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  • Will Nigerian women get additional seats in parliament?

    Will Nigerian women get additional seats in parliament?

    In the 9th Assembly, a constitutional amendment bill to create special or reserve seats for women in parliament failed to see the light of day as both the Senate and the House of Representatives failed to vote positively for the bill. This attracted protests from women’s groups at the gate of the National Assembly for about a week. The bill, which was reintroduced in the 10th Assembly, has continued to generate serious attention from members of the House of Representatives, with the Speaker, Abbas Tajudeen, being the chief driver. Unfortunately, it has not gained the same momentum in the Senate. This has raised a series of questions about whether or not the bill will sail through when the lawmakers vote on the bill. TONY AKOWE reports

    For several years, Nigerian women have clamoured for what they called equal representation in the political affairs of the country. Beginning from the 35 percent affirmative action canvassed at the Beijing conference, the agitation has grown by the day. With less than 20 women out of about 469 lawmakers in Nigeria’s National Assembly, the under-representation of women has continued to grow. Incidentally, this number has been on a downward trend since 1999. With only 3 women in the Senate and 13 women in the House of Representatives in 1999, the figure rose to 4 Senators and 21 Representatives in 2003 and 9 female Senators in 2007, with 27 House members becoming the highest ever women representation in the National Assembly. The figure dropped to 7 Senators and 26 House members in 2011. While the number of Senators increased to 8 each in 2015 and 2019, the number of House members continued to drop, dropping to 22 in 2015 and 13 in 2019.

    However, while the number of female Senators dropped to 4 after the 2023 elections, those in the House increased slightly to 16 in 2023, but dropped to 15 after the death of Oriyomi Onanuga. The statistics at the state level is far from being encouraging. Statistics revealed that in 1999, there were between 12 and 25 women in the state Houses of Assembly, while in 2003, the number stood between 23 and 25. The 2007 elections produced the highest number of women in state Assemblies with 68 women, while from 2011 to 2019, the figure dropped to 57, and declined to 48 in the 2023 general election.

    Available records revealed that out of the 1460 legislative seats in both the state and National Assembly, women occupy a paltry 64 positions across the country. While there are 469 seats in the National Assembly, there are 991 available legislative seats in the 36 state Houses of Assembly. A breakdown revealed that there are 15 women in the House of Representatives as of the last House seating (there were 16 women at inauguration, but this number was reduced following the death of Hon. Oriyomi Onanuga. However, this number will increase to 17 when the two women elected during the recently concluded bye election are sworn- in, four women in the Senate and 45 women in the 36 state Houses of Assembly. This represents a mere 4.38 per cent of legislative seats in the country occupied by women. Interestingly, the UN Women believe that only six countries have 50 per cent or more women in parliament in single or lower houses: Rwanda (64 per cent), Cuba (56 per cent), Nicaragua (55 per cent), Andorra (50 per cent), Mexico (50 per cent), and the United Arab Emirates (50 per cent) source.

    During the 2023 general elections, only 92 women contested with their male counterparts out of the 1101 candidates that contested for the 109 senatorial elections. Also, out of the 3122 candidates that contested the 360 seats in the House of Representatives, only 288 of them were women. Interestingly, available records revealed that six states did not field any female candidates across the 18 political parties for the election. 

    At the state Assembly level, out of the 10,231 candidates that contested the election, only a paltry 1,019 of them were women.  However, a cursory look at the constitutions of the various political parties revealed that they have made provisions for what looks like a semblance of equitable representation of women in the affairs of the political parties. Some of the party constitutions made room for at least one woman in every three delegates’ right from the ward level to the national level. But some obstacles must be tackled before the dream can be realised.

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    To address this anomaly, Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu, sponsored a bill to reserve special seats for women in the parliament, both at the state and national levels. The bill first came up for debate and passage in the 9th Assembly when the then Deputy Chief Whip of the House, Nkiruka Onyejeocha, sponsored the bill. During the debate, both on the floor of the House, at committee stage and on the day of consideration, it showed a great prospect of sailing through the constitutional amendment. When the bill was first gazetted, it had 88 members signing up in support of the bill. It was gathered then that after the first reading, more members signed up as co-sponsors, giving the bill a better chance of sailing through. But when it was time to vote on the bill after legislative scrutiny, it fell like a pack of cards, with only 91 of the members voting in favour when the bill actually required about 240 members to sail through. Both at the level of second reading and voting, some members of the 9th Assembly spoke so well of the bill publicly, but voted against the bill, sending a shock wave across the country. However, when it came up for voting, it failed to get even two-thirds backing, as only 91 of the 360 members of the House voted in favour.

    Having gone through second readings and debates at zonal public hearings, Kalu is optimistic that the bill will see the light of day in the 10th Assembly. Speaker of the House, Abbas Tajudeen, is also very passionate about the bill and has spoken in favour of it at almost every forum where he has the opportunity to speak.

    The Speaker has also set up a special committee to drum up support for the bill by reaching out to all the relevant stakeholders and influential people in the country. He said: “As the sponsor of the Reserved Seats for Women Bill, I want to make this abundantly clear: this bill is not born out of sentiment. It is born out of reason, out of evidence, out of the stubborn facts of our current reality. It is rooted in the belief that justice delayed is democracy denied.”

    He said further that “Nigeria is a nation of over 220 million people, and nearly half (49.3 per cent) of this population are women. And yet, the number of women who sit at the table of power in this country is painfully low. In the current 10th National Assembly, only 19 out of 469 legislators are women (just 3.8 per cent).

    “In the House of Representatives, there are only 15 women out of 360. In the Senate, only 4 out of 109. Across all 36 states, we have not a single female governor. And in our State Houses of Assembly (out of 991 seats), only 45 are occupied by women. That’s a mere 4.5 per cent. Keep the advocacy alive. Keep doing it, keep lobbying, there’s no time. We don’t have time.

    “It’s our desire to vote on these constitutional review provisions once we are back from recess. That’s to show you there’s no time. The people you’re talking to must be people who influence those who will vote or the voters themselves. So tell your religious leaders, political big players, the wives of the parliamentarians and so on. Through progressive policies and appointments, the President has shown a clear intent to disrupt entrenched norms. The Reserved Seats for Women Bill is a reflection of this shared resolve, and the 10th Assembly is proud to be the legislative catalyst advancing it.”

