has denied credibility to this trial.

    “My Lord, we all stand before history. I am a man of peace, of ideas. I am appalled by the denigrating poverty of my people, who live on a richly-endowed land, distressed by their political marginalisation and economic strangulation, angered by the devastation of their land, their ultimate heritage, anxious to preserve their right to life and to a decent living and determined to usher into this country as a whole, a fair and just democratic system, which protects everyone and every ethnic group and gives us all a valid claim to human civilisation.

    “I have devoted all my intellectual and material resources, my very life, to a cause in which I have total belief and from which I cannot be blackmailed or intimidated.

    I have no doubt at all about the ultimate success of my cause, no matter the trials and tribulations which I and those who believe with me may encounter on our journey. Nor imprisonment nor death can stop our ultimate victory.

    “I repeat that we all stand before history. I and my colleagues are not the only ones on trial. Shell is here on trial and it is as well that it is represented by a counsel said to be holding a watching brief. The company has, indeed, ducked this particular trial, but its day will surely come and the lessons learnt here may prove useful to it, for there is no doubt in my mind that the ecological war the company has waged in the Delta will be called to question sooner than later and the crimes of that war be duly punished. The crime of the company’s dirty war against the Ogoni people will also be punished.

    “On trial also is the Nigerian nation, its present rulers and all those who assist them. Any nation which can do to the weak and disadvantaged, what the Nigerian nation has done to the Ogoni, loses a claim to independence and to freedom from outside influence.

    “I am not one of those who shy away from protesting injustice and oppression, arguing that they are expected of a military regime. The military do not act alone. They are supported by a gaggle of politicians, lawyers, judges, academics and businessmen, all of them hiding under the claim that they are only doing their duty, men and women too afraid to wash their pants of their urine.

    “In my innocence of the false charges I face here, in my utter conviction, I call upon the Ogoni people, the peoples of the Niger Delta, and the oppressed ethnic minorities of Nigeria to stand up now and fight fearlessly and peacefully for their rights. History is on their side, God is on their side.”

    Despite the hanging of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other Ogoni martyrs, the non-violent agitations/struggle by Ogoni people; adequately coordinated by the leadership of MOSOP, are continuing to ensure justice, equity, fairness and commensurate development of the neglected Ogoni land and empowerment of the marginalised people.