Tag: PDP

  • I’m not returning to PDP, says SDP candidate

    I’m not returning to PDP, says SDP candidate

    The governorship candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in Oyo State, Seyi Makinde, has denied claims that he is planning to return to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    He said the claim was unfounded, stressing that he was in the SDP to effect a change in the state, if elected.

    This came as he observed that the PDP would have to do much to remain as a party, if it survived the present implosion.

    Makinde was among the top contenders for the PDP governorship ticket but defected to the SDP when confronted with perceived injustice, the same factor that drove another governorship aspirant and a former governor, Adebayo Alao-Akala, from the party.

    The governorship hopeful said he had forgotten everything that happened in his former party, maintaining that the survival of PDP would have to be worked upon to enable it retain its status as a formidable party.

    Makinde said: “The government we intend to run under the SDP is the one that will place Oyo State on the world-map of development and re-enact the glorious era referred to above which earned us the sobriquet ‘pace-setter’.

    “By the time the people of Oyo State vote for us and we receive the mandate to govern this state, the difference will be clear between us and those who have held the position in the past, it will clearly show that ours is a government of mission and vision.”

    On the choice of his party’s presidential candidate, he said the choice “is not about any party, but about the people. We make a lot of mistakes as politicians, appropriating to ourselves the power of life and death”.

    “We forget most of the time that those of us in politics in the true sense of it are just about 10 per cent of the population, so, how come that our small number will determine who and who gets what at the broad level?

    “In short, whatever the choice of any party, the ultimate power lies with the people and that’s the beauty of democracy, so leave the generality of Nigerians to adopt whoever they want and vote accordingly.”

  • PDP: Wobbling on to general elections

    PDP: Wobbling on to general elections

    …Continued from Friday

    Lagos

    There is no end in sight to the personality crisis between the party leader, Chief Olabode George, a retired Naval Commodore and Senator Musiliu Obanikoro, the former Minister of State for Defence.  Obanikoro has not forgiven George and former Works Minister, Senator Adeseye Ogunlewe, for his defeat by Mr. Jimi Agbaje at the primaries. It was a rancorous contest. The number of votes cast was more than the number of accredited delegates. The former minister cried foul, saying that it was daylight robbery. He threatened to go to court to register his displeasure. But, he was prevailed upon to jettison litigation. The shadow poll created division in the fold. After the primaries, Obanikoro started to mobilise for the President’s re-election under an independent campaign group. Agbaje has dissipated more energy on reconciling the two warring gladiators.

    Ekiti

    Shortly after the inauguration of the PDP governor, Ayodele Fayose, crisis broke out between the governor and some party leaders over the preparations for parliamentary primaries. Senator Ayo Arise complained that Fayose was trying to impose candidates. Eventually, the governor had his way. The aggrieved PDP chieftains still have grudges against the governor. Feelers from Ekiti  suggest that the state is indifferent to the presidential elections. A source said: “Support for Fayose, which is now in doubt, is not the same thing as support for the PDP. When Buhari came to Ado, people trooped out. What has Jonathan done for Ekiti? The people are asking. The solace may be the promise by Buhari of the APC to fight the infrastructure battle in the state.”

     

    Benue

     

    Benue is another theatre of battle in March and April. Since quarrel broke out between Governor Gabriel Suswan and Senator Barnabas Gemade, the party has not known peace in Benue North Zone. The defection of Gemade, a former PDP National Chairman, to the APC is a blow to the chapter. The governor and the party elder have fanatical loyalists. In Benue, the APC now has two senators. Both parties are mobilising for the general elections. To observers, the PDP can only sleep with two eyes closed.

     

    Ebonyi

     

    There is tension in Ebonyi PDP. Since Governor Martin Elechi lost out in his bid to anoint a successor at the primaries, the party has been polarised. His supporters have defected to the Labour Party (LP), although the governor still claims to be the state PDP leader. Two groups – Abuja forces and Elechi camp – are locked in a battle of supremacy. Now, the House of Assembly is being instigated by the Abuja forces, led by Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) Senator Ayim Pius Ayim, to impeach the governor. The PDP leaders accused Elechi of anti-party activities. Put succinctly, they said he has encouraged his supporters to defect from the PDP to the LP.

    During the governorship primaries, Elechi and his men backed the former Minister of Health, Prof Onyebuchi Chukwu. But, Ayim’s men supported Elechi’s deputy, Dave Umahi, an engineer. Umahi won. Since then, Elechi has been campaigning vigorously for President Jonathan’s re-election without extending similar support to other PDP candidates.

    Already, the anti-Elechi forces have secured the approval of the National PDP Caucus to sanction the governor for the decimation of the Ebonyi chapter. Ayim, said a party source, had complained to President  Jonathan that the governor will be an obstacle to   PDP’s victory at the general elections. The Abuja politicians have been having sleepless nights, following the exodus of PDP members to the LP. To them, the move may jeopardise the party’s chance at the polls.

    On January 16, the governor was booed and jeered at the Abakaliki Township Stadium during the presidential campaign, to the embarrassment of the President and other dignitaries. The disgrace was orchestrated to give the impression that the governor is not popular in the state.

    The source said: “PDP leaders, who are against Governor Elechi, are pushing for his impeachment because they see it as the ultimate guarantor of the PDP victory in the general elections. The Abuja-based anti-Elechi forces are working on the members of the House of Assembly to ensure the non-passage of the 2015 Appropriation Bill. Other actions against the governor are in the pipeline. They want to cut the governor’s influence, especially the incumbency power.”

    The governor was not present at the Abuja Caucus meeting where Ayim pressed for sanctions against him.

