Tag: OUSTER

  • Gowon, ouster and corruption

    Open confession: I doubt if I can ever be critical of Gen. Yakubu Gowon, former military Head of State (1966-1975).

    As a pupil of St. David’s Anglican School, a public primary school in Okesuna-Lafiaji, on  Lagos Island, Gen. Gowon, with his Lagos Governor, then Lt. Col. Mobolaji Johnson, did what Osun Governor, Rauf Aregbesola, now does for Osun’s most vulnerable families — school feeding.

    True, the Gowon-Johnson mid-day meal programme, for Lagos public schools, was not entirely free.

    But for a termly token, the government blessed the pupils with delicious and nutritious food, some of which — like Semo: vita and lina, barley cooked like jollof rice, stuffed with corned beef, spice and dried fish, and other staples, superbly cooked — most of us first sampled, and thoroughly enjoyed, in school.   Why, generous fruits and chilled fan milk came with the treat!

    That proved superb bonding, with impressionable minds, by a caring state!

    So, when by October 1974, the inimitable Dr. Tai Solarin started writing his “Beginning of the end” letter (because Gen. Gowon reneged on a 1976 promised return to civil rule); and other heavyweight moulders of opinion then were calling Gowon the worst to have happened to the Nigerian humanity, a bit of my child’s mind balked — what the hell are these adults talking about?

    Though almost a secondary school graduate at Gowon’s 1975 overthrow, and replacement by Brig. Murtala Muhammed, my teenage mind felt something close to personal grief.

    Fond recall of the Gowon regime, seeping with child-like innocence and naivety!  Even then, Gen. Gowon’s May 15 Abuja recollection of that ouster evoked that same deep pathos, echoing a long lost age, of child-like military innocence!

    At his ouster in 1975, he told the 8th AGM and Conference for Heads of Anti-Corruption Agencies in Commonwealth Africa in Abuja, that he had no dime, save his salary savings.

    It was a Monday morning, away at Kampala, Uganda, heading the Nigerian delegation to the summit of the Organization of African Unity (OAU, now rechristened African Union, AU).

    Even worse: his tearful delegates had to contribute part of their estacodes to fly him to London, UK, his new home in exile.  Otherwise, he would have been stranded in Uganda.  Yet, he had been military Head of State for nine years, superintending Nigeria’s first Oil Boom!

    Gen. Gowon’s conclusion?  That big-scale corruption came after his regime, since his military successors were scared stiff of ending up kobo-less like him.

    With all due respect to Gen. Gowon, that conclusion cannot be right.

    For starters poverty, real or feared, cannot be basis for stealing.  If stats shows Nigeria’s rich elite are more vicious thieves than the vulnerable poor, it logically follows that those who steal are driven by base instincts, just as those who don’t are driven by high principles.

    Besides, there was that “You-Tarka-me-I-Daboh-you” scandal, broken by the old Daily Times.  Godwin Daboh (now dead) accused the late Joseph Tarka (Benue co-native and Federal commissioner — minister — under Gowon) of corruption.  The crusading media back then accused Gen. Gowon of alleged cover-up.

    And, after Gowon’s overthrow, the Murtala regime indicted 10 of Gowon’s 12 state governors for corruption (Lagos’ Mobolaji Johnson and Western State’s Oluwole Rotimi were the two exceptions); and ordered seizure of their assets.

    So, for Gen. Gowon to claim corruption came after him would sound rather rich.  Yet, there is a sense that hyperbole could make some sense, when you compare the modest Gowon-era military office holders, with the Murtala-Olusegun Obasanjo set of successors.

    The mercurial Murtala boomed and roared and kicked against “indiscipline and corruption”.  In fairness to his memory, he walked his talk for the six months he ruled (29 July 1975-13 February 1976).

    But that cannot be said of his successors, despite projecting empty exceptionalism.   The ex-general as a super-rich citizen, bristling with an offensive sense of entitlement, dawned after the Obasanjo handover to civil rule in 1979.

    Gowon’s “corrupt” governors included names like Bendel’s iconic Sam Ogbemudia (God bless his soul!), Kano’s Audu Bako, Rivers’ Alfred Diette-Spiff (now a king) and even Kwara’s David Bamigboye.