    It is worth saying that the agitation for special seats for women in parliament often faces resistance because of several deeply rooted political, social, and institutional issues. It is a given that in many societies, especially in Nigeria, politics is still dominated by men, who often see the demand for special seats as a threat to their control. Some have raised the question of whether they will be expected to vacate their seats for the women to occupy. During the debate for second reading on the bill to create a special seat for women on the floor of the House of Representatives, one of the members argued that on several occasions, he was asked to step down for a woman to contest the House of Representatives seat for his constituency, and he has often obliged. For that reason, he believed that he had made enough sacrifices for the project. However, there are deep-rooted stereotypes that make it hard for women to be accepted as equal political actors. These stereotypes include deeply rooted traditional and religious interpretations by some communities, which discourage women from taking public leadership roles. In addition, limited resources available to women will no doubt work against the actualisation of the idea since they need resources to campaign, mobilise, and lead effectively. Without addressing financial and structural barriers, the policy may not yield real empowerment. Interestingly, some critics have argued that creating special seats for women amounts to creating “token representation” rather than genuine empowerment. Opponents often claim that women should win elections “on merit,” dismissing the systemic barriers that make this difficult. Some argue that quotas or reserved seats interfere with principles of competitiveness and “one person, one vote”. There is a perception that it gives women an “unfair advantage.”

     In short, the agitation for special seats for women in parliament is resisted because it challenges entrenched power structures, faces ideological opposition about democracy and merit, and is constrained by legal, cultural, and economic barriers.

     The bill has drawn support from the First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, among others. The First Lady believes that the demand for special seats for women should not be treated as charity. It is her view that it will strengthen the nation’s democracy.

    Speaking at an interactive dialogue session on the special seat bill for women at the 2025 Open NASS week organised by the House of Representatives, the first Lady said women have been underrepresented for too long in the affairs of the nation.

    She said, “One of the most critical issues being raised is the question of women’s representation and inclusion in politics, particularly through reserved seats for women in the legislature. As we reflect on Nigeria’s democratic journey, we must be honest about where we are and be bold about where we need to go. The truth is that women remain significantly underrepresented in all levels of governance, despite making up nearly half of the population. This is not just a question of fairness; it is a matter of strengthening our democracy and deepening our national development. I strongly believe that giving women a seat at the table is not about charity. It is about recognising competence, diversity of experience, and the unique perspectives women bring to leadership. That is why this session on special seats for women is not only timely but necessary. It presents an opportunity for us to move beyond conversations and towards real, concrete action”.

    Abia State governor, Alex Otti, is one of those who support the idea, saying it would guarantee the inclusion of women in the political process, giving them a say in shaping the character of the Nigerian governance architecture. Having more women in our legislative assemblies would not achieve the desired impact unless a number of fundamental issues are holistically addressed.  He said, “The internal processes within the political parties have to be strengthened to make way for the active participation of women in decision-making. The ordinary woman, not persons related or affiliated to powerful male party leaders, must be at the centre of the process. If we are not careful, we may be creating new openings for men with vested interests to further entrench themselves in the system using proxies. If that happens, nothing in the real sense of it would change in the political fortunes of average Nigerian women.”

    Speaker Abbas, who has become a strong advocate of the special seat, admitted that women who will seek to occupy the special and reserved seat for women in the national and state assemblies face a herculean task in achieving the set objective in view of the challenges they may have to overcome. He said women aspirants might be required to campaign across an area larger than a single federal constituency, possibly the size of a whole senatorial district or even more; an action which he admitted poses a significant challenge in logistics, finance, and time, especially for first-time aspirants who often face resource constraints.

    According to him, the statistics of women’s underrepresentation are dismal, which explains why the proposals before the National Assembly on greater women’s inclusion are both urgent and pragmatic.

    Abbas gave an insight into what is contained in the proposed amendment and how it is expected to work.

    He said the proposal alluded to the fact that, in addition to the current three senators from each state and one senator from the Federal Capital Territory, one additional senator should be created for each state and for the FCT, who shall be a woman. For the House of Representatives, HB 1189 and HB 1421 propose that in addition to the current 360 members, two additional members for each state and the FCT, who shall be women, while HB 1349 proposes one additional Member for each state and the FCT, who shall be a woman. For the State Houses of Assembly, both HB 1189 and HB 1349 propose one additional member from each of the three senatorial districts in the state who shall be a woman. To accommodate these changes, all three bills propose that the Independent National Electoral Commission shall divide each state into two federal constituencies to be occupied by women. Another proposal, HB 1811, seeks to establish six special seats in the House of Representatives for each of two special interest groups: women and persons living with disabilities, distributed evenly across the six geopolitical zones.

    It further provides that aspirants to these special seats shall meet all other qualifications for regular seats. It recommends a regional electoral college for each geopolitical zone, comprising all national officers of the association from the states within the zone, to determine the final representatives for the special seats.

    These proposals are thoughtful and ambitious, yet they raise practical questions that we must confront honestly and address. Some recommendations, in their current form, make the pathway more tedious, demanding, and burdensome for women seeking election to the House of Representatives.

    Chairman of the House Committee on Women Affairs, who also heads the Special Committee established by the Speaker, Kafilat Ogbara, said women were demanding about 74 special seats for women. But this runs contrary to claims by the Speaker, who said women were demanding about 111 seats. Ogbara said the special seat for women bill has significant implications for the representation of women in the nation’s political landscape.

     According to him, women’s representation in governance and decision-making processes in the country has been alarmingly low, adding that despite making up half of our population, women continue to be underrepresented in legislative bodies at both the national and State levels. 

    She explained that the Reserve Seats for Women Bill aims to address this imbalance by ensuring that a certain percentage of seats in the legislature are reserved specifically for women, saying “bill proposes that an additional one seat across the 36 states and FCT be reserved for women at the Senate and House of Representatives, and 3 additional seats to be reserved for women at the state Houses of assembly for ensuring their participation and representation in governance. The bill includes provisions to encourage the participation of women from diverse backgrounds, including young women, women with disabilities, and those from marginalised communities.”

    Ogbara, who co-sponsored the special seat bill with the Deputy Speaker, stressed that “the Reserve Seat for Women Bill is not just about numbers; it is about giving women a voice in the decision-making processes that affect their lives and communities. By increasing women’s representation, we can ensure that their perspectives, needs, and rights are adequately addressed in policy formulation and implementation. This bill aligns with international commitments to gender equality, including the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly Goal 5, which calls for achieving gender equality and empowering all women and girls. Studies have shown that when women are included in decision-making processes, economic growth is accelerated and benefits the entire nation.”

    She appealed to stakeholders-government officials, civil society organisations, and citizens—to support this crucial bill, saying, “It is time to break the barriers that have hindered women’s participation in politics and governance. We must work together to advocate for its passage and ensure it becomes Law. Together, we can create a more equitable society where women’s voices are heard and valued. This bill is not just a legislative proposal; it is a commitment to building a future where every woman has the opportunity to contribute their voice to our nation’s governance. Together let us champion this cause and pave a way for a more inclusive Nigeria that will give way to an inclusive Growth and a Developed Nation”. Chairman of the Senate Committee on Women Affairs, Senator Ireti Kingibe, applauded the House initiative, saying women must be given additional seats in Parliament at all levels.”