    However, mixed reactions trailed the SGF’s proposals. The impeachment slot was opposed by the President, who noted that the time was not auspicious. A source said that, despite the President’s objection, Ayim has intensified his lobby to remove Elechi in the belief that, by the time the plan is executed close to the elections, the President would be too engrossed in his re-election battle.

    The source added: “The SGF’s confidence may have been buoyed by what happened on 27th November last year during which the President took a decision with some high-ranking officials of the government and the party to postpone primary elections in Ebonyi, Taraba, Adamawa and Ondo states, pending the resolution of the problems in those states. Some vested interests flouted the order and conducted the primaries in Ebonyi State and the outcome was accepted and the President did nothing. Ayim is apprehensive that it would be difficult for PDP to win the election in Ebonyi while Elechi remains the Governor.”

    Party sources said the declaration of the seats of four members of the Assembly loyal to Elechi vacant on the same day the caucus meeting was holding in Abuja was to set the stage for the impeachment.

    Another chieftain, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said:  “The whole essence of the action is to whittle the number of pro- Elechi and to get the constitutionally stipulated number of anti-Elechi members to successfully initiate impeachment proceedings”

    Last week, the Speaker, Mr. Chukwuma Nwazunku, declared the seats of the four members vacant, following their defection to the LP.

    Nwazunku said in a statement that he has the constitutional right to declare their seats vacant. The affectded legislators are: Eni Uduma Chima, (Afikpo Southwest); Helen Nwaobashi (Abakaliki South); Sam Nwali (Ikwo North) and Mabel Aleke (Ohaukwu South).

    However, many stakeholders have risen in defence of the governor They believe he was being blackmailed and being witch-hunted by the SGF. A group, the Ebonyi Patriotic  Coalition, (EPC), alleged that Ayim was instigating the Economic and Financial crimes Commission (EFCC) against Ebonyi State government.

    At a press conference in Abuja last week, Ebonyi government officials complained about the freezing of the accounts of Ebonyi State Local Government by the anti-graft body on the grounds its funds are used to fund the LP.

    The Attorney-General and Commissioner of Justice, Dr. Ben Igwenyi, and the Commissioner for Commerce, Dr. Ifeanyi Ikeh, said: “There is a spate of frivolous petitions against state government officials in charge of finance. In the last three weeks, the Accountant-General, Mr. Edwin Igbele; the Commissioner for Finance, Timothy Odaah and the Commissioner for Local Governments and Chieftaincy Affairs, Mr. Celestine Nwali; have been guests to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

    “The allegations against them being that some local government funds which were legitimately spent in 2012 and 2013 were unlawfully spent. These are all lies because the documents are there to speak for themselves. Even without hearing from the above three officers, the Joint Account of the 13 Local Governments was frozen by EFCC contrary to section 34(1) of EFCC Act 2004.

    The move to remove Elechi has polarised the state along ethnic lines. Those from Abakaliki bloc where Elechi hails from and, who are in the majority, are spoiling for war  against party chieftains from a section of Afikpo zone, the birthplace of Umahi. Many are of the view that the governor deserves respect because of his age and popularity among the people.

     

    Plateau:

     

    Plateau PDP is in turmoil. As the PDP presidential campaigns rolled into Jos, the state capital, on January 26, many aggrieved members announced the birth of a parallel State Executive Committee.

    Since the chapter broke into two factions, ahead of the polls, reconciliation has proved abortive. The faction, known as the Reformed PDP, is now rooting for opposition candidates. Members of the faction are aggrieved PDP chieftains protesting the alleged high-handedness of Governor Jonah Jang. Prominent among them are governorship aspirants protesting the outcome of the primaries.  Their spokesman is former Governor Fidelis Tapgun, who complained against injustice in the party. Tapgun is from Shendam Local Government Area.

    Another group, the Equity and Justice Forum, led by Prof. Dakum Shown and Raymond Dabo, is protesting the emergence of Senator Gyang Pwajok as the governorship candidate. Pwajok is a Berom from Plateau North, where Jang hails from. The forum is pushing for power shift to Plateau South.

    Governorship aspirants in the Reformed PDP include: Dr Haruna Dabin (Kanke),  John Alkali (Shendam), Senator Victor Lar (Langtang North), Apostle Chris Bature (Langtang North), Jimmy Cheto (Langtang South), Mr Goddy Miri (Langtang North). Other members of the group are Danjuma Maina (Mangu), James Vwi (Riyom), Ambassador Ibrahim Kasai (Jos East), Lekyes Kwarkas (Pankshin), Evangelist Sam Mbok (Pankshin), Daniel Daduwash (Mangu) and  Dalyop Bok (Jos South).

    The former PDP Chairman, Dabin, has an axe to grind with Jang. He led the party to victory in 2011. But, he later fell out of favour with the governor when he unfolded his governorship ambition. In June last year, he was shoved aside, following a vote of no confidence passed on him by the State Working Committee. After he was suspended from office, the only option for him was to resign in September.

    Tapgun and Cheto believed that they were dumped by Jang, following his victory at the poll in 2007. A source said that Tapgun has not been happy that Jang decided to surround himself with people from the academic and his school mates, who did not play any significant role in his emergence as governor. Cheto is more bitter. Predicting failure for the PDP at the poll, he said: “We are out to reform the PDP in the state. PDP will be dead when Jang leaves office because the PDP exists today in his pocket. PDP, as it is today, will go with him. The PDP will not win the election in Plateau State. Without a PDP governor, the party will be gone and that’s when we will come in. We will give a new life to the PDP.”

    He added: ”We will vote it out. We shall all campaign against Pwajok in our various villages.”

    It is not an empty threat. Last month, Tapgun donated his Jos campaign office to the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate, Simon Lalong, a lawyer.

