Honorable members of the board, it is a pleasure to welcome you to this inaugural meeting of The Nation Journalism Foundation. We live in very interesting times when events happen at a furious and breakneck speed, often inducing generalized apprehension and an eerie sense of disorientation among the populace and the ruling classes themselves. It has been said that journalism is history in a hurry. But we live in a world where unfolding events themselves in their wild improbability and sheer impossibility make history itself feels like fiction in a hurry. In such circumstances, history, however outlandish and improbable it appears, remains the infallible guide and guardrails.
It seems like yesterday, but it is coming to almost twenty years ago when this writer delivered an inaugural address on May, 6th, 2006 at the launch of Sahara Reporters at the Empire State Building in New York. The address was titled, The Blogger As Nemesis. In our detailed analysis, we drew attention to the emergence of blogging as a profession in Nigeria, a development which we thought would put paid to the dominance of official news and information and the complicity and collusion of the mainstream media, sections of which had played a heroic role in the termination of military rule, with official lies and mendacity.
Almost twenty years after, we can look back with the benefit of hindsight and through the prism of our current perplexities and perturbation as a nation to that particular period of our national life. It was coming to the tail end of the Obasanjo post-military dispensation. The euphoria about seeing off the military to the barracks was beginning to wear off. New national contradictions had made their way to the centre stage. In fairness to the Owu-born general, he had run a fairly competent if not visionary economy. Obasanjo’s project of formal demilitarization was also brilliantly executed with the support of old military acolytes like General Theophilus Danjuma.
It was in the next phase of deepening the democratic process that Obasanjo came a sad cropper. In fairness to the general, you cannot give what you don’t have. The general was particularly ill-equipped for this task. He had already stoked the fire of future instability through the perplexed levity with which he handled the sharia challenge to his suzerainty and his heavy-handed devastation of Odi and Zaki Biam communities. Despite setting up the EFCC as a proactive corruption-fighting organization, the issue of the third term gambit, and the outlandish bribery that went with this, set the tone for the political and economic malfeasance that has dogged the Fourth Republic. After that, Obasanjo was a spent force waiting to unleash the final damage to the country in the form of a succession programme that lacked both integrity and fairness. The remaining time also afforded him the opportunity to complete the electoral brutalization of his own people.
The address at the Empire State Building at the launch of Sahara Reporters presages and projects the rise of the impish and intrepid former Student Union leader to the portals of global superstardom in the crucible of disruptive communication and instant news dissemination. At that point in time, Sowore was not a trained journalist. Neither was he known to have taken any internship in any newspaper house. And it was not as if he was a lone moral exemplar in a dark void. He was merely cuing in, shrewdly and probably intuitively, to the shattering of the old canons of journalism by the advent of disruptive developments such as the rise of the internet, the abolition of the old notions of time and space by globalization, the irruptions of new modes of mass communication which bypass the ancient fossilized newsroom and its archaic and decaying typesetters as well as the arrival of the new phenomenon known as Citizens’ Journalism.
It is as rowdy and disrespecting of the old order and its institutional restraints as anybody can imagine. Anybody with an access to a computer and an upmarket phone is a prospective journalist. And anybody with a modern lap top is a publisher in waiting. For a postcolonial society which had just managed to throw off the yoke of military tyranny in the course of a long transition to modernity, it has been quite a journey from the epoch of Public Letter-writers who served as the solitary channel for communicating private grievances to the colonial authority to the age of bloggers who can call out anybody on anything.
That bright and clear New York morning, the Empire State Building where the launch of Sahara Reporters took place was sparsely populated. Although fairly well-known as a student union leader, particularly famous for wrestling the late Admiral Joseph Okhai Akhigbe to the ground over a dispute about examination time table while the latter moonlighted as a Law student at the University of Lagos, he was yet to enter proper national consciousness at that point in time. The place was filled with Sowore acolytes and a few die-hard admirers. Yours sincerely was in the habit of infiltrating Sowore into complacent and complaisant ancient Yoruba circles in seedy dimly lit drinking joints of Brooklyn and Queens in New York for dueling matches over political developments back in Nigeria which were as rowdy as they were filled with friendly imprecations and joyous expletives.
Taking one to the airport later that year, Sowore noted cryptically that the Yoruba were withdrawing their intellectuals and that something was cooking. What was cooking was an inch by inch Normandy Beach-like operation to retrieve the region from General Obasanjo’s electoral blunderbuss. It ended four years later as Rauf Aregbesola triumphantly reclaimed his stolen mandate. Meanwhile in the intervening eighteen years, Sowore had transformed himself from a democratic street fighter, a sophomore samurai, an equal opportunity protester to the baron of disruptive communication, a master of insurrectionary journalism and globally lionized star of the post-military protest in Nigeria whose exploits and derring-do at the behest of his nation are permanently etched in the memories of his contemporaries.