    UNDP country Representative in Nigeria, Ms Elsie Attafuah, also commended the House for championing this historic Reserved Seats for Women Bill, saying, “This is not just a legislative proposal, it is a defining moment in Nigeria’s democratic journey.  “As Nigeria’s Super Falcons celebrate a resounding continental victory, we are powerfully reminded that the brilliance, resilience, and leadership of women transcend every arena, whether on the pitch, in our communities, or within the highest halls of governance. Their triumph is not only a source of national pride but a symbolic call to action as we pursue the critical agenda of full and equitable representation for women. Despite making up nearly half of Nigeria’s population, women currently occupy fewer than 5% of seats in the National Assembly. This isn’t just a gap; it is a call to action. A call to dismantle structural barriers, disrupt the status quo, and build a more inclusive and just governance system.  The Reserved Seats Bill is a transformative response to that call. It affirms the principle that women belong at the table, not as guests, but as decision-makers. Not as exceptions, but as equals. UNDP is proud to partner with the National Assembly through the Parliamentary Development Programme, a four-year initiative that seeks to strengthen institutional capacity, deepen democratic practice, and ensure inclusive governance.

    “ A cornerstone of this programme is the advancement of gender equality, not as a side agenda, but as a driver of sustainable development and democratic resilience. The evidence is clear: when women are equitably represented, policy outcomes improve, trust in institutions grows, and governance becomes more responsive to the needs of all citizens.

    “Countries around the world, from Rwanda to Nepal, have demonstrated the power of reserved seats in fast-tracking women’s political empowerment and shaping more inclusive societies. Here in Nigeria, we know that women are already leading in communities, delivering education, advocating for healthcare, sustaining families and building peace. What they need now are clear pathways into formal political leadership. The Reserved Seats Bill provides that pathway. UNDP stands fully behind this campaign.

    “We are committed to providing the technical support, policy advisory, and convening power required to build momentum behind the Bill. And in the weeks ahead, we will deepen our engagement, mobilising civic education, fostering cross-party dialogue, and supporting public advocacy to ensure this Bill moves from promise to policy. Let this be the generation that redefines leadership in Nigeria, by unlocking the full potential of its women.”

    At the time of this report, it was not certain the level of buy-in the bill had received from the state Houses of Assembly and how the political class intended to handle the likely backlash from it. The bill is not part of the bills for constitutional review being considered by the Senate, as it came in as a House bill.

    So, will the Senate concur with the position of the House if they eventually pass it? Will the state Houses of Assembly give it the required two-thirds endorsement? Since the constitution already provides that nobody should be discriminated against on the basis of sex, religion, among others, will the provision of special seats specifically for women in parliament not be discriminatory against their male counterparts? Can the Constitution afford to be in conflict with itself? These and more are critical questions that require urgent answers as we drive down the road of special seats for women in parliament.

    Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, has added his voice to the agitation, saying only a review of the 1999 constitution and the Electoral Act can guarantee greater representation of women and other marginalised groups in elective offices in the country.  When the special seats are created, the commission will be required to carry out a delineation of constituencies for women’s participation in the 2027 elections. Speaking during an advocacy visit by Women’s Collectives Forum on Women’s participation in elective positions and party leadership, Prof Yakubu said affirmative action supported by clear legal provision, as was the case in many jurisdictions, will aid more women’s participation in elective offices.

    According to him, “this calls for the amendment of sections of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) and the Electoral Act 2022.

    “ Accordingly, the ongoing review of the Constitution and the Electoral Act offers an opportunity to engage with our lawmakers for appropriate legislative action. Happily, the matter is back on the legislative agenda. At our retreat early this year with members of the Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Representatives on Electoral Matters, we supported the amendment that will ensure greater representation of women in elective positions. The Commission believes that the most effective way of ensuring greater representation for women and other marginalised groups in the legislative assemblies is affirmative action supported by clear legal provision, as was the case in many jurisdictions. We welcome your consistent advocacy for women’s participation and representation in political party leadership and elective representation in Nigeria. You should continue to count on the Commission’s support at all times.”

    He said further that “INEC is an equal opportunities organisation.

    We believe in inclusivity both in the workplace and in the discharge of our extensive responsibilities as an Election Management Body. Today, 12 out of 22 Departments and Directorates of the Commission are headed by women. This means that 55% of the Directors at the Headquarters here in Abuja are women. Across the States of the Federation, many of our substantive Administrative Secretaries, who are also Directors, are women. With regard to the electoral process, we have a gender policy which is periodically revised and updated. We have also established a Department of Gender and Inclusivity for the promotion of greater access for marginalised and underrepresented groups in the electoral process. Similarly, in our consultative meetings with political parties, we have consistently urged them to ensure greater representation for underrepresented groups in party leadership. Many of them have responded positively, although much work needs to be done.”

  • War against parliament

    War against parliament

    Democracy is on crutches in oil-rich Rivers State, no thanks to the flexing of muscles by members of the dominant ruling camp that has now split into two antagonistic groups.

    Unless Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his predecessor, Nyesom Wike,  Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), close ranks, there may be no respite. More havoc would be wrecked in the coming days. Tension will be extended and governance may suffer.

    Five incidents have attested to the gradual emasculation of popular rule and due process in the crisis-prone Southsouth state.

    A part of the House of Assembly complex, which is representative of the diverse constituencies, was torched  by arsonists. The identities of the criminals are still unknown.

    Then, the Assembly broke into two.  And two parallel leadership were locked in battle for supremacy.

    The first camp, made up of 27 lawmakers and led by Speaker Martins Amaewhule, removed Edison Ehie as Majority Leader. In a dramatic twist, Ehie, backed by only three lawmakers, started parading himself as Speaker. He was recognised by the governor.

    The third evidence of democratic retrogression was that Fubara declared that the 27 lawmakers cannot sit in the House of Assembly, because, in his view, it had been attacked, and as chief security officer, it was no more suitable for plenary.

    But, the group of four-member Assembly was  legalised by a curious and controversial ex-parte injuction granted by the temple of justice. The notice was not served on the 27 lawmakers.

    The fifth in the list of surprises was that yesterday, the Assembly complex was demolished by the state government.

    Lastly, the governor threw his weight behind Ehie and three others. He submitted next year’s budget before the ‘gang of four’ for deliberation and approval.