    Cheto has insisted that the primary election that produced Pwajok at the Rwang Pam Township Stadium, Jos was a ruse. He said:  “They will know my political strength by the time the February 28 governorship election is over.”

    Shown also predicted tragedy for the party, saying that it has violated the agreement on zoning. He said, despite the complaint to the National Chairman, Alhaji Adamu Muazu, the national secretariat has kept a sealed lip.

    He said: “The PDP constitution supports zoning. Since the incumbent governor is from the North, our stand is that his successor should come from another zone, which is the South. The party must choose between backing Jang and his godson, Pwajok, and losing Plateau during the next election.”

  • Can PDP have easy ride in Delta?

    Can PDP have easy ride in Delta?

    Delta State will be a battle ground for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) in next month’s general elections. The majority ethnic group, Urhobo, has an axe to grind with the ruling party over its alleged marginalisation in the distribution of major elective offices. Thus, its leading lights are working assiduously to swing the votes in the APC’s d irection. Who wins the governorship poll between Senator Ifeanyi Okowa, the PDP candidate, and Chief O’tega Emerhor, the standard bearer of the APC? Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the issues that will shape the contest in the oil-rich state. 

    Unlike in previous elections, the general elections may be tough in Delta State. Although President Goodluck Jonathan is from the Niger Delta, certain factors may not make the presidential election a walk over for him. In the multi-ethnic state, there is no political accord. The bone of contention is the alleged sidelining of the majority tribe, Urhobo, in the distribution of major elective offices.

    The ethnic group has complained bitterly that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has reneged on its informal agreement to pick its governorship candidate from the tribe. Also, the deputy governorship has also eluded the ethnic group, fueling suspicion that certain forces were bent on relegating it to the background, despite its numerical strength.

    The umbrella organisation, Urhobo Progressives Union (UPU) has been brainstorming on how to get a fair deal from the political class. Having lost the two prime slots, its leading lights have opened discussions with the All Progressives Congress (APC), which has zoned its governorship ticket to the tribe. The APC candidate, Chief O’tega Emerhor, is campaigning aggressively in Delta, like his PDP counterpart, Senator Ifeanyi Okowa.

    Since 1999, PDP has been winning governorship polls convincingly in Delta. Between 1999 and 2007, Governor James Ibori held sway in the Government House. The threat by Chief Great Ogboru to dethrone him failed, owing to the formidable party machinery. After eight years in office, Ibori was succeeded by Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan, whose second term expires in May.

    Ahead of the polls, PDP is basking on old glory. Prominent Deltas have sympathy for the ruling party. These political juggernauts are committed to the President’s re-election bid. Dr. Jonathan is an Ijaw. Therefore, his kinsmen, who are a potent force in the state, are mobilising for his second term. Apart from the apex Ijaw leader, Senator Edwin Clark, there are new centres of influence backing the President’s aspiration. A renowned government contractor, Government Ekpemupolo (Tompolo), is rooting for the President. He is an acclaimed freedom fighter. His influence lies in the numerical strength of militants in the creeks who have accepted his authority. Tompolo is rich. He has become a powerful mobiliser and unofficial PDP leader, to the consternation of the governor, who now appears to be on the fringe. Exuding confidence, the PDP leaders have boasted that Delta is a no-go area for the APC.

    However, there are some undercurrents that could put a lie on the PDP’s bravado. Indeed, the time-tested confidence appears to be collapsing. There is a sudden shift in party leadership, with Tompolo migrating from a militant to a power broker in Delta PDP. The ex-agitator now plays a domineering influence in the chapter more than governor. According to sources, Tompolo now decides who gets what, how and when in Delta PDP. When his candidates became the governorship candidates and running mate, the Ijaw mega star rose to his zenith in the party hierarchy. Since then, Uduaghan appeared to have taken the back seat.

    The turn of events is worrisome to the governor’s camp. Uduaghan has been an active supporter of the President since he assumed the reins, although the President’s camp has not forgotten the frosty relationship between Dr. Jonathan and Ibori, Uduaghan’s predecessor. When the governor took his preferred governorship candidate, Felix Obuh, to the Presidency, no eyebrow was raised initially. Later, his candidature was rejected, when, according to sources, Tompolo raised an objection. Those who had the ears of the President said Obuh’s ambition underscored another ‘Ibori agenda.’ Up came Francis Edebiri, a loyalist of Uduaghan and Ibori, who hails from Urhobo, the majority ethnic group, which accounts  for 50 per cent population of Delta State. Anti-Ibori forces rose up again, saying that Edebiri may not be loyal to the President.

    Edebrie is an Urhobo like Ibori. He was the Principal Secretary to the late President Umaru Yar’Adua. In 2007, Ibori was one of the sponsors of the deceased President. Therefore, Jonathan’s men said that Ibori was bouncing back. Suddenly, the table turned against Uduaghan and Edebiri. It was double tragedy for the governor. He lost his bid to anoint a successor like his many of his colleagues in other states. Also, his senatorial ambition crumbled. In post-2015, the governor will be scrambling for ministerial slot, if the PDP survives the elections. Gazing at the post-election period, Jonathan forces queued behind Senator James Manager, who is being positioned for the position of the Senate Leader. A party source said that the President threw his weight behind Okowa, who defeated other aspirants at the primaries. Many Itsekiri rooting for the senatorial ambition of the governor were downcast. The hope of Urhobo, who have been agitating for power shift to the North Central and zoning to Urhobo, was dashed.

