Tag: OSUN

  • UNDP Human Devt. Index: Obaseki targets best-performer status for Edo

    The Edo State Governor, Mr Godwin Obaseki, has said that the ongoing reforms in education and health sectors would put Edo in the league of the best performing states in subsequent human Development Indices of the United Nations Development Programme.

    Obaseki gave the assurance in Benin City, the Edo State capital, following the release of the UNDP HDI Report 2018, on Friday, using year 2016 performance in: Access to decent living; access to knowledge and health.

    Edo State was ranked 12th by the UNDP  2016 Report with a value of 0.5299, followed by Imo, Osun, Kwara, Nasarawa, Ondo, Anambra, Plateau, Benue, Taraba, Kogi, Oyo, Ebonyi, Adamawa, Kaduna, Gombe, Niger, Kebbi, Jigawa and Kano states.

    The top performers, according to the report, are Lagos, the Federal Capital Territory Administration, Bayelsa, Akwa Ibom and Ekiti states.

    Obaseki said: “The National Human Development Index released by the United Nations Development Programme which placed Edo State in the 12th position, is an eye opener but our target is to be the best-performing state using the criteria set by the UNDP.

    Read Also: Obaseki inspects new Specialist Hospital, High Court

    “It is instructive to mention that the performances used were those of 2016 and we have since scaled up our activities in education and health sectors to earn us the top spot. We are ready to unveil 7000 digital primary school teachers soon, to transform the way teaching is conducted in our basic education sector.

    “We have commenced the construction of primary health centres across the state to take healthcare to the door steps of our people, no matter how remote their locations are.”

    The governor added: “It is our hope that all these efforts would be captured in subsequent UNDP Human Development Indices to reflect Edo State’s current standing among the comity of states in the country.”

    According to media analysis of the report, with a value of 0.6515, Lagos outperformed all the other states. It also retained the title as it had placed first in the 2013 HDI with a value of 0.6716.

    “The FCT ranked second with a value of 0.6289. It jumped six places as it had placed seventh in the 2013 HDI, with a value of 0.5112.

    “With a value of 0.5909, Bayelsa placed third, stepping a place down from the second place it occupied in 2013, with a value of 0.621.

    “Akwa Ibom ranked fourth with a value of 0.5641. The state retained its placement as it had also occupied the fourth position in the previous index, with a value of 0.5698.

    “Ekiti, occupying the fifth position with a value 0.5608, was one of the highest performers in terms of ranking, as it moved 11 places by jumping from the 16th position it occupied in 2013 to the fifth in the latest ranking.

    “Sokoto, Katsina, Bauchi, Yobe and Zamfara states are at the bottom of the National Human Development Index, according to the National Human Development Report 2018 released by the United Nations Development Programme.”

    The UNDP explained that HDI represents a geometric average of normalised indices for each of the three dimensions of health, knowledge and standard of living.

  • Veteran Yoruba comedian, ‘Baba Sala’ is dead

    A foremost Yoruba comedian, Moses Adejumo , popularly known as Baba Sala, is dead.

    Baba Sala, a popular Nigerian comedian, dramatist and actor who was born in 1936, died on Sunday in Ilesha, Osun at the age of 82.

    His media assistant, Mr Isaac Hastrup confirmed the death of the veteran comedian to newsmen on telephone, Monday in Osogbo.

    Hastrup said, “Baba has died. He died some minutes to 10 pm on Sunday night.

    “His remains have been taken to the morgue. He died of old -age related sickness.

    “He came to church two Sundays ago and he was the one that said the benediction.

    “Baba has gone to be with the Lord and he will be missed by many people including his fans.”

    It was gathered that his body had been deposited at the Obafemi Awolowo University Teaching Hospital Complex Annex, (Wesley Guild Hospital), Ilesa.

    One of his sons, Emmanuel Adejumo, aka Boisala also confirmed his father’s demise in the early hours of Monday, on his Facebook page.

    “My Daddy is gone. Finally gone home to glory. King of Comedy finally says bye-bye to this world.

    “I will miss you so much Daddy. I love you so much but God loves you more. Good night my mentor, father, teacher, gist partner. My daddy is gone,” Boisala stated on Facebook.

    Baba Sala was regarded as the father of modern Nigerian comedy, alongside other dramatists like Hubert Ogunde , Kola Ogunmola, Oyin Adejobi and Duro Ladipo who popularised theatre and television acting in Nigeria.

    A prolific filmmaker, Baba Sala started his career in show business as a Highlife musician, floating in 1964 a group, the Federal Rhythm Dandies where he tutored the Jùjú music maestro, King Sunny Adé who was his lead guitarist.

    Some of the films acted by the late comedian include; Orun Mooru (1982),Aare Agbaye (1983), Mosebolatan (1985).

    Obee Gbona (1989), Diamond (1990 Home video ), Agba Man (1992, Home Video)Return Match (1993, Home Video), Ana Gomina (1996, home video, ), among others.

  • Osun: 2019 threats and opportunities

    If there was one thing the recent Osun State governorship poll showed up quite clearly, it was that all stakeholders in the Nigerian electoral process are taking the power of the ballot box in the country more seriously. That is one window of opportunity that must be cashed upon for the forthcoming 2019 general election.

    Unlike what used to be historically, down until the early 20s, electoral contests are these days being keenly fought by gladiators who stake their chances on every vote that can be wormed out of a conscious electorate. Elections are no longer uppity shows of orchestrated heists by political buccaneers, facilitated by an evidently compromised election manager. Now voters are important – at least, to some significant extent and despite infractions that yet hobble the system.

    Voters themselves seem increasingly aware of their relevance, and the fact that they substantially hold the ace on how the pendulum swings in electoral outcomes. That is to say they not only cast their votes, they also expect those votes to count in the results that eventually show up. In effect, they are no more as apathetic as historically in their participation and subsequent processing of electoral outcomes by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    I was in the Osun town of Iwo during the governorship poll of September 22nd and I witnessed how ordinary townspeople – as opposed to political jobbers and gladiatorial foot soldiers – turned out at dawn with zest to make their little impact felt in the electoral choice that faced the state. I witnessed how the ordinary folk, including women and the aged, hung out steadfastly at polling precincts to watch over and see through the processes that produced micro outcomes where they had cast their ballots.