    Crisis or violence is an ill-wind. It doesn’t blow anybody any good. The totality of the Fubara/Wike conflict is not known. People are only taken aback by the manifestations.

    They were sudden. After Ehie was removed as Majority Leader, he ran to the governor for refuge. He subsumed his interest in Fubara’s interest, and allowed the governor to project a joint battle.

    As the 27 lawmakers reiterated loyalty to Wike, fear of impeachment engulfed the Government House. There was resistance. When the 27 members dumped the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the All Progressives Congress (APC) two days ago, the move rekindled the fear of impeachment.

    A part of the House of Assembly was in flames. Although President Bola Tinubu brokered a truce, the combatants retraced their steps.

    The question subsists: who torched the House of Assembly?

    Should Rivers governor not show interest in investigating the destruction of the state property and asset? Up till now, the police are  turning their eyes away from the arson. No arrest has been made. No interrogation has taken place.

    Also, is the mathematics of conferring recognition on four lawmakers against 27 in an original 32-member Assembly, (excluding a deceased member), not faulty?

    What is also the business of the governor with an independent House of Assembly, which has the power to decide how it holds plenary?.

    In presidential democracy, the governor’s intervention in the proceedings of the Assembly is highly restricted due to the principle of separation of powers. After the customary ceremonial proclamation required for the Assembly to begin sittings, the role of the governor ends.

    The House of Assembly is not an appendage or parastatal of the Executive.

    Fubara has maintained that the onus is on him to provide a place for lawmakers to carry out their functions. Only four lawmakers matter; 27 should be outside the radar. The group of four has been provided a place to hold plenary. The 27 can no more rely on the Assembly complex that has been demolished.

    To observers, does that not amounted to an  assault on the parliament, a core institution of democracy?

    Is the Rivers governor’s response not similar to the scenario in Edo State where Governor Godwin Obaseki ensured that only nine members of the Assembly were inaugurated at night in 2019 while 14 others were barred from the complex?  A lawmaker  later joined  the Obaseki camp. Does it not seem to be an inadvertent affirmation of the obvious dictatorship of the minority?

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    Was the outcome of the invasion of the National Assembly by the Department of State Service not instructive? Was that not why former Acting President Yemi Osinbajo fired its director, Mamman Daura? How can an unwarranted demolition of a representative Assembly structure be seen as a mechanism for rebuilding or strenghtening a democratic institution?

    How can demolition be a justification for resisting whatever move that may be contemplated by the anti-Fubara lawmakers?

    More worrisome was the strange ex-parte order granted by the court. Why was the court in a hurry,? There are puzzles: which interest is the court protecting? Was it an urgent matter that required such an injuction?

    Nigerians were alarmed because of the speed when obvious legal processes appeared to have been ignored. It was quite disingenuous.

    Curiously, before the prayers of the four lawmakers led by Ehie were considered by the judge, the 27 lawmakers led by Amaewhule were not put on notice.  Remarkably, the judge warned that if it turned out that the claims of the plaintiffs were frivolous, theyare liable to pay a fine of N50 million. To observers, that explanation, in the opinion of observers, paled into an after-thought.

    Rivers is enveloped in tension and confusion. The gladiators should consider the interests and welfare of indigenes and residents and halt the imbroglio.

  • Mob after parliament

    Mob after parliament

    Ripples is all for a far less costly government; and a more equitable and fairer access to state resources all round.  But in pushing this noble ideal, it’s unfair to burn just the National Assembly at the stake of vicious public opinion.  It is only one of three arms of government.

    That would be sending a mob after Parliament — the first estate of the realm, of any democracy.  That’s hardly smart — or even healthy for democratic deepening.

    The cacophony against the National Assembly — over what it gulps — echoes Menenius Agrippa’s belly fable, told to Roman plebs, furious at their Senate, as beautifully captured in Shakespeare’s tragic play, Curiolanus.

    To the plebs and tribunes of Rome (read: the public and press of today’s Nigeria), the Senate of old Rome — as the National Assembly of Nigeria today — was a parasite: the belly that gobbled up everything but produced nothing.

    But the witty Menenius spun it round: the belly consumed everything all right.  But it hardly retained any — for it was no more than the body relay that fed all other parts!

    Enter, the scorned belly in grumpy and angry body politics!  To be sure, Menenius was no pleb.  He was every inch the patrician, who spoke up for his peers that ran the Senate, as the tribunes did for the plebs, though the tribunes added own poison, bile and envy — as the media often does today.

    To be fair, his stand that the belly retained “nothing” but processed “everything” is a clear hyperbole.  Pure altruism hardly exists anywhere, not the least in politics.  

    Don’t the Yoruba always say: work in the shrine, eat of the shrine?  

    Still, his wit (that by the way jolted the plebs and the subversive tribunes to new realities, beyond their loathe-prison) showed there were many sides to a story.

    The mass hysteria against the Nigerian legislature has gone on for too long.  It’s high time it was balanced with some reasoned discourse.

    Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, it was, that first threw the National Assembly under the bus, over the so-called “furniture allowance”.  But — old fox — he was silent on his own ministers’ perks.

    Indeed, the way Obasanjo tore at the legislators and the venom with which the media trumpeted the tirade is reminiscent of a Coriolanus classic on the Roman rabble! 

    When the tribunes hollered “oh!”, he mocked, the rabble thundered “oh!-oh!-oh!” without thinking!  It’s been pretty much the same on the National Assembly’s case.

    Hostile public opinion, from 1999, often leaves them bruised, if not dead, as a band of  greedy ruffians, sworn to crashing the common till.  But are they?

    Three citizens, former legislators but now ministers, explain the harsh censure.

    Dave Umahi (Works minister but elected senator at the last poll), Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo (now Interior minister but also elected into the House of Representatives) and Nkeiruka Onyejeocha (ranking House member from Abia, who lost her seat at the last poll).

    While about everyone is hysterical over what their former peers get, either as senators or Representatives, there is not even a whimper on what this trio gets — why?

    Same set of citizens.  Same entry points as elected legislators.  But a jarring, different treatment, just because they had crossed to the executive!

    That underscores the double standard that has driven the anti-National Assembly roasting.  Ripples just ponders what the personal takes of this trio might be!

    Could people be placid over executive perks, just because the ministers are far fewer?  That appears clear.

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    Folks wail and grouch over the buying of “exotic cars” for the “multitudes” in the legislature. Yet they are mute to similar perks for the lucky “few” in the executive.  Blessed are those whose “sins” are covered?

    Carping over legislator numbers, viz-a-viz their perks, is both emotive and fraudulent.

    Starting with emotions: the emotive seldom ever win a logical joust. They subvert the mind’s ability to x-ray every angle, and rashly wave the proverbial smoking gun.  Most times, however, that turns out a mirage, leading to conclusions skewed, unfair and unjust.  