    These unresolved conflicts have implications for the elections. Although primaries are a party affair, general elections are a different ball game. The outcome of the primaries have triggered up ethnic tensions, which Uduaghan has tried to douse. The Central District is dominated by Urhobo, which has lost the governorship and running mate. While Okowa is from the minority Igbo, his running mate, Kingsley Otuaru, is Ijaw. If there a bond of unity and the ethnic group decides to vent its anger, it could be disastrous for the PDP. The North consists of Ikas (Agbor), Asaba, and Ndokwa/Kwale. The Igbos in this district are in the minority. Okowa is from this area. In the South are Isoko, Itsekiri, Ijaw and Urhobo from Effrum.

    To the Uhrobos, this is a decisive year. The two Urhobo in the race-Emerhor and Ogboru of the Labour Party (LP)-are bitter. To them, the much taunted Southern solidarity is a farce, if the only Ijaw is the only ethnic group savouring the dividends of democracy in Delta. When the UPU met to discuss the future of the tribe, it was resolved that the race should give a bloc vote to the son of the soil, based on his campaign promises to the state, although there were also dissenting voices in the association on the vexed issue. The understanding is that Urhobo will vote for any party that has zoned the governorship to the tribe.

    Urhobo is not the only aggrieved group in the state. Itsekiri also has its grouse. The ethnic group has alleged that Ijaw is clannish when Uduaghan, an Itsekiri, was compelled to step down for Manager. Besides, Itsekiri leaders have pointed out that the move to relocate the EPZ project from the area to Ijaw area was in bad faith. The project was about to be inaugurated before it was put on hold. Itsekiri believed that the decision was taken to spite the race.

    Also, Isoko is angry. Its leaders have complained that the ethnic group has nothing to show for voting massively for President Jonathan in 2011. The APC running mate, Abanum Vander-Puye, is from Isoko.  Party sources said no attempts have been made to pacify the aggrieved tribes, who believe that they now play second fiddle to Ijaw.

  • PDP denies plot to cause mayhem in Edo

    PDP denies plot to cause mayhem in Edo

    The Edo State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has denied the accusation by the state government that it planned to cause mayhem and kill prominent residents.

    The party accused the government of raising political tension through what it called an “unguarded, careless and reckless statement”.

    It said Governor Adams Oshiomhole should be held responsible, if a political crisis occured in the state.

    In a statement by its Publicity Secretary, Chris Nehikhare, the PDP said Oshiomhole’s allegations showed that the state government had not desisted from its old ways of raising false accusations and alarms.

    It reads: “It is now customary for Governor Oshiomhole to criminally accuse the PDP whenever he intends to divert attention from burning issues from which he is likely to be ‘damaged’.

    “Oppressing and threatening a prince of the Benin Kingdom is a taboo that the Bini consider a sacrilege; the governor will need more than unfounded accusations to remove the curse in his action against the royal institution of the great Benin people.

    “As the governor did in the months preceding the July 2012 elections, he has engaged in false accusations of planned assassination.

    “Let it be on record that the Edo State Police Command and the Department of Security Service (DSS) absolved the PDP of any complicity in the death of Mr. Olaitan Oyerinde, the late private principal secretary to the governor, who was felled by armed robbers.”

  • PDP leaders, Jonathan’s camp  bicker over anti-Obasanjo plot

    PDP leaders, Jonathan’s camp bicker over anti-Obasanjo plot

    •National chair Muazu urges caution

    The plot by hawks in the presidency to make trouble with former President Olusegun Obasanjo is already causing dissension within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    The hawks, as reported by The Nation on Saturday yesterday, are drawing up a plan to revisit the probe of the $13.278billion power projects which were executed during his tenure.

    This is to extract their own pound of flesh from the immediate past Chairman, Board of Trustees (BoT) of the party following his dramatic dumping of the PDP last week.

    The Ogun State chapter of the party, in a belated move, announced Obasanjo’s expulsion, two hours after he publicly tore his membership card.

    The Presidency hawks, sources said yesterday, were pushing hard for the probe to go on as a way of publicly disgracing Obasanjo for disparaging President Jonathan and the party.

    However, the national chairman of the party, Alhaji Adamu Muazu  and some other leaders of the party are said to be fiercely opposed to the suggestion.

    They are of the view, according to sources, that subjecting the former president to ridicule will do neither the party nor the president any good.

    Muazu’s position is shared by several state governors elected on the platform of the party.

    Such governors have made it clear that they will not be a party to any plan to rubbish the ex-President. “They are insisting that the party must manage the situation well by appealing to Obasanjo to sheath his sword,” one source said.

    “They are sending emissaries to him in this regard. So, should Jonathan and his men move against Obasanjo, it may cause a serious friction within the ruling party.”

    The party’s hierarchy is also said to be urging caution in the handling of the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Attahiru Jega, following pressure on the commission by top members of the PDP and the presidency.

    Sources said that was why Muazu had to pass a vote of confidence on him recently at a time some were calling for his head in the aftermath of the postponement of the general elections.

    “You will recall that after the Presidential Campaign Organisation accused Jega, of partisanship, Mu’azu wasted no time before passing a vote of confidence on the him. Muazu, while acknowledging that shifting the date for the general election affected the programme of the PDP, sees no reason not to retain the confidence he has in Jega, because, according to him, the INEC boss is doing a good job,” a source said.

  • PDP exit: Obasanjo at his enigmatic best

    PDP exit: Obasanjo at his enigmatic best

    FORMER president Olusegun Obasanjo is perhaps Nigeria’s most complex riddle, a riddle that goes right down to his roots. He is every inch physiognomically Yoruba, but many Yoruba continue to point to his troublous relationship with the Yoruba, his superior airs, and his disquieting view of their culture as an indication of a falsity of his Yoruba roots claim or a fundamental disconnect between him and the ethnic group he claims descent from. He is also the archetypal Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) stalwart, having had the distinguished honour of shaping the party’s worldview for nearly a decade, moulding its structure as a political party into a feral beast with rapacious appetite for subverting the constitution and the rule of law, and creating a dissonant ethic through which prism the party viewed and still views the country. However, after a few weeks of intense disagreements with party leaders, he has opted out of the party, and now seems to be rooting for another party with the same frenetic glee with which he drove his former party to bits when he was its unquestioning leader.