    On the following Sunday morning as the people of Osun and the larger world waited on the collation of results in hope for the declaration of a winner by the poll’s Returning Officer, grassroots anticipation was so genuine and thick you could cut it with a kitchen knife. Just like when rival teams are playing a crunch match away and fans just wouldn’t want to miss a moment of the field action, I witnessed many among the townsfolk hold mini transistor sets to their ears while treading footpaths or were being transported on motorbikes to places of appointment (you could take for granted that those riding in vehicles had their car radios on), as they kept up with media live coverage of then ongoing collation proceedings in Osogbo, the state capital. And when the collation of results led up to an inconclusive verdict by the Returning Officer, you could almost hear a groundswell of agonised frustration among the populace being instantly rechanneled into renewed expectation of a supplementary outcome.

    The involvement of voters in the Osun poll was also illustrated by their zestful presence for both the main election on September 22nd and the supplementary poll on September 27th. Although the official percentages are yet to be posted by the commission on its website, it was sufficiently reported that turnout across the state was enthusiastic, such that there was eager voter turnout in defiance of early morning rainfall in some areas on the day of the supplementary poll. Actually, the rate of Permanent Voter Card (PVC) collection ahead of the elections, which INEC put at 73 percent of registrants, had also indicated a high level of voter enthusiasm.

    Resurgent voter interest in the electoral process is largely so because the electoral body is visibly down on fours to deepen the integrity of the polling system. Without prejudice to partisan blame game and the merit (or otherwise) of allegations trailing the outcome of the Osun election, which may yet be fielded before the courts, you can’t in good conscience deny that the commission is by the day getting a better handle on its duties in election management. Testimonies by politicians across partisan divide and by neutral observers applauded the routine processes of the Osun poll.

    Meanwhile, elections in Nigeria are no longer landslide runs for fleet-footed heisters. Most electoral contests now come to the wire, hence the need in many cases for the electoral commission to wait to factor in outstanding voters, which make some elections inconclusive at the first ballot and warrant supplementary polling before winners can be declared. In the Osun governorship, the official margin of victory in the September 22nd poll placed the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate 353 votes ahead in a circumstance where 2,637 votes were outstanding in seven polling units across four council areas where elections were cancelled owing to irregularities during the first ballot. Also by official verdict, the victory margin swopped the header to the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate and inched to 482 votes in the supplementary poll. And that wasn’t without close-heeled horse-trading by the two leading political parties with the Social Democratic Party (SDP) candidate whose voter strongholds fell within the areas marked out for the supplementary poll. Bottom line was that political gladiators now reckon with the voter factor in their victory calculations.

    And so, you could say we have come a long way in this country since the reforms that began in INEC in 2010. This is something to build upon by all stakeholders in the 2019 general election. For instance, contrary to widespread notion, the inconclusiveness of some elections at first ballot should be seen as a sign of strength – an indication of the electoral body’s integrity in its bid to block buccaneer habits of political actors. That, of course, isn’t to foreclose that the commission itself yet harbour in-house buccaneers who need to be stopped from inflicting historical malpractices that had odourised the collective and undermined the credibility of the electoral process.

    The recent Osun poll as well showed up some tendencies that pose clear threats to the forthcoming general election. Political thuggery and other acts of brigandage suspected to be sponsored by desperate gladiators hobbled the governorship election. That was the reason voting was cancelled in some polling units during the main poll, necessitating the supplementary poll that also witnessed rough spots. But that wasn’t even the biggest challenge.

    The governorship election revealed that the conduct of security agencies, notably the Police, is becoming an albatross on the electoral system. The role of security agencies ideally is to assist INEC with the conduct of elections by maintaining peace and order in the course of that process, based on grand designs by the electoral body. But rather than complement the commission, security operatives are apparently going rouge, enough to hijack and derail INEC’s basic operations.

    Ahead of the Osun poll, for instance, the Police nearly pulled the rug from under the field of contest by summoning and scheduling court prosecution of a frontline candidate on the eve of the election for alleged examination offences that could well be taken up at a more opportune time. But for a swift override by the President, the agency might have obstructed some 255,000 Osun voters – going by the official scoreline – in their electoral choice. And what’s more, I would wager that INEC, which had laid out the contest field, was taken unaware.

    Reports from the supplementary poll on September 27th also cited flagrant interference by security operatives in the attempt by some voters to exercise their franchise. Observers and other accredited stakeholders such as journalists were also reportedly obstructed, making international observers and some civil society groups raise queries on the fairness of the poll. Among others, observers deployed by the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) reported that their members were arrested and detained in one of the areas where the supplementary election held. It took INEC National Commissioner Festus Okoye, who himself is a lawyer, to secure their release from the undeserved detention and facilitate their access to the polling precinct.

    Unless security agencies, especially the Police, subject their operational orders for elections to the overall directive of INEC, they could become rouge and effectively torpedo efforts by the electoral body to stage successful elections next year.

     

    • Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.
  • Right step

    THE road to the Osun State September 22 governorship election was predictably rough, and the outcome has not been any less controversial. It would take a trained observer and analyst to dissect the events and come to an informed, impartial conclusion as both the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) have continued to hold different ends of the debate, thus befuddling issues.

    One issue that has been combatively canvassed by some is the advisability or necessity of the September 27 rerun. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), after collating the returns from the polls, declared the election inconclusive as a mere 353 votes separated the two leading candidates, while there were 2,637 votes in seven units in Orolu, Osogbo, Ife North and Ife South that could yet show clearly the electorate’s preference.

    While the PDP held that, having polled the highest number of votes cast, and satisfied the spread criterion, its candidate, Senator Ademola Adeleke, ought to have been declared winner, the APC has continually held that INEC correctly interpreted the law and impartially applied its Manual for Electoral Officers issued for the 2015 general elections and applied variously since then.

    Going by precedence and decisions of the Supreme Court, INEC could not have held otherwise. The number of votes declared invalid was clearly more than the difference between the votes received by Senator Adeleke of PDP, and Mr. Gboyega Oyetola of the APC. As the Supreme Court held in the 2015 Kogi State governorship election, sections 179 and 181 of the 1999 Constitution are not self executing and, thus, INEC owes itself a duty to come up with subsidiary legislation to guide polling.

