Tag: perdition

  • Senatorial perdition

    That coup-is-still-possible quip, by Ike Ekweremadu, deputy Senate president (DSP), echoes one Yoruba saying: ”Omo yo tan, o npe baba re l’eranko!

    A brat, at the apex of his filial hubris, dismisses his doting parents as idiots!  Surely, such surfeit munificence is nothing but supreme parental folly?

    That fairly epitomizes this 8th Senate — indeed, the two chambers of the National Assembly.  After gorging silly, from the ceaseless milk of the civil order, the prodigal, in cloud seven, now dreams military rule!

    That about captures Ekweremadu’s gaffe.

    Yet, there may be something spiritual about it all.  To start with, Ekweremadu’s subsistence as DSP has nothing to do with  the so-called “beauty of democracy”.  Instead, it is the very ugly gargoyle of opportunism.

    Bukola Saraki, desperate to sell his All Progressives Congress (APC) parliamentary mandate, to at all cost become Senate president, was clear-eyed about his perfidy.  Even then, he needed a devil-may-care collaborator-opportunist.

    Enter, Ike Ekweremadu, last-term legit DSP under David Mark but now willy-nilly DSP, procured by the rotten fruits of stolen goods!  For where else does a minority party in parliament land the DSP?

    One that scrambles to high office, by absolute dishonour, is spiritually fated to fatal mis-jives!

    Still on honour, take a close look at the two captains of the executive: President Muhammadu Buhari and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo; and the National Assembly equivalent captains: Senate President Bukola Saraki and Speaker Yakubu Dogara.

    In each bloc, one is Muslim, the other Christian.  Yet, each  group throws up diametrically opposed vibes — why?  Personal conducts.

    Call Buhari many names over, but that he is a thief, to gobble public money, is never going to wash.  Tried and tested many times, his squeaky clean image and Spartan ways have held steady, in the midst of so much decadence among his contemporaries.

    Vice President Osinbajo is rich — but not in money (still, by any standard, he’s no pauper) but in value.

    Every dime he has earned — and that’s a good many — is from his sweat as a Law professor and active legal practitioner.  In Lagos, his first port as a public servant, he left a trail of punishing devotion and high record of excellence.  His sterling legal reforms, as Lagos attorney-general and Justice commissioner (1999-2007), now being adopted at the federal level and by other states, are living testimonies.

    No wonder, the presidential duo strike the image of the straight-and-narrow, that elixir a decadent Nigeria needs to scale these trying times.

    That contemporary Nigeria deliberately underplays these stellar traits shows how too far gone, from that narrow path to salvation, the Nigerian elite — particularly the so-called (wo)men of God — may have strayed.

    But the National Assembly?  The direct contrast: glum, free-for-all, celebrated decadence.

    Saraki, the Senate president, has no conviction record.  But his politics stinks to seven heavens.  The soulless manner he sold his party’s birthright to DSP for personal profit, cutting the dishonourable PDP and its Ekweremadu a sickly slack, is brazen proof.

    Long after the spoil of office is long putrefied in the belly, that treachery and twin opportunism would define the political profile of both.

    And long after this 8th Senate is gone, its effete succumb to such perfidy would question its group essence, despite the presence, in the conclave, of a few well and truly decent (wo)men.

    House Speaker Dogara appears placid on the surface.  But with his reaction to “budget padding” allegations by Abdulmnmini Jibril, former chair of the House Appropriation Committee now languishing in suspension exile, he would appear as ruthless as they come.

    Both the Senate and the House are unrepentantly yoked to turning their so-called house rules into some big whip, to thrash the Constitution on citizens’ rights.  But can a conclave, by its rule, banish a member for a long spell, when that member, by law, represents a constituency?

    Which one is supreme — the parliament’s right to maintaining discipline among its own ranks; or the Constitution’s diktat that every citizen must have representation?

    That is one issue the courts should thrash out, for that core representation makes Parliament the first estate of the realm.

    Yet, this 8th National Assembly has exalted group norm over the grund norm.  Because that often negates its very essence, the result is perceived impunity inside its high walls.  That translates into crass opacity, to citizens outside, who have a right to know.

    Of course, such opacity breeds explosive scandals, the latest of which is Senator Shehu Sani’s sensational claim that every senator pockets N13.5 million a month, aside from other perks, in holy gravy!

    A stunned Senate might just dispatch Sani to Golgotha, for infringing on its “privileges, integrity and rights”.  No tears for Holy Shehu, Glorious and Conceited, who immaculately talks down on everyone!  Still, that would be barring the gate when the stallion had galloped clear!

    Indeed, unfazed institutional opacity breeds the many Senate escapades.

    First, it tailors public laws to its private benefits, simply because it’s charged with that chore.