    Chief Obasanjo is today the chiefest apostle of contrariwise, an example of a leader that has fallen by his rising, a leader canonised by his devilry, a leader metamorphosing resplendently beside green pastures when he should in fact be mummifying in a cadaverous vacuum. He has become unusually the bitterest critic of President Goodluck Jonathan; and many people are cynical. But rather than view his newfound patriotism cynically, the country has felt some relief, as if to say, “Well, you created the mess, do please clean it up.” As a matter of fact, and in a special way, everyone of us knows that Chief Obasanjo is simply being hoist with his own petard. He who now rails against President Goodluck Jonathan’s incontestable political subterfuge, managed in 2007 to conduct probably the worst election this country has ever known. He who now chafes at President Jonathan’s manipulative presidency and unbearable obtrusion, was in his own time in office the most meddlesome and archetypal manipulator.

    And so while the messenger’s shortcomings cannot be ignored, it is perhaps time to focus on his message, as self-incriminating as it might be. The message from Chief Obasanjo is that President Jonathan is afraid of holding elections, hoping that when he finally gets round to performing that constitutional duty, the polls would favour him. This was the reason for the postponement of the polls, as plausible as the six-week security operations the government promised to knock Boko Haram into a cocked hat might be. The All Progressives Congress (APC) has done its best to pressure the Jonathan presidency to cease its manipulations, and the people have as best as they could added fillip to the campaign to force the president to live up to his oath of office. But it is in fact Chief Obasanjo’s pressures that have yielded the most impactful result. The presidency has been disconcerted by his campaigns disproportionate to their anxiety in response to the APC’s accusations. The reasons are not far to seek.

    First, for reasons political scientists must pay special attention to, the stock of Chief Obasanjo has continued to rise in the North far in excess of his modest talents and achievements. Twice he had handed over power to northerners; first, to Shehu Shagari in 1979, and then to Umaru Yar’Adua in 2007, in electoral circumstances not many can swear by. Second, that region seems to trust him, and is inured to the wholesome distrust harboured towards him by both the Southwest, especially, and the Southeast. In consequence, Chief Obasanjo’s traducement of President Jonathan is redacted lustily by northerners and propagated far and wide. Chief Obasanjo’s campaigns against the president therefore complements the power of the name of Muhammadu Buhari, the APC presidential candidate, making the two  a potent and undeniable force against the president’s reelection chances.

    In addition, having failed spectacularly to lay a solid foundation for democracy and the Fourth Republic, and having carried himself untrustworthily and even messianically, it was expected that the disasters that the governments of Mallam Yar’Adua and Dr Jonathan became were enough to consign Chief Obasanjo to the dustbin of history. Instead, the enigma has by his latest actions seemed to rehabilitate himself. He now paradoxically approximates the suspicions of the electorate as well as their yearnings, but he must surely know that his fight against President Jonathan is probably his riskiest ever, and perhaps the last. The cost of losing not only far outweighs every risk he has ever taken, in a sublime sense it even far outweighs the benefits of winning. For the APC and the rest of us, notwithstanding the enormity of our investments in this election, should President Jonathan win, we would groan, recover and move on. For Chief Obasanjo, should President Jonathan win, he had better fall on his sword.

  • Poll shift saved Nigeria, INEC huge embarrassment – PDP

    Poll shift saved Nigeria, INEC huge embarrassment – PDP

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has said the shift in dates of the general election from February to March saved the nation and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) a huge embarrassment.

    A statement issued on Friday by PDP’s National Publicity Secretary, Chief Olisa Metuh, added that rather than condemnation, initiators of the shift in the polls dates, ought to be appreciated.

    According to the ruling party, the elections, if held in February as initially scheduled, ” would have been chaotic and far from fair and credible, as over 23 million registered voters would have been disenfranchised for no fault of theirs.”

    The statement continued: “The prevalent huge deficit in the distribution of the Permanent Voters Cards (PVCs) has shown that the development rather saved the nation and the INEC a huge embarrassment.

    “The fact that millions of Nigerians are still struggling to receive their PVCs a week after the February 14 date, clearly shows that the commission would have been thoroughly embarrassed had it gone ahead with the elections on that day.

    “As at February 7, a week to the rescheduled elections, the Chairman of INEC, Prof. Attahiru Jega announced that only 45, 829, 808 representing 66.58 percent of the total number of registered voters have received their PVCs. INEC’s records also showed that 1.3 million cards were yet to be delivered by the printers while 1.1 million stolen cards were yet to be replaced as at that date.

    “Whereas INEC gave the impressions that all processes including the PVC distribution will be perfected before February 14, it is disturbing that a week after that date, millions of Nigerians are still struggling to receive their cards, which confirms the fears that the commission was not truly ready for the election in February in spite of its posturing.

    “Also, had the commission gone ahead with the polls on February 14, non-indigenes who were being denied their PVCs in select states such as Lagos and Kano would also have been disenfranchised. The shift gave INEC the time to tackle the issue, which led to the sacking of two of its culpable ad-hoc staff members in Lagos State.

    “Furthermore, while briefing the Senate on Wednesday, the INEC Chairman had acknowledged that the postponement was a blessing in disguise which affords the commission and other stakeholders an ample opportunity to perfect all processes for credible elections.”