    In other decisions including, but not limited to, the Imo State governorship disputes in 2011 and 2015, Anambra State’s senatorial election that pitched the late Professor Dora Akunyili of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) against Dr. Chris Ngige of Action Congress of Nigeria (2011); governorship tussles also in Anambra State  (2013), Taraba 2015 and Bayelsa (2015), it is obvious that a combined interpretation of the Constitution, 2010 Electoral Act and INEC’s rules and regulations not conflicting with the principal legislations are needed to arrive at a clear application of the law. The commission was therefore correct in publishing the guidelines before the elections. Besides, the Rules and Guidelines not being new could have been contested by any of the parties before Election Day; but that was not the case.

    We associate with experienced and unbiased observers who had people deployed in various parts of the state and have since come up with reports that hailed the Nigerian election managers. After the September 22 election, the United States, European Union and the United Kingdom envoys were unequivocal in declaring that INEC discharged its duties creditably. It was deemed an improvement on the previous elections. The Transition Monitoring Group (TMG) and Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD), too, hailed INEC for ensuring that polling opened as scheduled, there was no shortage of materials, the officials were well trained and the card readers functioned optimally. This deserves commendation by all and if we take this to 2019, it would be a marked improvement on previous efforts.

    The quest for free, fair and credible polls has been on since the Esua election commission conducted the 1964 federal elections in the First Republic, and continued in the Second Republic when a tested federal permanent secretary, Chief Michael Ani, presided over the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO). Even in the inchoate Third Republic when Professor Humphrey Nwosu was the chief umpire, the June 12, 1993 presidential election, described as the freest and fairest was annulled by the Babangida government. Professor Mahmoud Yakubu and his team have acquitted themselves well and deserve the full support of all Nigerians, realising that a credible election is the platform on which the people’s will rests.

    Nothing said here precludes any dissatisfied candidate or political party from seeking judicial redress. Fortunately, Senator Adeleke has appealed to the Election Petition Tribunal to declare him winner of the election. The law must be allowed to run its course without any resort to self help. As we move towards 2019, maturity, patriotism and scrupulous adherence to the Rule of Law should be the watchword. Our politicians should look inward and do what is right at the polls rather than blaming the electoral  commission and others for electoral infractions.

  • Protest against Osun governorship result an act of gross irresponsibility, says Aregbesola

    Osun State Governor, Rauf Aregbesola, yesterday described the protest against the result of Osun State governorship election as an act of gross irresponsibility.

    The Senate President, Bukola Saraki; Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara; and the National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Uche Secondus, were among the PDP leaders that staged a protest against the outcome of the election at the national headquarters of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in Abuja.

    Aregbesola spoke with State House correspondents yesterday after meeting with President Muhammadu Buhari at the Presidential Villa, Abuja.

    At the meeting with Buhari, the Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Governorship Election Campaign in Osun State and Governor of Kano State, Umaru Ganduje, and Aregbesola, formally presented the governor-elect of Osun, Gboyega Oyetola, to the President.

    On the protest, Aregbesola said: “I will not even respond to this because what you are referring to is a charade, an act of gross irresponsibility from people who ought to know that after an election, the only option left for every responsible citizen is to go to the tribunal.

    Read also: Oluwo, group congratulate Oyetola, Osun residents

    “And again interestingly, the other party defeated in the election is already in the tribunal. I don’t now know what the protest you are talking about is meant to do.

    “If you are already in court and you are still doing a street protest either you are not mentally stable or you need psychiatric attention,” he said.

    On the purpose of the visit to the Villa, he said they came to thank Mr. President.

    He said: “We came with the chairman of the party in the state and the deputy governor -elect as well as the national chairman of the party to express our gratitude to the President.

    “Yesterday, we met with the national chairman to do the same. Before yesterday, soon after the receipt of the certificate of return by the two candidates who won the election to the offices of the governor and deputy governor indeed the President expressed joy and charged us not to relent in mobilising our people to support his own election and the return of our parliamentarians at the state and national assemblies and made commitment that we will not rest again in mobilising our people to victory in all the other subsequent elections.

    “He noted our observations and he assured us that the party will continue to enjoy support with the administration. I want to use this medium to thank all progressives in Nigeria and to assure them that Osun has been the forerunner of victory for our party ever since.”

    On his part, the governor-elect, Oyetola, promised to run a very transparent government in Osun State.

    He said “I came to say a big thank you to Mr. President for the support he gave to us during the election and to thank the leadership of our party all over the country for being with us throughout the period and to assure him that by the grace of God, I must  run a very transparent government.”

    According to him, he would continue the good work already done by Aregbesola and the party in the state.

    “I will want to continue to consolidate on those achievements and improve on them in the areas of infrastructure, health and economy.

    “It is a continuation of the legacies that he built. I believe that the people have confidence in our party. They believe in us and we will not abuse the opportunity given to us to continue to be in government.

    Ganduje said: “We came to thank the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, President Muhammadu Buhari, for providing the enabling environment for a fair election in Osun State.

    “We are here in order to present our governor-elect to Mr. President and to thank him in what he has done in order to allow a free and fair election.”

  • OSUN: Facts behind the electoral returns

    The dust raised by the Osun governorship election seemed to have settled down a bit to permit a deep interrogation of all that transpired in that off-season poll which generated intense interest, anxiety and tension while it lasted. The winner is moderate in the celebration of the win while the loser is heading for the law court to contest the results as most politicians do after an electoral contest in our clime. The political parties and actors involved in the process are counting their gains and losses. Some are checking their account balances and gnashing their teeth while others, mainly the electorate, particularly those who participated in the ensuing rerun who became automatic delegates in a non-delegate poll, are heading to the banks with their loot. Yet, others are beginning to plot their graphs, position themselves and sharpen their lobbying skills for possible placement in positions. We are at that juncture now when the Governor-elect, Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola, is being besieged by the hordes of appointment-seekers and their CVs.

    The Osun poll is over in simple language. It has been won and lost as it were. It’s apposite now to look at the returns and examine why the election went the way it did and posted the results that we have. Generally, many including the candidates, their political parties, analysts and commentators seem to share the opinion that the first ballot was to some extent free, fair and fairly representative of the will of the people. It’s the second election, the rerun, that is controversial and which the opposition PDP rejected perhaps because it failed to win it and seal its initial lead. I shall return to all of that shortly.

    Of the forty-eight political parties that participated in the Osun election, the PDP candidate, Senator Ademola Adeleke, garnered 254, 698 votes to the APC’s candidate, Alhaji Oyetola, who polled 254, 345 votes in the first ballot, meaning a higher return of 353 for Adeleke. Senator Iyiola Omisore trailed the two with 128,053 votes. From the total 1.25million PVCs that were collected in the state, some 721,607 valid votes were returned in that election.