    And the fraud: using the legislature’s numbers, against its members, is clearly unfair.  The Constitution birthed the numbers to fairly represent the people.  Parliament did not.

    That’s the cost of democracy the state must pay.  But if democracy is expensive, we all saw the cheapness of junta rule, which incidentally junked the legislature for closet but ruinous rule!

    Besides, in the gripping passion of the moment, partisans often limit the executive to just the President and his cabinet.  But what about the departments, parastatals and agencies under the ministries?  

    Is anyone tallying their numbers?  If so, why isn’t anyone using those numbers — and perks their heads and hierarchs enjoy — to bawl, in holy rage, as they often do against the National Assembly?  Are numbers inferior to numbers?

    It’s tragic the focus is often on how much a governmental arm gulps, not the value it adds.  To fairly judge the legislature, a robust template on its output is imperative, not just emotional outbursts.

    But again, that underscores the crafty skew of the anti-parliament campaign.  The thrust is that the National Assembly sits in plenary, enjoys fat perks and does little else.

    That’s untrue, though.  Just as the executive has its huge bureaucracy, so does the legislature.  Being the most stunted among the three arms — no thanks to past junta rules — you’d expect far more sensitivity regarding its careful nurture.  But no!

    Even going beyond the three arms — legislature, executive, judiciary — and their comparative costs, why does even the private sector richly pay its chief executives and top hierarchs, leaving virtual chaff for others?

    It’s because they are thinkers.  Law-making is serious business.  It is no plebeian job, for glorified office boys and girls.  

    It’s rather a federal chamber of thinkers — the upper symbolizing states’ equality; the lower stressing differing population — elected to think and make laws for the republic.  It’s either the state is ready to pay for their high services or it closes shop!

    Still, nothing in all of this rally should suggest the government should live off the fat of the land, while the people wilt and waste away in penury.  Far from it!

    But if you must call out the legislature, you must also call out the executive, not leaving out the judiciary.  That would be fairness and equity under the law.

    Besides, it’s just rich looking back at the first eight years of this Republic from 1999. Obasanjo raved and hollered over “furniture allowance”.  Yet, post-2007, it’s clear who, among the three arms, trapped the most of public resources for own personal gravy.

    It certainly was not the much vilified National Assembly, given the “kill” of the executive and its twin-leaders!

  • Nigeria’s parliament of greed

    Nigeria’s parliament of greed

    Sir: The controversial decision by the lower house to gift its members exotic cars running into millions of Naira, and which have no bearing on their legislative duties, point to an institution convulsed by greed. Worse still, it paints the grotesque spectre of institutional greed in Nigeria.

    In a country of staggering oil riches, vast, arable lands and immense human and material resources, N57.6 billion is chicken feed. However, when it is to be spent on 360 sports utility vehicles for 360 legislators, the implications become clear and dire in a country where about a hundred million people scrape below the poverty line daily.

    Each vehicle is projected to cost over N150 million and, according to the leadership of the house, is to enable the legislators carry out their constitutional duties.

    For years, Nigeria’s National Assembly which consists of the Senate and the House of Representatives has weathered accusations of extravagance. Branded as overpaid and underworked by many Nigerians, the legislators have always  had to defend themselves from accusations that they allocate too much money to themselves.

    Successive sessions of the National Assembly have been accused of being appendages to the executive in a clear conspiracy to milk Nigerians dry.

    This accusation often repeated to a sickening degree largely focuses on what the legislators earn versus what they lend their legislation to. Some Nigerians have cynically commented that all the lawmakers ever use their considerable legislative powers to do is legislate obscene salaries for themselves.

    But what is at stake? Who are the legislators really serving?

    The legislators themselves have typically argued that all they get as perks from their high offices are necessary to maintain the dignity of their office.

    Read Also: JUST IN: Oyo parliamentary workers shut Assembly gate

    For example, in response to the brouhaha raised over the outrageously expensive vehicles, they have justified the same saying they need them to ply bad Nigerian roads. 

    What makes that claim utterly ridiculous and even laughable is the fact that Nigerian roads are so bad because the legislators have failed to do their bit to arrest the dilapidation of Nigerian roads.

    In a country where millions of children are out of school, and millions of people live on less than a dollar a day, to spend so much on cars and even more on other perks for do-nothing legislators is beyond shocking; it is scandalous.

    The National Assembly in Nigeria has had some luminous moments in the past, none more so than when the ill-advised and odious third term bid by former President Olusegun Obasanjo breathed its last in the hands of the legislators. But those moments have been few and far between.

    There have been fisticuffs, sell-outs, shocking statements and a lot to leave Nigerians with the unmistakable feeling that they always manage to elect the self-serving as their legislators. Or do they?

    It has become something of a scandal that Nigerian legislators have become synonymous with ostentation and misrepresentation.

    Many of them cannot even account for the millions they receive every year in funds for constituency projects.

    It is then little wonder that democracy has struggled badly in the country.

    With misfiring legislators who put their purses and paunches before their primary constituents and constituencies, democracy will continue to search in vain for true heroes.

    • Ike Willie-Nwobu, Ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • On the invasion of Akwa Ibom parliament

    Anybody that loves Nigeria should be worried about what is happening in Akwa State right now. This is certainly not a time to fold our hands and pretend that all is well. Democracy is at risk. That is why lovers of democracy should arise in unison to condemn the attack on the Akwa Ibom State House of Assembly.

    It all started on Monday when thugs invaded the assembly complex, stopping members from gaining access to the building. Expectedly, the police came and restored normalcy and the lawmakers eventually sat to conduct the business of the day.

    But not long after, APC chairman, Adams Oshiomhole issued a statement condemning the action of the then police commissioner, John Abang, who he accused of being political.  He   directly accused the commissioner of refusing to provide security cover that will enable three sacked members of the 26-member legislature to effect a change of leadership.

    Should Nigeria still be going through this kind of mess in the 21st century; and to imagine that this kind of rascality could have a tinge of official approval is to say the least shameful.  Nigeria ought to have moved away from this level of backwardness. How can thugs be evading Houses of Assembly stopping elected members from performing their duties in the 21st century? It is no longer news that theInspector General of Police has redeployed CP John Abang and replaced him with a new CP, Hyelasinda Musa Kimo.

    Of course, the first assignment that Kimo performed was to take over the State House of Assembly, thus escalating the siege mentality in the state. Now, thugs, backed by the police, have taken over the premises, disrupting legislative activities, harassing staff members and hindering them from performing their responsibilities.