     

  • PDP faults APC on deployment of soldiers for polls

    PDP faults APC on deployment of soldiers for polls

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential organisation has criticised the All Progressives Congress (APC) for kicking against deployment of soldiers for the rescheduled general elections.

    In a unanimous judgment, five Justices of the Appeal Court, sitting in Abuja last week, ruled that it was unconstitutional for the Federal Government to deploy soldiers for elections.

    Justice Aboki, who read the lead judgment, said: “Even the President of Nigeria has no powers to call on the Nigerian Armed Forces to unleash them on peaceful citizenry who are exercising their franchise to elect their leaders.

    “In the event of insurrection or insurgency, the call on armed forces to restore order must be with approval of the National Assembly… as provided in section 217(2) and 218(4) of the Constitution as amended”.

    It was against this backdrop that the leadership of the APC wrote to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and President Goodluck Jonathan, demanding that the ruling of the appellate court be respected.

    But at a media briefing in Abuja yesterday, the PDP presidential campaign spokesman, Chief Femi Fani-Kayode, disagreed with the APC on the court’s verdict, describing it as “campaign of calumny against the military”.

    Fani-Kayode said for opposing the deployment of soldiers for the polls, the APC was planning to cause security breaches in the weeks ahead.

    He said: “It is now very clear to us that the APC is determined to cause security breaches in the next few weeks. “

  • PDP:  Wobbling on to general elections

    PDP: Wobbling on to general elections

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) dreams of ruling for the next 60 years. The ruling party is likely  to be in unrealistic  dream, going by its recent travails. President Goodluck Jonathan’s public rating seems to be dropping geometrically. Five weeks to the general elections, many states’ chapters are battling with post-governorship and parliamentary primary crises, thereby jeopardising the party’s chances at the March 28 and April 11 polls. Scores of aggrieved chieftains are defecting to the opposition. But, more dangerous are stalwarts plotting to work against the party without defecting.  Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the agony of a party going into critical polls as a divided house.

    For 16 years, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has grown from strength to strength. It appears the ruling party is now yielding to the law of diminishing returns. In 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011, it won the presidential elections conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Four years after its last victory, the confidence appears to be  waning, in the light of President Goodluck Jonathan’s avoidance of the presidential election previously scheduled for February 14.

    Many PDP chieftains acknowledge that all is not well with the self-acclaimed biggest party in Africa. Some of them now perceive the President as a weak candidate. Yet, the party is helpless. More worrisome is its plight across the states. The chapters have not recovered from the rancorous governorship and parliamentary primaries, which have polarised the fold.

    The chapters that have been relying on federal might for survival are now enveloped in anxiety. At the centre, the confidence of the party is shaky. Reconciliation in some states has been futile: no thanks to the  escalation of the post-primary crises. According to analysts, the shifting of the polls notwithstanding, PDP may go into the contest as a divided house.

     

    Delta

    Delta State is perceived as one of the strongholds of the PDP. But, observers have predicted a tough battle in the Southsouth state on March 28. The governorship primary was the turning point. The governor, Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan, lost his senatorial ambition to the squabbles. He could not also anoint a successor. The governor had taken his preferred candidate, Fekix Obuh, to Aso Rock for presidential blessing. Later, the table turned against him. Instead of the governor, a government contractor, Government Ekpemupolo (aka Tompolo), an acclaimed Niger Delta freedom fighter, started calling the shots. When it appeared that Obuh would not fit into the calculation again, Uduaghan settled for Edevbie. But, he was also rejected. Thus, apart from forfeiting his senatorial ambition, the governor’s muscle failed him when the choice of the flag bearer and his running mate was being considered.

    Today, Urhobo are not happy with the emergence of Senator Ifeanyi Okowa, an Igbo from Udokwa.

    Besides, other ethnic groups have cried out that only the Ijaw are savouring democratic dividends in Delta. The Itsekiri alleged that the Export Processing Zone (EPZ) project was relocated from its area to Ijaw, despite pleas, The Urhobo is also angry that it has been marginalised as the majority tribe. The tribe had expected that, having lost the governorship, the deputy governorship would be zoned to the ethnic group. It lost both.  Now, its leading lights are eyeing the All progressives Congress (APC), which has picked its governorship candidate, Chief Otega Emerhor, from Urhobo.

     

    Akwa Ibom

    Akwa Ibom State Governor Godswill Akpabio is fighting battles on many fronts. When the President visited the state recently, he was embarrassed by the extent of the internal strife. The governor has come under attack for insisting on the candidature of the banker-turned politician, Mr. Udom Emmanuel. Following the exit of Umana Umana as the Secretary to the State Government (SSG), Emmanuel, a former Executive Director of Zenith Bank, was appointed as as Umana’s replacement, before his  eventual emergence at the governorship primariesas as the flag bearer. Many PDP leaders in the state have objected to his candidature, alleging that he was imposed by the governor. They have vowed to take their pound of flesh from the PDP at the polls.

    Umana, who defected to the APC, in protest, is now the opposition candidate in the oil-rich state. Analysts have predicted a tough battle. Although Akwa Ibom is predominantly a PDP state, there is division in the chapter. Prominent PDP leaders, including Akpabio’s predecessor, Obong Victor Attah and former Petroleum Minister Chief Don Etiebet, have publicly objected to the governor’s style, warning that it may be a prelude to electoral doom. Unless there is a serious reconciliation, the contest will be tough for the PDP.