    Then, it instals itself as the decadent alternative to the President’s war against corruption, with its running battles with EFCC’s Ibrahim Magu and Nigeria Customs’ Hameed Ali, two citizens, like Buhari, virtually killing themselves to deliver a better Nigeria.

    With the executive calling its bluff on Magu, the Senate throws tantrums, decreeing itself AWOL from crucial confirmation duties.  Yet, this is a job it pays itself at an obscene premium!

    The other day, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was even appealing to the Nigerian Senate to confirm some crucial Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) nominees!  A thoroughly deluded Senate dubs it “protest”.  But its political masters, we the people, call it  unpardonable subversion that must be punished.

    Besides, it’s March and this 8th National Assembly is still playing yo-yo with the 2018 budget.  Is there loading a repeat of last year, when it switched votes from crucial roads nationwide, that would have given the economy a fillip, to useless constituency projects, for brazen personal egos?

    Indeed, an opaque parliament is a blight on any democracy.  No wonder, in its arrogance turned hubris, this National Assembly has installed itself champion of anything decadent; and virulent opposer of everything diligent.  Sad!

    It is from such free-for-all decadence that an Ekweremadu would practically call for military rule, in the very hallowed chambers of the Senate!  Any further proof of how  these characters have re-shaped the house in their hollow images?

    Still, Ekweremadu is only a son, out of the too many children of perdition, plaguing the Nigerian Senate.

    They are all beyond redemption.  That is why, come 2019, they must all be swept clean, into political Siberia.

  • Sons of perdition

    Every new day seems to dawn with new demons. Today’s burns your ears and you think it could never be worse; but tomorrow’s news seeks to burst your tympanum and your chest threatens to explode.

    The other day, it was discovered that a police inspector was buried in a standing position. Some conjecture that he must have been interred alive with his hands and feet tied. Call it communal bestiality or collective Satanism for it would have taken a community to agree and to dig a sizeable grave to accommodate a standing man. Even the village Bale (head) of this infernal community in the Ajah area of Lagos State who is now with the police, is alleged to have led this sacrilege.

    In Port Harcourt, Rivers State, a year two student of the University of Port Harcourt allegedly defiled an eight-year-old child of his relative and benefactor. He then went on to behead her and harvested some of her body parts. But this is just half the story; he was arrested by local vigilante and handed to the State Police Command and now the real story: the mysterious disappearance of this son of perdition from the safety of the police station.

    And how about this? Cult men apprehended while preparing pepper-soup with the intestines and liver of his kidnap victim. The men of darkness, according to the Police, kidnapped a pastor in Ahoada area of the state, August 15, 2017.  They had severed his head and were caught as they made the soup and plantain portage with his internal parts.

    Rape has become so commonplace in the land today that the country may well be christened the land of rape. Recently in Kano, a group of women could not take the daily rape bulletin any longer. Under the aegis of Professional Women Group in kano, they took to the streets. They needed to do something drastic to save their daughters from unguided rampaging phalluses.

    Priests, teachers, fathers, uncles, neighbours, everyone seems to be marching on this road to Golgotha. And there is no age limit or range – from a pulpy few days’ old baby to grandmas, none is safe. One of such cases that prompted the Kano women involved a 14-year-old Hassana who claimed that her father had defiled her since she was seven.

    The good book, the bible has described such men as captured here as sons of perdition or the lawless ones. It also terms what is happening today as the mystery of lawlessness. The Book says that because they did not know the truth, they are under great delusion enjoying the pleasure of unrighteousness. They are those bound to perish, as recorded by Apostle Paul in his Second Letter to the Thessalonians. If only they know…