    Essentially, a content analysis of the returns would reveal that the parties and their candidates won considerably in their major strongholds, their homesteads. Senator Adeleke won in his Ede North and Ede South, Oyetola in his Boripe home local government and capital Osogbo while Omisore took control of Ife Central. What are their margins of victories?  In line with the way of our politicians, three candidates fully maximised their seeming advantage, cornering their domains and out-manoeuvring the rest. For instance, the PDP candidate polled a whooping 35, 438 votes in the two local governments in his Ede homestead, posting a huge 23,901 difference between him and the next candidate, APC’s Oyetola, who got a paltry 11,537 votes. In Ife Central, Omisore’s central area in Ifeland, he secured a massive 20, 494 votes, with marginal 6,957 votes for APC and 3,200 for PDP.

    APC, however, took a marginal lead in Ife South and Ife North, polling 7,223 and 6,527 respectively over PDP’s 4,872 and 5,486. In Iwo Local Government where the Action Democratic Party candidate, Alhaji Moshood Adeoti alias Sheuu, hails from, he also maximally exploited the homeboy syndrome, polling 16, 425 votes. APC got 7,644 votes, PDP 6,122 and SDP 4,153 votes.

    However, in Boripe Local Government where Oyetola’s Iragbiji hometown is located, the APC candidate polled 11,655 to Adeleke’s 6,892, a mere difference of less than 5000, 4,763 votes to be precise. The question could be asked as to why he too didn’t seize the momentum, exploiting the advantage which was well within his reach given the fact that his party is in control at the Boripe headquarters and state capital Osogbo.

    That election also reaffirmed the relative strengths and weaknesses of the major gladiators. Governor Rauf Aregbesola known to have performed brilliantly well in the area of education and road infrastructure in the state, transforming the capital Osogbo in the process, however, did not do so well in Ijesha South one of the APC’s strongholds. The Ijesha were said to be angry with its homeboy for a number of reasons. They wanted an expressway in the town, did not like the handling of the burnt Atakumosa and Sabo Markets and the elite in the area were also rankled by the renaming of Ilesha Grammar School. So the elite instigated the animosity against the governor. In the end, APC lost Ilesha West and Atakumosa West but won Ilesha East and Atakumosa East. The party, however, did not come out of Ijesha South with a deficit. Ijesha North where the PDP has always produced the House of Representatives candidate has never been APC’s comfort zone.

    House of Assembly Speaker Nojeem Salam took a firm control of his Ejigbo area. The loss of Ikire/Gbongan axis by the APC could be attributed to the defection of former Chief of Staff Peter Babalola to PDP, though the area is where the in-coming Deputy Governor Gboyega Alabi hails from.  But a general trend in that election, it would appear, is the opposition concentrated on areas considered APC strongholds like Ijeshaland, Ikire/Gbongan, Ikirun and Iwo among others and heavily funded their campaigns there.

    Adeoti’s victory in Iwo is not just down to his individual strength, it is said to be largely due to the Iwo governorship agenda, the Iwo lokan project. The people filed out to demonstrate their support for the project even though they knew it could not be actualised in that election.

    Now, on the rerun in seven polling units across four councils, many would ask- why the controversy? They would argue the results, which eventually separated the winner from the loser, could not have been different in the real sense of it. The SDP candidate Omisore and Deputy Speaker House of Representatives, Hon. Lasun Yusuf, became the beautiful brides in the wake of the rerun. Omisore’s influence radiates through the entire Ifeland including Garage Olode in Ife South where his father is the traditional ruler. Both the APC and PDP leaders courted Omisore to back them for the rerun. Senate President Bukola Saraki flew to Ife for discussions and negotiations with Omisore. But it would have been a political clanger if the former Senator had gone with the same PDP elements that had muscled him out of the party in preference for the less-qualified Adeleke. Aligning with APC for the poll was a win-win for both Omisore and the APC. Omisore was a founding chieftain of Alliance for Democracy, the precursors of the Action Congress of Nigeria, which aligned with the other legacy party, the defunct Congress for Progressive Change, to form the APC. He was deputy governor to former governor of the state and APC Interim National Chairman, Chief Bisi Akande. Again, even though the court has acquitted him of complicity in the murder of Chief Bola Ige, Omisore is yet to be fully extricated of the alleged deed in the minds of the people and the most vocal of this group seem to be within the APC. For Omisore, aligning with the APC at this time of his seeming political regeneration is like offering him another lifeline to fully re-launch himself. He grabbed the opportunity with both hands and gave the APC what it badly needed: the votes.

    The APC leaders also discussed with Hon. Lasun Yusuf, an ally- turned-political foe of the leadership in Osun. He is believed to have worked to advance APC fortunes in Orolu LGA, though of the three polling units slated for the rerun, the party won two and lost one. Orolu used to be a safe ground for the APC, having never lost election in the area since 2007. This time, it trailed PDP in the first ballot allegedly because the party structure had become weak. PDP won marginally, beating APC by a meagre 2000 plus votes against the impression in some quarters that Orolu is a major PDP stronghold. Lasun Yusuf’s influence in Orolu, an adjourning LGA to his Irepodun, is minimal or non-existent. In Irepodun, comprising Erin-Ile and Ilobu, the APC won the entire Erin-Ile in the first ballot, taking all the five wards.

    It wasn’t only Omisore and Yusuf that the APC courted in those decisive days. They spoke with everybody and anybody that could pull in the votes. What was left undone towards the first election, the party totally embraced in the days leading to the second ballot. APC National Leader Asiwaju Bola Tinubu moved in decisively to crack the nuts here. For instance, former SSG Adeoti’s Iwo area is not within the zone for the rerun, yet Asiwaju pulled a call through to him, telling him he had made his point and it was time to come back home. That was the kind of last-minute consultation, discussion and political brinkmanship that brought the votes and the final victory. In the rerun, of the seven polling units, APC won in six to PDP’s one, thus polling the final valid votes of 255, 505 to PDP’s 255, 023.