    The APC-led federal government has never hidden its desire to take over Akwa Ibom State. Its former chairman, OdigieOyegun, had earlier said years back that the party could not afford to leave the oil rich state in the hands of the opposition PDP.

    The PDP has said the federal government is deliberately instigating violence in the state in its bid to create an impression that Akwa Ibom State has become ungovernable to open the way for a declaration of a state of emergency in order to dismantle all democratic structures and forcefully take over control of the state.

    A former governor of the state, Senator GodswillAkpabio, who recently defected to APC, has been chanting war songs since he left PDP. Yet, all that the APC government could do was to blame the police commissioner for restoring peace and removing him less than one month after being posted to the state.

    Are we saying court orders should no longer be obeyed? Any society that does not have respect for the rule of law has no future. Violence is the weapon of the weak. They use it to cover their inadequacies. If the opposition has started sponsoring thugs to evade House of Assembly now, what they will do in 2019 is better left unimagined.

    The other time, thugs invaded the Ondo State House of Assembly and prevented the members from sitting. Where is Nigeria heading to- all in the name of politics?Imagine a situation where thugs are now supreme, even above security agencies in the country. They have lost respect even for the police. And with the open support that thugs now enjoy from Abuja, even the most conscientious policeman will be afraid to do their job.

    Sincerely, this shouldn’t be the case in any 21st century nation. Are we in banana republic? To now think that these same Nigerians will waste their energy condemning US President, Donald Trump, for referring to the nation as a shit hole country is laughable.

    Just this year, hooded DSS operatives attempted to sack even the National Assembly. That is novel even in the history of democracy in Nigeria. One just wonders why Nigeria would want to be known for the bad reasons in the world.

     

    This government is toying with Nigeria’s progress, democracy and growth. We can’t afford to be a lawless country. Government should not be seen to be backing official recklessness and lawlessness as it is being done in Nigeria today. No, this must not continue.

    If APC is sure of having the support of the people, it should keep calm, and allow Nigerians to choose who to rule them in peace. Using the weapon of intimidation and violence as being done in Akwa Ibom will not work.

    If Senator GodswillAkpabioreally loves his people as he claims to, he should stop resorting to violence to get their votes. Thugs by their orientation don’t engage their senses before they take action, otherwise, they should have asked themselves where politicians that hire them keep their own children. Politicians will keep their own children in safe havens in different parts of the world and engage thugs to destabilize the country and get killed in the process like ordinary rats.

    It is no longer news that Senator Akpabio has vowed that the APC will take over Akwa Ibom State the same way Hitler overran Poland. He has sworn that “war shall see Warsaw and Warsaw shall see war” in Akwa-Ibom State. Whatever could have pushed Akpabio to declare war on his people still beats one’s imagination.

    Akwa Ibom state needs an atmosphere of peace to keep the goal of Governor Udom Emmanuel of industrializing the state a reality. The people can feel the gains in the last three and half years. And they are yearning for more.

    In a normal situation, Akpabio should have been questioned by security agencies for making such statements but with the turn of events in Akwa Ibom, it is becoming clearer that this is the official statement of the APC and the federal government against peaceful Akwa Ibom all in the name of taking over power. Since the APC-led federal government is desperate to get the oil rich state by all means, well, the onus is on the Federal Government to prove peddlers of this information wrong.

    People should have the freedom to choose whoever they want to lead them. That is the beauty of democracy. The federal government should leave the oil-rich states in Nigeria to decide allow which party they want to be in power in their states.

  • Secure parliament…

    Seek  ye first the kingdom of God, and his righteousness” admonishes the scriptures in Matthew 6:33, “and all these things would be added unto you.”  That was the Christ Jesus telling the multitude to shun mammon, and glory in godly living.

    If people’s faith is their way of life, then politics is the life of citizens in a democracy.  Even if you are not an active politician, you’re periodically being called to exercise your franchise by those politicians, for whom politics is a way of life.

    Whatever your attitude, even more than the hyper-visible executive positions of president and governors, just know that securing the parliament is key.  If you did that, you just may have secured the political equivalent of the biblical kingdom of God, and frankly, you can expect every other thing to follow.

    How so?  Ask All Progressives Congress (APC) National Chairman, Adams Oshiomhole.  He has been reported in the news, saying his ruling federal party would reward loyal party members in the National Assembly, and do away with opportunists and traitors.

    Ha, Comarade Adams should know!  Since 2015, his party had endured a pair, at the helm of its parliamentary machine, who answer Dr. Jerkyl, representing APC during the day; but no less zealously, answer Mr. Hyde of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at night.

    The duo of Bukola Saraki and Yakubu Dogara ensured a slowdown, if not outright sabotage, of legislative backing for President Muhammadu Buhari’s programmes — in delayed budgets, padded budgets, rogue bills forged to ensure own selfish interests, threat to abandon parliamentary confirmation duties as rogue protest, sundry cynical filibustering and allied parliamentary rascality, that tend to de-market the government in which they both served.

    The latest phase of that enemy-in-the-house-war-of-attrition took off when Saraki announced senatorial defections to the opposition, hoping to build a new rogue majority that would still retain him as senate president, even in PDP colours!  Talking of Mr. Hyde finally coming out in the open!  Since that backfired, it’s been parliamentary shutdown — maybe until new stratagems are forged?

    Dogara has, more or less, pranced in Saraki’s wide and merry way.  As he has crossed over to PDP, he stands degraded, by the standing numbers, as a minority lawmaker.  Yet, he holds on as “Speaker”.  Well, the bastion of this 8th National Assembly is hardly honour!

    Hardball’s concern is not parliamentary personalities per se.  Politicians of several hues would still be politicians and would play politics — euphemism for cynical opportunism, if they can get away with it.

    Hardball is rather concerned with getting the people a good deal.  That is what the 8th National Assembly, under the duo of Saraki and Dogara, are not doing.

    That is why, as we build up to another bout of elections, the parties must ensure that, whoever their candidates are, they are not just another band of opportunists, who would feed fat, mouth cant but leave the people’s job undone.

    Which is why it is imperative to secure the parliament.  It starts, first with the parties to present their best minds — diligent, honest, industrious and loyal to their party’s programmes.  Then, the stage moves on for the people to choose right.

    Those done, there would be assurance that both the executive and legislature are on the same page, double-charged to delivering a renascent Nigeria, where the people come first, and not the antics and whims decadent leaders, no more than vicious power dealers.

  • Anti-people parliament

    Neither Senate President Bukola Saraki nor House of Representatives Speaker Yakubu Dogara was at Basorun MKO Abiola’s Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR) investiture. Strange, wasn’t that?

    Yes, June 12 was canonization for MKO, Nigeria’s democracy martyr. He lost his life, lost his wife, lost his means of livelihood, huge and sprawling, for winning a democratic election.