    Though tarred by Gowon ouster probes, their achievements and regime conduct still loom large in their respective states, so much so that the late Ogbemudia, aside from rallying back as elected Bendel (now Edo and Delta states) governor (1 October-31 December 1983), died a hero among his people.

    In contrast: former army generals, morphing into emergency, much sought-after boardroom czars, just to pimp illicit influence to corner public sector contracts, was basically a post-Obasanjo affair.

    While Gowon, as ex-Head of State, exited as a golden pauper, Obasanjo exited the same position, even after a shorter duration, as a big-time farmer.

    Obasanjo’s deputy, the late Maj-Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, that regime’s Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, exited as big-time investor with niche interests in banking, shipping, publishing — the so-called commanding heights of the economy.

    Contrast that to Gowon’s No. 2, Vice Admiral Joseph Edet Akinwale Wey (1918-1991), and you’d probably figure out Gowon’s claim that corruption came after him.

    Besides, though not many noticed it back then, a more noxious strain of systemic corruption, tailoring public policy to private ends, if not entirely novel, would appear to have luxuriated.

    Take Obasanjo’s laudable Operation Feed the Nation (OFN) campaign, of household food gardening and mass farming.  That birthed the Land Use Decree (now Land Use Act).  But that access to land on the cheap — courtesy that law — created many ex-army general farmers, including Obasanjo himself.

    This clever ploy of self-settlement, hiding behind the veneer of productivity, would decay into the subversive generosity, aka ”settlement” and sweeping sleaze of the Babangida regime; and hit the nadir of brazen heist, of the Sani Abacha era.

    Why, even Obsasanjo’s second coming, as elected president (1999-2007), boasts its own holy acquisition: when a “blind trust” saw clearly enough to suborn the flower of Economic Nigeria, to “donate” to a sitting president’s exit library!  The result today is the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL), first in Africa!

    Not even the vilest of the Gowon era boasts such audacity!  Yet these military regimes, starting with the Muhammadu Buhari junta (January 1984-August 1985), were proud “off-shoots” of the Murtala-Obasanjo regime!

    But the spartan Buhari, now sitting president, would appear the only refreshing difference, from that post-Gowon era of holy venality.   That clearly explains his missionary zeal to risk all to kill corruption.

    But Prof. Wole Soyinka, our own WS, has nailed the anti-corruption argument: until EFCC brings thieving past leaders to justice, there would be little dent on that nation-slaying monster.

  • Okobi blames refs for Olympic ouster

    Okobi blames refs for Olympic ouster

    Super Falcons attacking midfielder Ngozi Okobi has said the referees were biased in the failed Rio 2016 Olympic Games campaign.

    The Falcons’ dream of appearing at the women’s football event of the quadrennial multiple sports showpiece was shattered in Bata on Sunday in the 1-2 loss to the Equatorial Guinean opposite, Nzalang Nacional.

    Okobi said her side did everything right to progress in the qualification race but found out that beyond the opposition the referees,also killed all of their effort to come out of the clash unscathed.

    “The referees were truly the kill-joy in the clash against Equatorial Guinea in Bata on Sunday. We did not lose to the Equatorial Guineans but to the antics of the referees who for reasons best known to them made it absolutely difficult for us to play our own game with their bad calls.

    “We actually gave the qualification clash the best fight but were undone by the referees biased officiating. It’s unfortunate we could still not qualify for the Rio Olympics after we sorely missed the 2012 London Olympics.

    “Well, the deed cannot be undone. Right now we can only take solace in the forthcoming All Africa Games (AAG) in Congo Brazzaville next month.

    “We can now focus our energy and preparations at winning gold in the women’s football event of the AAG perhaps as a make-up for our inability to qualify for the Olympics,” said the Washington Spirits forward to supersport.com.

    The African champions returned home on Tuesday from the failed Olympic Games campaign in Bata, Equatorial Guinea. Okobi scored what turned out to be the inconsequential goal for her side in Bata.

    The Falcons’ conquerors, Nzalang Nacional of Equatorial Guinea, will now face Banyana Banyana of South Africa in a two-legged clash to determine who claims the Olympic spot in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.