     

    • Rahman, former Editor THISDAY on Saturday and Sunday newspapers, is Media Adviser to Asiwaju Tinubu.
  • Osun as metaphor

    The ‘Battle of Kruga’ is an interesting wild life footage screened by the National Geographic Channel. It is an epic battle in the wild by three groups of animals (a pride of lions, a herd of buffalo and a pond of crocodiles), each in claim of a little baby buffalo. The pride of lions after sending the herd of buffalo scampering, has settled for one of its stray, weak cubs, which, failing to make it past the edge of the pond of the crocodiles, slips in and is soon to be equidistantly grabbed –from the outside, by the fangs of anxious lions battling to save their hard-fought meal; and on the inside, by the jaws of crocodiles hoping to gain a ‘free meal’. But the ‘distress’ mooing calls of the poor baby buffalo soon elicits the right kindred response, as the herd buffalo in unison returns to take on the two top predators, and thus save their loved one.

    Although this may not necessarily be on ‘all fours’ –as lawyers would say when they compare the elements of two similar situations- the recent electoral battle for the political soul of Osun State, reminds one of the ‘Battle of Kruga’, with all its chilling, adrenalin-fuelled effects.

    In a previous piece titled ‘Four Days to Armageddon’ –written 96 hours to the 2015 presidential election- I had said, in the euphoria of a presumptive PDP victory, that Buhari could well be the proverbial ‘danhakin da karaina’, which the Hausas warn ‘shizaitsonemakaido’. Meaning that, ‘the prickly little reed underestimated, may soon be the troubling speck in the eye of the underestimate’. PDP’s unheeding incumbency had soon suffered a blinded eye from the inadvertence of its hawky ones who had already foretold a 65-year unbroken hegemony. But we saw that, that prophesy of a threescore and five, by the time it had prematurely ended after only 16 years, was still four solid years short of one score!

    Proof that the gods of politics truly do not brook the arrogant divination of meddlesome interlopers!

    And it came to pass, that Buhari was ‘the prickly little reed disdained, which soon became the troubling speck in the eye of the disdainer. And I said the Yorubas have an adage allegorizing a similar situation. But theirs is in the form of a riddle requiring an answer: ‘Igigangaran ma gunmiloju’, meaning: ‘thou crookedly-hanging object, hurt not my eye!’ And the one who solves the riddle replies: ‘okerelatinwo’, -meaning it behoves those who are circumspect to stay out of harm’s way. And either for want of dialectical depth or for brevity’s sake, the city Yorubas are the butt of philological humour, because they answer the riddle in an urbane form of anglicized Yoruba: ‘wa dodge-e’ (just dodge it).

    But who would’ve thought, in the just concluded gubernatorial election in Osun State, that PDP’s AdemolaAdeleke, the loafing dancer, could be ‘the prickly little reed’ in the Hausa adage which the APC would so terribly underestimate -almost to its own eternal peril? Or who would’ve thought that the lollygagger-senator with ‘sawdust’ where men should have brains, could be that ‘crookedly-hanging object’ -Igigangaran- in the Yoruba riddle which the APC would make a terribly poor job of ‘dodging’?

    And to imagine that Adeleke did not promise anything but heat, sweat and floor-banging body moves. His message to the people of Osun being: ‘you school and go to the polls; I dance and go to the Government House!’ Or maybe he would say: ‘you deal with the ‘one-plus-one equals two and all the subject-object-verb-complement, and I will put them all in the rhythm of my feet to provide good governance!

    The irony about the Osun election is not that a virtual illiterate, was set up for such an elite political office, but that a ‘penitent’ political party, the PDP, which sings a fetish of wanting only ‘educated’ politicians in elective and appointive offices, had no qualms propping up for contest, a man who could not even pass the only paper he had registered for at O-Levels. Nor is the irony about the Osun election merely that an ‘awaiting-trial’ was about to be governor, but that his party, which had insisted that an excellent finance minister should leave office for the inadvertence of falling prey to touts, still had no scruples fielding an exams cheat. The PDP has blatantly refused to hold the candle to others, even as it vehemently resists having others hold a candle to it. Even in its feigned contrition, the PDP still loves and thrives only on the notorious. A muckraking-braggart, Fayose, a blood-baying Wike, a street-brawling clown Dino Melaye and a sabre-rattling ethno-religious bigot Femi Fani-Kayode are still the proud epaulets of ‘honour’ that adorn the shoulders of this unrepentant party, the PDP. And just recently in Osun, we saw them put forth the party’s latest outgrowth of notoriety: a groovy, do-nothing-but-dance panjandrum of the legislative office whose only ‘credential’ is that he ‘has no credential’.

    Adeleke did not say that he was going to ‘talk’ his way to the government house! At least he was honest enough not to promise what evidently he could not deliver. Just the way his party’s presidential aspirants have been careful not to promise anything other than the ability to defeat Buhari. Rather he said he would ‘dance’ his way to the government house. And guess what? He almost did! Or, as his gambling sponsors still believe, he, in fact did. And the irony of it was that it was the loafing, do-nothing-but-dance ‘nonentity’ that left all the other contending ‘entities’ at the debating hall and almost made it to office. While the serious ones were busy trying to ‘out-talk’ each other to the government house, the unserious one was perhaps somewhere brushing his dancing stilettos and rehearsing for the inaugural. The PDP has virtually taught the APC yet another lesson: that ‘talk’ is truly cheap like base metal, but that ‘dance’ can almost be verily precious like diamond. And it thus raises the question: ‘to what avail is a pre-election debate when those who should require it to make informed choices will ignore those who have painstakingly prepared and debated, to vote the one who only danced?

     

     

  • INEC issues Certificate of Return to Osun governor-elect

    Alhaji Gboyega Isiaka, the Osun Governor-Elect on Wednesday received his certificate of return from the Independent National Electoral Commission ( INEC ), in Osogbo.

    The INEC National Commissioner in charge of Oyo, Ekiti and Osun states, Prince Adedeji Soyebi, presented the certificate to Oyetola.

    The Deputy Governor-Elect, Mr Benedict Alabi also received his Certificate of Return at the event.

    In his remarks, Oyetola promised not to disappoint the people of the state who gave him the mandate in the Sept. 22 governorship election.

    He said the people of Osun would continue to enjoy the benefit of good governance in the state.

    Oyetola, who vowed to justify the confidence reposed in him by the people of the state, said he would run all-inclusive and participatory government.

    “I want to assure the people of the state that I will serve to the best of my ability and I will run all-inclusive and participatory government.

    “I will always consult majority of stakeholders in the implementation of the policies and programmes that would have positive effect in the lives of the people of the state.