    No people do such a crime, sans penance, and live happily ever after.

    But June 12 was also the beatification of the very basics of democracy: the sanctity of the people’s will. Every vote must count, despite the grand delusion of Gen. Ibrahim Babaginda and his tragic military clique.

    That the two heads of Nigeria’s central legislature appeared unimpressed by the severe beauty of this golden symbolism — hence their absence — beggars belief. Yet, their forte, the celebrated custodian of the people’s weal, ought to be more excited by it all than most.

    But with June 12 still “trending” (as they say on social media), came another blast of rot from the past.

    In 2009, Speaker Dimeji Bankole’s House of Representatives tried to bully Lagos lawyer, Festus Keyamo, now SAN, for demanding answers to a 2008 Newswatch story, alleging a scam in bulk car purchase for House members.

    The House goaded the Inspector General of Police (IGP) to criminalize Keyamo’s legitimate inquiry, prompting the lawyer to launch a legal challenge.

    Ten years after, the courts just found for the lawyer, voiding the House’s impunity at investigating criminal allegations, setting free its own; indicting others.

    That verdict proves the National Assembly’s (NASS) penchant for rank impunity and bully tactics isn’t new.

    Even then, this 8th NASS, under Saraki and Dogara, has raised these ugly traits to some sickly fundament of parliamentary policy, most times over-reaching itself; and thus echoing the Achebe brat that challenged his “chi” to a wrestling bout.

    That appears the tale, of a butchered budget as always, from the presidential camp, after the June 20 signing of the 2018 Budget.

    But that would appear only the climax. The preliminary malady started much earlier, when the 8th Senate reached for the hubris of bullying critical organs under the Presidency, just as the Bankole House tried to bully Keyamo, to cover up alleged infractions of the law by some of its members.

    Saraki was in the vortex of an alleged car-import scandal, blown open by the Nigerian Customs Service (NCS). That triggered a Senate imperious summons, “in uniform”, of Col. Hammeed Ali (rtd), who promptly called its bluff on the uniform question.

    That birthed a sterile controversy, that arrayed partisans in two opposing camps, not fired by common sense, but uncommon inanity.

    Then, the Dino Melaye show of shame, of alleged escape from police custody. Again, the Saraki Senate thought the best way to deal with it was to summon the IGP to come explain why the Police nabbed a senator, who enjoyed no immunity, for alleged crime.

    When it found out its bully tactics was a tad too specific, it re-tuned its pitch: “invitation to security agencies”. The IGP responded by sending a representative, which he argued was allowed by law.

    What followed was another chain of inanities. Avoiding to be bullied, a reckless Senate growled, equalled subverting democracy! Pronto, Senate the Formidable decreed the IGP “enemy of democracy”, unfit to occupy public office. Senatorial bluff never got so reckless, so cheap, so empty!

    But at the end of this baiting and counter-baiting, Dr. Saraki found himself linked to alleged Ilorin cult killings and the hideous Offa robbery — the alleged perpetrators of both claiming to be Saraki’s “boys”, as well as the Kwara government’s election enforcers, with sweetheart relationship with the Kwara State House!

    And all these in a futile bid to bully IGP over Melaye?

    But the climax of the NASS malady would dawn, with President Muhammadu Buhari’s new charges, that NASS brutally marked down key infrastructures in the budget but willy-nilly marked up its own estimates: from N125 billion to N139.5 billion.

    The president’s charge was clear: counterpart funding for Lagos-Ibadan expressway, 2nd Niger Bridge, Mambilla Power Plant, East-West road, Boni-Bodo road and Itakpe-Ajaokuta rail project, chopped by an “aggregate of N11.5 billion”.

    In the face of Boko Haram, vote to secure unity schools nationwide was slashed by N3 billion; Enugu Airport terminal building project scythed from N2 billion to N500 million and take-off grant for Maritime University, Delta State, cut from N5 billion to N3.4 billion, the president further alleged.

    By its knife-crazy budget activism, the people’s parliament would appear at war with every segment of the people, East, West, North or South!

    Might NASS be embarking on a deliberate sabotage of its electors, including Labour and retired workers, whose estimates also went under the knife?

    Talk of the Achebe brat wrestling his “chi”!

    But Abdulrazak Namdas, the House Committee on Media and Publicity chair, entered a six-paragraph defence for his chamber, ranging from “late” submission of the proposals to meet the January-December budget cycle, late defence of estimates, and presidential bad faith.

    But the most revealing is Paragragh 4 of his statement, here quoted in full: “Before 2015, the budget of the National Assembly was N150 billion for several years. It was cut down to N120bn in 2015 and further down to N115bn in 2016. In 2017, the budget was N125bn and N139.5bn in 2018. This means that the budget of the National Assembly is still far below the N150bn in the years before 2015.”

    The big question: what was a barrel of crude selling for pre-2015; and what is it selling for now?

    A Freudian slip was never so revealing; never so damning, in its crooked honesty! Nothing, not even a crippling recession, would vitiate this NASS’s greed!

    And from the Senate? An “Awada Kerikeri” — Yoruba for the stupendously comical —analogy from Shehu Sani.

    Holy Shehu’s conscience once beat him up over a N13.5 million monthly allowance. But now, over an unconscionable budget mutilation — the people be damned! — all it could spew is some comical tale, of a tailor that sewed kaftan instead of agbada for his client! Very funny!

    You can’t, in all good conscience, claim everyone in this 8th NASS is bad. But you can legitimately say most in there yielded space, to the vocal moral cretins, to brand the collective in own rotten image.

    Still, NASS has made its bed. En route to the next election, it must lie on it. But the electorate be damned, if they should ever allow such a wayward, reckless, selfish and venal brood, to ever again profane their legislative chambers.

    In any case, Nigerians must realize how little even the best of presidents can do, when swarmed by a reactionary and retrogressive legislature. That’s the nightmare playing out in this 8th NASS.

    That is why the people must pay as much attention to NASS representation as they do the presidency. Which is why most of those in this 8th NASS must be booted out.

    Nigeria needs a citizen-parliament, not a band of anti-people elements, bivouacked in the people’s legislative chambers, fomenting endless mischief.

  • Greek parliament adopts law limiting use of Sharia norms in Muslim community

    Greek parliament adopts law limiting use of Sharia norms in Muslim community

    The Greek parliament adopted on Wednesday a law limiting the use of the Sharia norms for the Muslim community in the northeastern region of Western Thrace.

    The law significantly limits the use of Sharia, which will now not be mandatory in the sphere of family issues such as marriage, divorce and testament.

    If one of the parties does not want to use the Sharia law, it may appeal to a court.