  • Compaore’s ouster

    •It is a lesson to sit-tight leaders that they risk being disgraced out of office 

    Blaise Compaore, one of Africa’s longest-serving rulers was on October 31 forced out of power as parliament was about pushing through a bill to allow him run again, the day before. Compaore, 63, became Burkina Faso’s head of state in 1987 after Thomas Sankara, his bosom friend and one of Africa’s most respected heads of state, was ousted and assassinated in a coup. Compaore, who was only 36 when he took power, had been reelected president four times since 1991. He had served two terms of seven years as well as two five-year terms.

    His journey to infamy started years back, what with the country’s poor showing of 183rd out of 186 countries on the UN Human Development Index. The disillusionment by youths who constitute about 60 percent of the country’s 17 million population, was understandable. They naturally could not have been expected to love the establishment responsible for such a parlous state of affairs. Perhaps they would have tolerated Compaore till next year when his fourth term was supposed to end, but apparently lost their patience when they discovered that rather than getting ready to leave power, Compaore was indeed digging in to stay put. His cup ran over with his insatiable desire for more years in office; angry protesters stormed and ransacked the parliament as well as other official buildings and burnt them down on October 30, demanding his resignation. In the ensuing chaos, soldiers took over  and eventually announced the former president’s resignation after an initial disagreement amongst the military officers as to who should succeed Compaore.

    With hindsight, the former president must be cursing the day he contemplated extending his tenure. He could not believe what hit him, as he issued two statements in quick succession indicating his willingness to vacate office at some future dates. In the first statement, issued on Thursday, he vowed to hold on to power through next year under a transition government that he would obviously have headed.

    However, he was soon to learn that the game was up and that he was no longer in a position of command. He quickly back-tracked: “In order to preserve the democratic gains, as well as social peace … I declare a vacancy of power with a view to allowing a transition that should finish with free and transparent elections in a maximum period of 90 days”, he had said. Even that was also rejected by a determined people.

    Compaore’s ouster is a lesson to other African leaders with Oliver Twist tendency. They should realise that anyone who stays too long in the lavatory should be ready to play host to maggots. It also shows People Power as a potent antidote to the question posed by sit-tight leaders who have outlived their usefulness. The Burkinabe youths decided to take their destiny in their hands by coming out in large numbers to demand Compaore’s resignation. Although a few of them were killed, they succeeded in forcing out a leader who had nothing new to offer his country but was not ready to leave the stage.

    Moreover, the role of the opposition in the struggle that some have christened “Black Spring”, is commendable. At least the opposition figures galvanised and provided the desired leadership to the people in the build-up to the protests, when their warning to Compaore not to run for a fifth term went unheeded. Perhaps particularly worrisome was the role of the parliament in the Compaore saga. Perhaps democracy would not have been truncated the way it was in the country if the parliamentarians had done their work diligently.

    It must be pointed out that they failed the people in this matter because they should have prevailed on Compaore to drop the idea of his fifth term when it mattered.  All said, however, we urge the Burkinabes to hold on and put the soldiers on their toes. The best the international community owes them now is ensuring that the soldiers return the country to democratic path within the three months that they promised.

  • AWC FALLOUT: FALCONS’ OUSTER UNFORTUNATE -MAIGARI

    AWC FALLOUT: FALCONS’ OUSTER UNFORTUNATE -MAIGARI

    NFF President Aminu Maigari has bemoaned the woeful performance of the senior women national team, Super Falcons at the just concluded African Women Championship held in Equatorial Guinea.

    Speaking to SportingLife on his way to Miami, Florida, USA on Sunday, the former Bauchi State FA Chairman said: “This is the worst assemblage of senior women team Nigeria has ever had. The annoying aspect of it is that the girls were well motivated, and they were given whatever they requested for, I never knew what went wrong.

    “We would have to wait for the technical report from the Head Coach before we would know the next line of action. The annoying aspect is that this debacle is coming when our junior teams excelled at the world level.

    “We had expected the senior team to capitalized on that to rule Africa again, but all that has now become mere wishes. It is very unfotunate, and unbelievable.” Maigari led Super Eagles delegation to friendly against Venezuela.