    “I will run people’s friendly government. The focus of my administration will be the welfare of the people of the state.

    “We are going to work together to ensure that we justify the confidence people reposed in me,” he added.

    Oyetola also commended INEC and security operatives for ensuring that the election was free and fair.

    He also thanked Gov. Rauf Aregbesola for giving him the opportunity to serve under his administration and also prepared him for the task ahead.

    In his speech, Mr Segun Agbaje, INEC Resident Commissioner in Osun said that the commission had done its best to deliver credible election and also promoted the image of INEC.

    Read Also: APC primary: Ajimobi picks Oyo South senatorial ticket

    Agbaje commended the people of Osun for the maturity displayed before, during and after the election.

    The REC said that issues raised by the US, UK and EU and the domestic observer groups during the election would be closely studied by the commission for further appropriate action.

    He said, “I remained neutral throughout the election process.

    “If at the end of litigation at the Supreme Court of Nigeria, the commission is found culpable for not discharging its responsibility faithfully and diligently, I will take full responsibility for any such laxity.

    “And also publicly apologize to all Nigerians and thereafter resign my appointment with the commission.

    “It should be put on record that the Commission carried out thorough investigation of all the allegations of intimidation of voters suspected to belong to a particular party, violence, arrest of Journalists and observers raised by some groups.

    “The commission discovered that all the allegations were not absolutely correct while the case of those arrested by the police with fake observer tags are still being investigated”.

    NAN reports that Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola, the APC candidate, defeated Sen. Ademola Adeleke, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), candidate with 482 votes in the rerun poll.

    Oyetola scored a total of 255, 505 to defeat Adeleke who scored 255, 023.

  • Osun: hubris trumps hubris

    In Osun, hubris just trumped hubris — alleged arrogance of performance, trumping bumbling hedonism, venality and vanity.

    It was an ultra-close call — and it wasn’t pretty!

    Up till the last second, the wide and merry way to Ekiti, Ayo Fayose’s Ekiti, was beckoning — satanic allure, charm, magic, force and all.

    But as in Ekiti, Osun’s escape came from the Biblical rejected stone; which became the crucial pillar, in Gboyega Oyetola’s win.

    Dayo Adeyeye, a run-away progressive, in Ekiti, nicked the Kayode Fayemi encore.

    Imagine what could have happened, had Adeyeye not broken ranks with Fayose, thus exiting with the bulk of his Ise-Orun votes?

    In Osun, it was the much vilified Iyiola Omisore that made the difference.  Whatever his controversial political biography, history would record his critical support, which tilted the scale, when it mattered most.

    Otherwise?  Like Fayose’s Ekiti, Ademola Adeleke would have vaulted Osun right back into the Stone Age.

    Or how would you fancy a 58-year old, that flunked his school certificate examination in 1981, but is linked to an alleged examination forgery in 2017, for the same O’ Level certificate, even as a sitting senator of the Federal Republic, gunning for a South West governorship in 2018?

    What people vote such a persona, and hope all would be well?  That is the depth of Osun’s narrow escape, with less than 500 votes — the closest in Nigerian gubernatorial election history!

    Still, like Ekiti, which plumbed the Fayose debacle, the Omisore intervention may yet prove very costly — except both sides strictly stick to the terms of their deal.  But more on that presently.

    The Osun see-saw is clearly a grim metaphor of acute retardation in Yoruba political thinking.  In a South West that prides itself unrepentantly progressive, basking in the infallibility of the Obafemi Awolowo vision, a reactionary incubus is setting in — and its long shadow seems getting longer by the day.

    In 1999, an Ademola Adeleke candidacy, in any South West state, would have been the butt of derision, to be furiously guillotined on Election Day.  Yet, an Osun of 2018 nearly saw a headless dancer, that articulated near-nothing, almost coasting home to victory.

    But give it to the Yoruba conservatives.  In their desperation for election wins, they don’t mind throwing any jerk at the electorate.  That is why the Osun PDP would look over an Akin Ogunbiyi, and pick an Ademola Adeleke.

    Fayose was governmental poison, sugar-coated and packaged as stomach infrastructure champion.  But  Adeleke’s paralyzing profile, of a gubernatorial vacuum, appears even worse than Fayose’s infantile tomfoolery.

    That should plumb an all-time low — at least, in the Yoruba South West.

    Yet, all that seemed not to matter.  The Afenifere, in Omisore’s Social Democratic Party (SDP), seemed ready to cut a deal with Adeleke, ideological warts, barrenness and all.  At that fatal moment, their ancestral feud with Bola Tinubu triumphantly trumped their fealty to Awo’s developmental ideology!

    It took an Omisore, pariah in good times, comrade in grudge times, to puncture their delusory ballon; and show a far keener sense, of both history and posterity.

    Long before, much of the South West media had turned livid with scalding, plebeian hate, against a sitting governor; and profaned the public trust in their care, with personal hostility; and institutional rascality and vendetta.

    No thanks to this rabid hysteria, from an otherwise respectable society turned so despicable in their professional misconduct, outgoing Governor Rauf Aregbesola, had become the devil-in-chief, fit for severe roasting.

    Yet, compare and contrast to neighbouring Ekiti, and the callous conspiracy would appear clear.

    Even on the skewed passion on salary defaults — a pan-Nigeria crisis fraudulently shaped as exclusive Osun “wickedness” — proclaim Aregbesola guilty as charged.  Yet, did Ekiti’s Fayose who, in his cheap theatrics, had earlier joined in the Aregbe roasting, do better?

    Now, contrast Fayose’s parlous infrastructure re-stock to Aregbesola’s record, in futuristic roads, bridges and eye-popping schools, among others.

    Which of the two would history remember to have dug deep and made a brilliant difference, even at a time of acute adversity?

    It is eerie, indeed, that Osun’s September 22 election nearly repeated history, ironically at the dawn of an earlier epochal developmental push, in the old Western Region.

    The great Awo had launched the free primary education programme.  But some elite back then, as some Osun elite now, thumbed down the project, in a blitz of fearsome propaganda, led by the opposition National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC).

    The next federal elections, Awo’s Action Group (AG) lost — and urban Ilesa and Ife, proudly NCNC bastions, gloried in the AG loss.  On September 22, most of Ijesa, urban or rural, would have gloated over an APC loss, just as urban Ife went SDP.

    But whatever the present hurts, just like the great Awo, history would be far kinder to Aregbesola.