  • Elite children of perdition

    Nigeria’s elite children of perdition easily forget:  Goodluck Jonathan’s electoral rout of 2015 was a rejection of a feckless fellow, as it was an elite gambit at class preservation.
    Yeah, a bumbling Jonathan had to go; for his scandalous humbug was fast demystifying the elite, and the hoi polloi were rumbling — just as a reckless military provoked the Fela famous quip: uniform na khaki, na tailor dey sew am!
    So, that defeat was nothing but a fiery pyre, with crackling dry wood of elite panic: they must bury Jonathan first, before he buried them with him.
    But why did Jonathan unravel so fast, despite so much initial goodwill?  Free-wheeling sleaze.
    Yes, that probably had been the norm.  But its brazen projection under Jonathan earned a furious, mass censure, akin to the Achebe quip, in A Man of the People:  folks just stole too much for the owner not to notice!
    Candidate Muhammadu Buhari, hardly a revolutionary in spite of his ascetic contempt for graft, struck the right message; the people keyed into it; and Jonathan, with his hubris-stricken Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), became shameful history!
    Back then, no elite symbol, of the old venal class, could save their beleaguered class.  Everyone, lovers and haters, just scrambled onto the coat tail of the severe General from Daura!
    Which is what now makes that picture — of the trio of IBB, Bukola Saraki and Dino Melaye — which went viral, all the more amusing.  The picture was taken after Saraki’s and Melaye’s visit to IBB’s Minna hilltop mansion.
    Now, to their doting families, charmed friends and acquaintances, these three are excellent private citizens.  But public perception — right or wrong – may well differ.
    IBB, General Ibrahim Babangida, Nigeria’s first (and last) military president, is fairly adjudged the very quintessence of military rot.
    True, the late Sani Abacha was unfazed champion of military venality; and, from the exciting tales from Vindication of a General, Ishaya Bamaiyi’s new memoirs, as Abacha’s chief of army staff, the military plutocrats back then just might have buried Abacha, before Abacha would bury them, with him.
    Still, the IBB regime clearly owned that devil-may-care rapacious temper, that drove Abacha to new greed. IBB not only crowned corruption as the cornerstone of state policy, he annulled the sanest election in Nigerian history.
    Saraki,  as Senate president, projects himself as a doughty cohabitant of state power.  But while President Buhari tries to clear Nigeria’s towering mountain of sleaze, Saraki pushes his democratic right, with the Senate he heads in tow, as the very antithesis, of this noble historic duty.
    That much was clear from the Senate’s carping, climaxing in Ibrahim Magu’s non-confirmation as EFCC chair.
    But that has provoked a counter executive sleight of hand — even if very noble in the circumstance — that purports the Constitution does not require Magu’s confirmation, even if the EFCC Act says so.  Is it not trite, argues the Presidency, that any law inconsistent with the Constitution is void, to the extent of that inconsistency?
    Talk of a de-jure key democratic institution, tragically pushing itself into de-facto irrelevance, because of the hubris of a few of its members!
    As for Dino Melaye, Saraki’s unfazed sidekick, in Magu and allied senatorial wars, the beam on his university degrees, real or phantom, clearly shows he is no more, as his adopted name suggests, than grating din.  It’s tough luck that the highest legislature in the land is his echoing chamber!
    Still, IBB and friends have a democratic right to free association; and to pictorially toast themselves, schmoozing in great camaraderie, as long-lost lovers.
    But should acute Nigerians interpret that, given IBB’s past record and Saraki/Melaye’s current labours, as worrying symbol of the ethically challenged ancien regime, rousing itself, after two years of searing heat, to gamely confront its nemesis?  Only the good Lord knows!
    Still, the problem is less with individuals, no matter how powerful they fancy themselves; but more with the broad spectrum of the Nigerian elite.  They, like Emperor Nero of old Rome, fiddle over puffery, while their kingdom is on fire.
    Take the Judiciary.  First, the new Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Walter Onnoghen, plays the Pontius Pilate, washing his charges clean, of any perceived glitch, in the anti-corruption war.
    But did that performance, by the original Pilate, erase the grave piracy of justice, of nailing the Christ, on trumped up charges, even if, by the Christian doctrine, that was spiritually pre-ordained?
    Can the CJN, in all good conscience, say the Judiciary under his watch is less corrupt, than under his predecessors?  O, the judicial throne is safe but the estate is sinking!
    And the lawyers!  In truth, many senior lawyers have bought into the anti-sleaze war.  A good many others too decry the alleged technical shallowness of those charged with prosecuting high profile graft cases, and call for drastic changes.
    But it is also true that many a silk picks no bones about defending the decadent order that had pumped them, to near-bursting point, with sweet rot.
    Many hitherto too busy eating to talk, from the rot of yore, now lash out as fiery, crusading angels of corruption, though they hide behind legal cant.
    Well, here is great news, for this judicial Sodom and Gomorrah!  The awe of the courts is less in the impressive gown and foreboding wig, which nevertheless contribute to their grim dignity.  It is more with the societal acquiescence to polite adjudication.
    The moment irate citizens go the Fela way: court na house, nay mason dey build am, the game might just be up!
    And that’s not as difficult as it seems, does it?  Even as Ekiti governor-elect, Ayo Fayose tried it, and the response was the easy bedlam of fleeing gowns and tumbling wigs!
    Just imagine the society butting into that outlawry, just because the courts are perceived the biblical house of worship turned a den of thieves?
    If polite society collapses, the judiciary gets buried without trace.  So, its flowers had better quit posturing, and roast the few corrupt elements, before these corrupt few roast, with themselves, the upright majority.
    Still, you could excuse judicial nervousness at any change.  Not so the media, perhaps the most vibrant trigger of change, in all human history.
    The grandmasters of the early Nigerian press, John Payne Jackson and son, Horatio (Lagos Weekly Record), George Alfred Williams (Lagos Standard) and John Bright Davies (Times of Nigeria), among others, set the tone, of doughty social activism, that served the newspaper press so well, in its titanic clash against military despots.
    Herbert Macaulay (Lagos Daily News), Ernest Ikoli (later of Daily Service) and Nnamdi Azikiwe (West African Pilot), among others, built on the robust legacy of the early colonial era, in their own independence struggle age.
    Though critics accuse many of these greats of striking a happy marriage between public good and private bliss, history is clearly kind to them, by the way they have shaped the temper of the Nigerian newspaper press.
    But pray, what would history say of the Nigerian press today?  Strangers from Mars playing the ostrich, in culpable finger-pointing, while the soul of their country blaze in filth?   Analysts-turned-pundits, obliged to live or die by rogue punditry, when naked facts point to a more redemptive lane?
    Purveyors of pure fiction, faith and tribal champions, driven by explosive bigotry, when the times call for for the exact opposite — universal ethos that lifts all?
    At a critical pass, when corruption either kills Nigeria or Nigeria kills it, vital segments of the media, the judiciary and an errant parliament are marooned in Distraction-land.
    Nigerian elite children of perdition play Emperor Nero while their estate goes up in moral smoke!