     

    Sokoto

    The dust generated by the governorship shadow poll has not settled. The deputy governor, Alhaji Mukthar Shagari, was embittered by its outcome. He had been penciled down for the slot in 2007, when he was asked to step down for incumbent Governor Aliyu Wamakko. When his boss defected to the APC, he remained in the party. But, following the defection of former Governor Attahiru Bafarawa from the APC to the PDP, the calculation changed. The PDP national leadership transferred the party leadership to the former governor. Up came Ambassador Wali as a major contender for the governorship. He defeated Shagari at the primaries. But, the deputy governor’s supporters have insisted that Wali was drafted into the race in bad faith. APC is a formidable platform to contend with. The defection of House of Representatives Speaker Aminu Tambuwal from the ruling party and the fact that the Speaker will be flying the banner of the APC on March 28, will further affect the PDP. Coupled with the internal strife and rancour in the PDP, the race will be tougher for the PDP.

     

    Anambra:

    PDP held sway in Anambra State between 1999 and 2003. Even, when the PDP was in power, it was in deep crisis. When former Governor Chinwoke Mbadinuju, called the shots, the party was utterly divided. He was consumed by the imbroglio. His second term ambition was truncated. His successor, Dr. Chris Ngige, could not finish his term. Godfathers demanded returns on their political investments, and when Ngige called their bluff, the state became ungovernable. Later, the mandate was restored to Mike Obi, who flew the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) flag for the eight years his two-term tenure lasted. He dumped the party that brought him into political limelight for the PDP shortly after leaving office.

    Since then, the PDP has been making frantic efforts to bounce back, but without success. The party leaders only take solace in victory at the parliamentary elections. But, the scramble for parliamentary tickets has now polarised the crisis-ridden chapter.

    In Anambra Central Senatorial District, the post primary crisis escalated last week, following the replacement of Chief Chris Uba with his elder brother, Andy, as the senatorial flag bearer. The two brothers have been making antagonistic claims to the ticket, following the parallel primaries held in the district. Chris had earlier said that he was the authentic candidate, pointing out that his name has been submitted to INEC. But, Andy’s name appeared on the INEC website as the flag bearer for the zone, to the consternation of his younger brother, who is said to be in control of the party structure.

    Also, for the Anambra North, the name of the House of Representatives member, Mrs. Uche Ekwunife  appeared on the website as the senatorial candidate. Mrs. Ekwunife and Senator Annie Okonkwo have been at loggerheads over the ticket after the primaries. Okonkwo’s supporters are kicking against Mrs. Ekwunife’s emergence as the candidate. In  Anambra South, where former Aviation Minister Stella Oduah’s name appeared as the flag bearer, there are also protests.

     

    Ogun

    The greatest tragedy that has befallen Ogun PDP is Tuesday’s resignation of former President Olusegun Obasanjo from partisan politics.   Obasanjo, who has not hidden his opposition to President Goodluck Jonathan’s second term bid, will not throw his weight behind the governorship candidate, Gboyega Isiaka, after shredding his membership card. Although the two factions of the party in the Gateway State managed to reach a truce before the primaries, the shadow poll became another trigger for passion. According to party sources, some governorship aspirants have also refused to give their commitment to the flag bearer. In Ogun East senatorial district, many are uncomfortable with the choice of Prince Buruji Kashamu as the senatorial candidate. His supposed rival at the primaries, former Governor Gbenga Daniel, had backed out of the race when he realised that he would be defeated. Many traditional rulers, political leaders and youths are of the opinion that a politician without a lorry-load of baggage would have been more acceptable to the zone, instead of Kashamu, who is perceived as a controversial politician. Kashamu is rich, but to the people of Ijebu/Remo, a Senatorial Zone once represented by former Afenifere leader and National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) patriach, the late Pa Abraham Adesanya,  the contest is not totally about financial muscle. According to sources,  the pendulum of victory may swing towards the direction of the APC candidate, Dapo Abiodun, who has been endorsed by many stakeholders, groups and associations in the district.

     

    Edo

    Edo PDP is confronted with a big obstacle. The ruling APC is waxing stronger. Governor Adams Oshiomhole has justified the confidence reposed in him as a leader liberator. Therefore, the possibility of the PDP displacing the APC is remote. Although the PDP has succeeded in wooing some chieftains, including cabinet members, the defections have not altered significantly the geo-political calculations.

    PDP is suffering from self-inflicted crisis. At its recent rally in Benin City, the state capital, controversy over N1.5 billion mobilisation money broke out. A cleric-politician is said to be at the centre of the controversy. Many youths, who turned up for the rally at the Samuel Ogbemudia Stadium, cried out that they were short-changed. The dust has not settled. The controversial politician denied that he embezzled the money. The youths were, however, not satisfied with his clarification. To them, the actual amount has not been declared. The controversy rages on. Besides, many party members are still protesting the outcome of primaries in many constituencies.

     

    Oyo

    Before the primaries, many thought that the Oyo PDP had a bright future. But the shadow poll compounded the problems of the chapter. There are now four PDP factions in the Pacesetter State. The first is the mainstream PDP, which produced Senator Teslim Folarin as the candidate. The second is Accord Party (AP), led by Senator Rashidi Ladoja. The third is the Labour Party (LP), which is fielding former Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala as the flag bearer. The fourth is the Social Democratic Party (SDP), which has Seyi Makinde as its candidate. Ladoja, Alao-Akala and  Makinde are PDP chieftains in disguise.

    The polarisation has implications for the PDP. It is now more weakened than it was four years ago. Therefore, there is no evidence to show that it can withstand the APC candidate and incumbent Governor Abiola Ajimobi at the polls.

     

    Bayelsa

    Bayelsa is the home state of President Jonathan. The governorship election will hold in the state next year. Ordinarily, next month’s general elections should be a walkover for the PDP but certain factors may make it impossible. The rift between Governor Seriake Dickson and President’s wife Dame Patience, has continued to fester. Mrs. Jonathan, who resigned as Permanent Secretary from Bayelsa State Civil Service, is not in talking terms with the governor. In fact, there were allegations that her  foot soldiers were pushing for the impeachment of the governor. During his recent visit to the state, the President clarified that he is an avid supporter of the governor. The declaration has doused the tension in the party. Unless there is a genuine reconciliation, the cracks on the wall may become widened and PDP may play into the hands of the opposition.