    He has put in place quality infrastructure to make the next set of Osun youths very competitive, via quality education.  He has also laid a solid infrastructural foundation that, if continued, could, in a short time, vault Osun from the puddle of “civil service state”.

    Moreover, he more than any politician of his generation, has demonstrated fierce fealty to South West integration, as a key engine of Nigeria’s re-federalization.

    Awo would later call his electoral loss, for doing the right thing, “eebu d’ola” (insult-turned-praise).  For his developmental work in Osun, across many strata of society, Aregbesola’s swan song won’t be much different.

    But that doesn’t, in any way, suppose he didn’t make his own mistakes.  He did.  Not a few, friend or foe, would continue to pepper him for leading his party from a near-thumping majority in 2014, to a cliff-hanging win in 2018, aside from a net-loss in his native Ijesaland.  Still, it could have been worse!

    That takes the discourse back to Alhaji Oyetola, the governor-elect.  If it were a parliamentary poll, the Osun mandate would birth a “hung parliament”, with neither government nor opposition having a clear mandate.

    That just shows the ultra-tight rope Oyetola has to walk; and somewhat maintain a delicate balance.  It is good he has pledged an all-inclusive government, driven by mass consultation.

    On immediate expediencies, he must consummate, to the letter, the Omisore deal.  Otherwise, he risks an election-time ally turn an implacable foe.

    Besides, such unconsummated deals, in Ekiti, gave Ayo Fayose political resurrection, that almost doomed all Ekiti to collective death.  To boot, it also turned Omisore against the Adelekes, when it mattered most, after their Osun West collaborative senatorial triumph.

    But on no account should Osun’s developmental strides be halted: the school feeding programme and other social safety net schemes, road infrastructure and futuristic schools — within budgetary limits of course.

    That is the hard road to gubernatorial greatness — beyond the short-term lure of belly politics.

  • APC wins Osun by the skin of their teeth

    THE Osun State governorship election was concluded after two rounds of voting, the first widely regarded as very credible but stalemated, and the second decisive but thought to be a little controversial. Yet, it was the second round of voting, the rerun in seven polling units, that determined the outcome of the poll. Because the second round saw some pushing and shoving, not many analysts were persuaded to repose absolute confidence in their own observations and conclusions. However, on the whole, given the statistical presentation of the election, the outcome appears in large measure to be a true reflection of both the wishes of the electorate and their opinions of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the opposition challenger, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Some other analysts may even go further to extrapolate a third aspect of the vote to predict the 2019 presidential election.

    First the statistics. Some 1.68m Osun residents registered to vote. About 1.25 of them collected their PVCs. But for one reason or the other more than 500,000 of them did not vote. Out of the about 721,607 who voted validly in both the main and supplementary elections, some 35.41 percent voted for the APC, while about 35.34 percent voted the PDP. It was indeed a nail-biting finish, but one which largely reflected popular will, contrary to the feeling of dissenters. It is indeed very significant that the turnout in both the main and supplementary elections, which could not be rigged ahead of the polls, was 42.89 percent and 42.45 percent respectively. In other words, despite allegations of disenfranchisement and violence, the rerun poll witnessed only a marginal, insignificant drop in turnout.

    Whoever won the poll between APC’s Gboyega Oyetola and Ademola Adeleke would still have needed to moderate his celebration. Not only was the turnout less than 50 percent, though a fair figure when juxtaposed with the turnout during national elections, it is even more humbling when considered against the total number of registered voters and the estimated population of the state. The winner, APC’s Mr Oyetola, persuaded only 15.19 percent of the registered voters, and a miserly 5.11 percent of the state’s estimated population of about five million. (There are no reliable population figures for Nigeria, let alone the state. In 2006, Osun was about 3.4m, and should be more than five million now). With such appalling ratios, it is important for the winner to circumscribe his victory dance despite the euphoria that accompanied his success. His mandate is severely limited both by the smallness of the turnout and by the almost indistinguishable closeness to his challenger’s figure.

    That either the APC or the PDP could have won the poll is a testament to the crazy division bifurcating Osun and the indisputable inability of the outgoing governor to engender a lasting and memorable impact on the state. They indicate that Governor Rauf Aregbesola’s policies, and possibly his style, were quite limiting, controversial, divisive and generally poorly conceived and executed. He and his supporters view his road and school building projects as imperishable legacies. To some extent they are right. He will doubtless be remembered for the many significant projects he undertook in his eight years in office. But considering how he sometimes neutralised his lofty projects by his serial indiscretions — projects at the cost of the people’s welfare, projects at the cost of sound public finance, model schools subverted by renaming and needless mergers, etc — it is not altogether clear that he would have the kind of fame he yearns for.

    Indeed, more than any other factor, Mr Aregbesola nearly lost the election for the APC. They won only by the skin of their teeth. It is suggested that the zoning controversy was an important factor in the closeness of the election outcome, and that imposition was also a critical factor, with Mr Oyetola thought in addition to be lacking in charisma. Perhaps there is some truths in these arguments. But not only did the PDP conspire to make Mr Oyetola’s presumed lack of charisma of no effect whatsoever by their election of the frivolous Mr Adeleke as their candidate, they also managed in the same breath to make the zoning issue of less significance. Instead of focusing on the APC’s rupture of the unwritten zoning arrangement, voters were torn between embracing the more level-headed and thoughtful Mr Oyetola and electing the rotund and passionate dancer who has not offered any coherent idea on any subject, including dancing and drama. No people were ever so poised on the horns of dilemma as the Osun electorate last week. In the end, they stilled their conscience and held their nose and voted, not according to their conscience as it is customarily said, but according to the momentary vacillations of their vexed souls.

    The matter of imposition is a bit more complex. But it is often a flimsy argument. Mr Oyetola is a native of Osun, and he has backers from near and far. He is entitled to his friends. He did not appear to have been imposed on his party when the APC held an incontrovertible direct primary. More importantly, it was inconceivable that he could have been imposed on the people in a statewide election. A study of elections worldwide shows clearly how in some cases friends, families and business partners support one another in local and national elections. If a candidate gets the sponsorship of a big donor, regardless of the preconceived notions about the donor, it is hard to imagine how that amounts to imposition. If a candidate or aspirant is not supported by a big sponsor, he will be supported by a powerful group. If he is not supported by either, he will have to rely on creating a mass movement of voters and angry citizens frustrated by the status quo.