  • Road to perdition

    Road to perdition

    The Presidency as brazen unconstitutional ogre — that is the unflattering image of the Goodluck Jonathan Presidency, with the varied acts of constitutional criminality in Rivers State. The president had better call these cronies of his to order, lest they lead him down the road to Golgotha.

    It beggars belief that, after the July 9 illegal impeachment attempt in the Rivers State House of Assembly, which caused a hideous fracas, some rogue legislators could still gather to attempt an encore on December 16.

    Incidentally, the two principal victims of the fracas are still abroad on medical treatment. Mike Okechukwu Chinda, among the G-5 who attempted that illegal impeachment, was beaten into near pulp. Chidi Lloyd, the Rivers State House majority leader, who was accused of mauling Chinda to quell the legislative insurrection, was himself an alleged victim of police brutality while in detention.

    Besides, despite definitive court verdicts that voided the Rashidi Ladoja “impeachment” in Oyo State, as well as similar “impeachments” in Anambra and Plateau states, it is reprehensible that some constitutional criminals would still threaten such in Rivers State.

    What might gift these elements the Dutch courage to thumb their noses at the Constitution, consequences be damned? President Jonathan should be alarmed — if not ashamed — that all the elements committing these acts of outrage are busy dropping his name and office.

    To start with, all were in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) faction of President Jonathan, before the other faction under Governor Rotimi Amaechi defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC). Then, that faction, with Evans Bipi comically parading himself as “Speaker”, are unabashed supporters of Nyesom Wike, the presidential political man Friday in Rivers State, Minister of State for Education and Grassroots Development Initiative (GDI) strongman.

    To be sure, GDI is legitimate, a pressure group that comes with free democratic association. But when a pressure group, in gung-ho version, decides on brazen subversion of a legally constituted government, and flaunts its charter of subversion like some hot, fresh and smoking mandate from the Jonathan Presidency, with the police merrily colluding, there is certainly fire on the roof!

    Indeed, the Rivers State crisis is entering a very dangerous phase, with explosions, within a 24-hour interval, rocking the offices of the Deputy Governor, Tele Ikuru, and Justice Charles N. Wali, a judge of the Rivers State High Court, that just ordered the comical Bipi to stop parading himself as “Speaker”.

    Though the two attacks have not been traced to any quarters, the verbal violence with which Bipi and his gang reacted to Justice Wali’s ruling, with Bipi himself reportedly threatening not to obey a “kangaroo” court order and impugning the integrity of the judge, shows the desperation of these elements.

    Again there are, from the Bipi camp, news reports of alleged monetary inducement, reportedly ranging from N50 million to N100 million, to buy over the 25 pro-Amaechi lawmakers, to make Bipi speaker and impeach the governor. Is the slush fund coming from the Presidency?

    It is another not-so-far-fetched evidence of how ready unscrupulous politicians are to fritter ultra-scarce resources on useless power enterprises, in a country where about seven out of every 10 live below poverty line.

    If President Jonathan denies he has nothing to do with the Rivers State destabilisation, he cannot deny that the elements behind it, led by Mr. Wike, his minister, are his rabid supporters. If that is not conclusive proof, the subversive conduct of the Rivers State Police Command, under Commissioner of Police Mbu Joseph Mbu, is a grave pointer to where the trouble is coming from. The police are under presidential control and the president has not called Mr. Mbu to order.

    Let the president be warned of the grave consequences of flouting the law, just to destroy real or perceived political opponents. Such an action might just end in his own political destruction.

    That would be unfortunate. But it could still be averted if everyone returned to the path of sanity and constitutional order.