     

    Rivers     

    Between 1999 and last year, PDP was the dominant party in Rivers State. But, the tide changed, following the defection of Governor Rotimi Amaechi to the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), now APC. The APC has been growing in leaps and bounds in the state. But, the internal challenge to Chief Nyesom Wike’s candidature is almost proportional to the threat posed by the APC candidate, House of Representatives member Dakuku Peterside. Rivers is reputed for its four million bloc vote. Under the two-party system, the feat is difficult. Manipulation will be very difficult now that voters are more vigilant.

    PDP has a hurdle to cross. It is the challenge of zoning. The perception is that the opposition party has violated the principle. Amaechi, an Ikwerre, had proposed power shift to the lowland area from the upland area in the spirit of fairness and justice. In his view, power shift to the area that has not enjoyed the slot for 16 years will give the area a sense of belonging. The APC has now taken up the challenge of zoning based on equity by fielding Peterside, who hails from the lowland area. This may work for the PDP at the polls.

    Ondo

    The PDP in Ondo State has been in pains since 2007 when it was disgraced at the polls. The late Governor Segun Agagu was defeated by the Labour Party (LP) candidate, Dr.  Segun Mimiko. Since then, the PDP has not been insulated from crisis. Despite Mimiko’s return to the PDP, the crisis has not abated. Instead, his return has aggravated the crisis.

    Following disagreement with the governor, some aggrieved LP chieftains had defected to the PDP. However, when the governor defected, they were back to square one. The distribution of elective offices during the primaries was based on the dichotomy  of the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ PDP.  Many old PDP members who had hoped to vie for parliamentary positions were compelled to sacrifice their ambitions to the defectors. In fact, the defectors led by Mimiko had upper hand because of their perceived numerical strength. In anger, some old PDP members hurriedly jumped into the APC tent. Aggrieved chieftains who have not defected are still fighting for their future. Reconciliation has been futile.

     

    Cross River

    In Cross River State, there is a gulf between Governor Liyel Imoke and other PDP gladiators. The governor has been accused of deliberately frustrating his colleague at the bar, Senate Leader Victor Ndoma-Egba, who had planned to return to the Upper Chamber. Senate President David Mark, who had anticipated the danger to Ndoma-Egba’s ambition, had offered to broker truce between the governor and Senate Leader, who are from the same senatorial district. Two days to the primaries, Mark sent his friend, Senator Tunde Ogbeha, a retired Brig-General, to Calabar, the state capital, to beg the governor. But, Imoke disagreed. The governor, sources said, was annoyed at the activities of some politicians who wanted him dead when he was hospitalised abroad. Also, the running battle between the two lawyers assumed a new dimension during the governorship primaries. Ndoma-Egba was allegedly rooting for Jeddy Agba for the slot. But Imoke and his predecessor, Donald Duke, preferred Prof. Ben Ayade.  The primary election is still generating ripples. Besides, many Cross River elders are unhappy with President Jonathan for the role he placed in the ceding of some oil wells from the state to Akwa Ibom State.

     

    Kwara

    The weakest PDP chapter is the Kwara. Following the defection of Senator Bukola Saraki, Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed and other big wigs to the APC, the party became a shadow of itself. There is acrimony in the decimated chapter over the emergence of Senator Simeon Ajibola as the governorship candidate. Many PDP leaders believe that his candidature cannot fly. In fact, the senator rode on the back of the Saraki political family to fame. Since his emergence as the candidate, other aspirants slowed down on their mobilisation for the party.

     

  • Court rejects PDP’s application to void Osun poll

    Court rejects PDP’s application to void Osun poll

    The Federal High Court sitting in Osogbo, the Osun State capital, has dismissed the application by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) seeking for a mandatory order to nullify the elections conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission in Osun State in April 2011.

    Justice Babs Kuewumi dismissed the application yesterday in the ruling he read based on the application by the PDP.

    The PDP sued the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and former Resident Electoral Commissioner Rufus Akeju, seeking a reversal of all actions taken by Akeju as REC after an earlier order of March 28, 2011 given by the same court, which restrained him from conducting the 2011 National Assembly and House of Assembly elections.

    INEC conducted the April 2011 polls and all the seats were won by the candidates of the All Progressives Congress.

    The PDP represented by Moses Ojo, sought four reliefs in the motion and they are: a mandatory order for reversal of all steps taken by the first defendant and second defendant; an order to declare the National Assembly and House of Assembly elections null; an order directing INEC to withdraw the certificate of return given to the winners of the elections and an order compelling INEC to conduct by- elections to fill the seats.

    But Justice Kuewumi held that “only Election Petitions Tribunal can give such orders. The application is hereby dismissed”.

    INEC’s counsel Mrs. Faith Okoli hailed the ruling, describing it as erudite.

    Although PDP counsel Kehinde Adesiyan thanked the judge for the ruling, he said the party would appeal the ruling.

    Adesiyan said: “There was an order of this same court on March 28, 2011 which restrained Akeju from conducting the April 2011 elections but he went ahead and violated the order.

    “The court did not say anything on this but it is so clear that the order was disrespected. We will test the rulings we will challenge it before the Court of Appeal.

    “The sanctity and sacredness of the judiciary must be respected, Akeju violated the order of the same court.

    “It was a pre-election matter and the Election Petitions Tribunal has no power to hear pre-election matters. So we will challenge it.”