    What in fact made the Osun election to be so uncomfortably close and even controversial was largely Mr Aregbesola. He came into office, not just by a remarkable legal legerdemain, as cynics suggest, but by a popular coalition eager to welcome giant developmental efforts. That coalition saw Mr Argbesola take Ijeshaland in 2011 and significantly too in 2014 by a huge plurality. The Ijesha dominate the civil service and teaching profession. The lack of regular salary payment was bound to affect them and their pensioners more than any other group. The governor’s poor handling of public finance and the chasm which that created between public projects and people’s welfare and well-being were bound to win him enemies. Had the APC taken just one thousand more votes in last week’s poll from Ijeshaland, which would still be considerably less than the margin he took in 2014, there would have been no rerun, let alone a controversy that has raised doubts in the minds of many who argue that the election was stolen.

    Not only did the APC take about 140,000 fewer votes in 2018 than it took in 2014, it lost Atakumosa West, lost Obokun, lost Oriade, lost Ilesha West, managed to win Ilesha East, but won Atakumosa East fairly well. In 2014, the APC won Ilesha East and Ilesha West by a huge vote of more than 31,000 to PDP’s approximate 11,000, took Atakumosa East and Atakumosa West by a vote of more than 28,000 to PDP’s more than 21,000, and cleared both Oriade and Obokun by more than 23,000 to PDP’s about 18,000. The discriminating Ijesha are unlikely to have viewed the more reflective Mr Oyetola with more suspicion than the absolutely less cerebral Mr Adeleke. Nor are they unmindful of the fact that Mr Aregbesola had the same backers as Mr Oyetola. The fault is in the governor, his mercilessly imposing style, his lack of methodicalness in the state’s finances, his fondness for regimentation in the true Cuban, socialist sense, and according to some, his inability to convince a section of Osun that his approach to secularism is not abysmally below par.

    Having recognised that it is coming to office with less plurality than it would have wanted, and in fact more controversy than is healthy, the APC must urgently put together an inclusive government, especially now that they must lie naked in bed and in sultry heat with the hated Iyiola Omisore, the Ife politician whom the progressives, since the assassination of former Justice minister Bola Ige, loved to demonise. Mr Aregbesola did not run an inclusive government, but he was tolerated for as long as possible because the PDP was even more execrable. Nor, it is clear, did he understand the necessity to emplace a cabinet and work together with them, rather than lecturing and hectoring them, having taken more than one year to compose his cabinet in his first term, and about three years to compose a second cabinet in his second term. Mr Oyetola should resist the temptation to think, like the outgoing governor, that he knows everything, or that the knowledge and contributions of a cabinet are superfluous. He needs them, for they will be the key to his success or failure.

    If Mr Oyetola wants to have a second term, and to get it without sweating, everything will depend on how well he performs in his first term, how well he relates with powerful groups in the state as well as the ordinary man, and just how brilliantly he reorganises the state’s almost completely broken public finance. He must again resist the temptation to think in highfalutin terms, dreaming projects the state’s resource base cannot sustain. It is okay to dream; but he needs to recognise that if he cannot find the money to match his dreams, he must opt for more sensible and impactful projects. His priority, at all times, must be the people, a people he must respect, serve, love and empower. Like Mr Aregbesola, most Southwest governors will be rounding up their second terms without having managed to build and mentor the leaders of tomorrow, state leaders and national leaders they needed to have selected and carefully mentored from all corners of their states. Mr Oyetola must break the mould, if he can. But let him learn from his own mentor — Mr Aregbesola was his boss, not his mentor.

    The governor-elect also needs to surround himself with those who can complement his own endowments. There was nothing a few weeks back to show that he ran a cohesive and brilliant campaign. He may have a good heart and a sound mind, but if the campaign he ran is any indication of his administrative acumen, then he will need help in that department, sharp minds and fearless individuals who can help him run a tight-knit administration . Few people were impressed with the campaign he ran, a campaign that gave him an unconvincing and controversial victory. It is true that much of the damage was done by the outgoing governor, but it was within his capacity, had he run a great campaign, to remedy a part of the terrible wrong that assailed his bid for office. As a matter of fact, during the campaign, the governor-elect seemed sometimes overwhelmed, uncoordinated and needlessly hesitant. As his performance in the debate also showed, he had neither the polemical skill needed for the counterthrust of debates nor a deep grasp of the facts to show convincingly that he was a far better candidate than any other. He still towers above the sybaritic Mr Adeleke, and is not hobbled by the dubieties of Mr Omisore, but he won partly because his co-contestants were non-starters. He, therefore, needs to accurately gauge his strengths without being immobilised by his weaknesses.

    The bigger lesson, hopefully, has been learnt by the APC. The national ruling party, this column will continue to maintain, does not possess grand ideas and the democratic principles needed to change the society. It has ruled with the kakistocratic indulgence of religious viziers and proud but pedantic politicians. They had to swallow their pride to get Mr Omisore to turn the Ife votes in their favour. They could easily have lost to a demonstrably inferior candidate. It took them enormous heaving and sweating to take Ekiti from the rambunctious and impolite Governor Ayo Fayose, despite fielding a much intellectually sounder candidate. Even then, the Ekiti victory was still narrow and unconvincing. As the 2019 polls draw near, the APC must ask themselves what messages Ekiti and Osun are telling them. The messages are undoubtedly full of forebodings.

    They have replaced their lethargic party chairman John Odigie-Oyegun with the feisty and sometimes insensitive Adams Oshiomhole, and are consequently running a better party than they used to. They will also field the gritty and abrasive President Muhammadu Buhari because they have no choice, not because they think he has the capacity to take Nigeria through the 21st Century. In 2019, the APC is thus likely to meet an angrier and more determined electorate willing to demand both a pound of flesh and the blood that comes with it.

    But democracy is paradoxically taking roots even within a dysfunctional and unstructured polity. Believing that there is no alternative to democracy, and impoverished and badly educated, but ruled by emotions and the social media, the electorate will more than ever take graver risks by voting candidates into office, some of them morons, and others self-professed messiahs. Mr Adeleke nearly made it into office in Osun, and those who voted for him are not sorry they did; who can tell how many unqualified candidates will make it into high office as the electorate reassert themselves in an atmosphere of rebellion and misshapen ethics, and especially at a time when none of the leading parties has demonstrated fidelity to democratic principles or to any grand plan and ideas necessary to transform society?