    The new legislation sets the procedure of muftis’ appointment and dismissal as well as their powers and salaries.

    The only party, which opposed the law, is the far-right Golden Dawn, which believes the Sharia law must be completely removed from the Greek judiciary system.

    Read Also: Buhari’s New Year message, a Greek gift – ADP

    “Greece is the only European country, which continues to use Sharia on such [family] issues,” Golden Dawn’s lawmaker Panagiotis Iliopoulos said at the parliament’s hearing.

    The Sharia law has been used in West Thrace in accordance with the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne signed after the Greek defeat in the Turkish War of Independence.

    In November 2017, Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras vowed to remove the mandatory use of the Sharia law for the Muslim community during his trip to West Thrace.

    NAN

  • Macedonian Police arrest 36 after riot in Parliament

    Macedonian Police arrest 36 after riot in Parliament

    Macedonian Police on Tuesday detained 36 people, including the Former Interior Minister, four opposition legislators and several high-ranking Police Officials, in connection with a violent invasion of the country’s parliament in April.

    The suspects, among them former interior minister Mitko Cavkov, were brought in for questioning and faced charges of “threatening constitutional order and security through terrorism,’’ the state prosecutor’s office said.

    On April 27, supporters of the nationalist VMRO party stormed the parliament to prevent Social Democratic Prime Minister Zoran Zaev and his ethnic Albanian allies from forming a new majority.

    The VMRO had ruled for more than a decade.

    Zaev was among the legislators injured in the attack.

    The VMRO, led by former Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski, branded the arrests “political persecution’’ and launched a protest in front of the Skopje Criminal Court, demanding the release of the suspects.

    Zaev’s takeover ended years of political deadlock and several crises that had jeopardised Macedonia’s stability.

    The country was on the verge of an ethnic conflict in 2001, when the large Albanian minority, making up around one-quarter of the 2.1 million inhabitants, rebelled for more rights.

    The uprising ended with a reform agreement brokered by the United States and European Union, but tensions remain as neither side was fully satisfied with the changes, which included a wider usage of Albanian as an official language.

  • Parliament of privilege

    Recently there was news that the Senate is planning that 20 percent of the national budget be allocated to the House of Representatives and the Senate for what they called constituency projects. By this year’s budget, that would be close to two trillion naira. This will be on top of the humongous salaries and allowances being illegally and clandestinely paid to members without full disclosure to the public leaving many wild guesses about exactly how much the legislative branch is costing the national exchequer. In recent times too, members were also toying with the idea of making members to retire on pension whenever they are defeated at elections or whenever they retire. They also want to enjoy immunity in and outside the parliament. Apart from taking huge amount as basic car allowances, they also go ahead to buy foreign SUVS costing millions of Naira each as official vehicles. Millions are paid as housing, dress, newspapers, health and personal aides’ allowances. When they go on so-called oversight functions, they demand gratifications from Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs). One wonders if these people are Nigerians. They seem to be totally disconnected with the electorate and the reality of the Nigerian condition. If not how can they be talking about how to maximize their financial benefits and increasing their exploitative salaries and allowances when millions of young and old Nigerians are jobless and when those who are employed particularly in the public sector are not being paid their salaries and those who used the productive years of their lives serving the country in their different jobs are not being paid their pensions? The irresponsible behaviour of these people made President Obasanjo to describe them as armed robbers without guns. When Nigerians get to know what is going on in their parliament, President  Obasanjo will not only become the people’s tribune, there may come a time of storming the parliament in blind fury by a people who have suffered silently for a long time in the hands of their so-called representatives. While this is going on, most Nigerians live in permanent and perpetual darkness. The roads are almost impassable and millions are dying in accidents on the roads in their rickety vehicles since they cannot afford new ones. To make matters worse, their so-called representatives are usually speeding past them with siren blowing at maximum noise while occupants of the SUVS sit in tinted vehicles hiding themselves from the electorate and their constituents.  So who is fooling who? These wretched of the earth is what our representatives want to take trillions of Naira to serve with so called constituency projects. Morning shows the day as childhood shows manhood. If we go by current wretched constituency offices scattered all over the place, we can guess that the huge budget for constituency projects will develop wings and fly into Dubai, Lebanon or China or to any country that does not ask questions where depositors get the loot they bring into their country’s banks. The allocation to constituency projects must be stopped immediately since it is unconstitutional. The legislatures cannot usurp executive functions. Their role is to pass budgets and not to pad them or to hive a percentage of it for their own use. If they persist in serving themselves, they will lose their legitimacy as representatives of the people. What is happening at the federal level is unfortunately happening at the state level as well. The situation at the state level is so pitiful because the so-called houses do nothing but rubber stamp the actions of the executive. Governor Fayose was absolutely but sadly right when he recently said with candour that he was the Speaker of the Ekiti State House of Assembly and that the Speaker was merely representing him!

    I do not know where we got the paradigm we are following in Nigeria. Our people will glibly say whatever they are doing they are copying it from the United States. This is absolutely wrong. The legislature and the executive and the judiciary are not above the law and the constitution of the United States. Many of our people in the three branches of government would be in jail if they were in America. Those who say we should go back to the regime of part time legislature are right. Imagine how much we can save for development if we cut out the huge amount being used to service the full time legislatures if they were reduced to part time legislatures. Defenders of the legislatures would argue that the executive branches are not run by saints. I agree. Let us deal with what is realistic and move from that to the next step of pruning the bureaucracy. There is evidence that this is being done from the announced saving of billions of Naira from ghost workers’ salaries. More can still be done if service in government is seen as a ministry rather than as an opportunity for self-enrichment and self-aggrandizement. The present government’s searchlight and focus on the judiciary is a step in the right direction. A colleague of mine said publicly about 20 years ago that if he had a case in court, rather than hire lawyers he would take the money straight to the presiding judge. We thought he was exaggerating but we are now wiser with the exposure of the Augean stables in the judiciary. One judge in the USA boasted that he used to take brides from litigants and when he was told he was a disgrace to the judiciary he said wait a minute “ I take money from both parties and I decide the case according to law “ I wish this was the case in Nigeria.

    Finally back to our parliament of privilege. Yorubas have a saying that “ Ti osanyin ba fe te  ani ki nwon gbe  ohun si ni ojo lati se oro ile baba ohun” translated simply that when the earthen sculpture wants to be told of the material of which  it is made, it will demand to be put in the rain to have rain showers. In Rivers State among the Ijaws, we have a saying that when a god does not perform well it will be told from what tree it is hewn. This I believe is what is happening to our so-called parliament if it continues to behave as if it exists in a bubble. This bubble will soon burst!