One may of course disagree with Sowore’s method and tactics, his rather ill-conceived notion of revolution as Espresso Coffee. But it is a measure of the young man’s amazing transformation and emergent national stature that a few days back, he successfully called out the nation’s premier crime bursting agency over its decision to conceal the identity of the nation’s biggest ever would be landlord. To be sure in doing this, the EFCC might be acting under some furtive gambit of secret negotiation to achieve maximum result but in a nation tired of official collusion and complicity with humongous crimes against the commonwealth, it was no surprise that it blew in its face. This is how far we have come in the battle against state criminality and we may have the advent of citizens’ journalism and disruptive countervailing disclosure of information to thank for this development.
Going forward, it should now be clear and straightforward that we can no longer rely on fighting state criminality and economic heists committed against the nation by relying on old methods and methodology. Because Nigeria is struggling to be free of the hegemonic shackles of an entrenched plundering ethos derived from harmful worldviews that have kept the nation in a permanent state of normless levitations, it is going to be a hard slog; a brutal toe to toe contention. We are in for a long revolution. Contrary to Sowore’s own notion of instant revolutions characterized by brisk victories and irreversible gains, a long revolution is often accompanied by momentous slides and reversible momentum. Battles you thought had been fought and won simply come back to haunt you in another guise. Instant revolutionaries of yesterday dissolve into thin air. The shambolic state of Labour Party and its now motorized bicycle riders ought to serve as a telling reminder that ersatz revolutions not based on acute and accurate reading of the totality of circumstances of a multi-ethnic nation are dead before arrival.
The current political hostilities over tax reforms are nothing but coded battles for the political and economic modernization of the country. They are just the tip of a huge iceberg and it is imperative that economic modernization is accompanied by political modernization, otherwise modernization is imperiled by counter-modernizing forces in their hegemonic resilience and resplendency. Unless the modernizing forces thrown up by the contradictions of the moment manage to discover the pan-Nigerian concert needed to impose a modernizing hegemony on the current chaotic ensemble, nothing can be guaranteed.
This is why there is something fortuitous and fortunate about the coming of The Nation’s Journalism Foundation at this particular time. Eighteen years into the advent of Sowore and Sahara Reporters, the political situation appears more complicated while the reality is even more colorful in Nigeria. Although powerful blows have been struck against the ramparts of authoritarian misrule and savage despotism, their Praetorian Guard remain intact. The full arrival of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the debut of even more sophisticated modes of faking reality (Deep Fake) have led to a deepening of doubt about official disclosures and the officiality of any disclosure itself.
While the living tremble in fear, even the dead are rattled in apprehension. In the fierce struggle to debase and defame reality, actual reality appears unrealizable, a mere approximation of the real thing. We have arrived at the post-public preview or purview as the case may be. Who in his right mind would have believed that it is possible for an Accountant General of a federation to steal almost the entire federal coffer under his care, or that a serving official would build for himself an estate of over seven hundred duplexes while invoking the bible? Actual reality is unrealistic, as Franz Kafka will put it.
This is the intriguing environment in which The Nation’s Foundation for Journalism will operate. There is a plethora of other organizations operating in the field. It will strive to distinguish itself by refining its own operative parameters. Based on its antecedents, it cannot, and will not, project itself as an adversarial antithesis to the state. Rather, it will promote active dialogue with state and non-state actors, seek occasional interactive engagement with officialdom, open its portals to countervailing views as long as they operate within the bounds of decency and decorum and actively seek the maximum welfare of traditional journalists through constant workshops, interdisciplinary training with relevant national and international agencies and programmes of retraining and retooling as well as exposure to emerging trends in the profession.
The present generation can only do its best, hoping to pass the baton to future generations. Thank you all.
•Being a welcome address to the inaugural meeting of the Board of Trustees, The Nation Journalism Foundation by the Chairman of the board, Professor Adebayo Williams held on Wednesday, 4th December, 2024.
Leaders of Owan in Edo State have vowed to support initiatives to address the alienation of their people.
They said they would unite to correct the “anomaly” “by insisting on equity, fairness and merit in assigning elective and appointive political offices”.
They stated these in a communiqué issued as the outcome of the inaugural meeting of Owan traditional rulers and chiefs organised under the auspices of Owan Conscience in Afuze yesterday.
It was signed by the Odion Oluile of Uokha, His Royal Highness Omaivboje Esechie; the Ara of Evbiobe, His Royal Highness Bright Aisuku; and chairman of Owan Conscience, Richard Ofen-Imu, a lawyer.
The meeting was one of the main activities planned to execute the resolutions of the summit which was held in Afuze on March 9.
Owan Conscience said it recognises that Owan is a distinct ethnic nationality along with four others in Edo State and that among the five, “Owan is yet to show any tangible indices of development”.
The group said it was cognisant of the pivotal role that traditional rulers and chiefs play in actualising communal growth and development, hence the facilitation of the meeting of heads of traditional institutions of Owan Nation to deliberate on issues concerning them.
“Owan Conscience and, indeed, the generality of the Owan people have observed the need for more cohesion and unity among our traditional leaders towards fostering strong institutions that can effectively engage with the relevant governance and political leadership in Edo North as well as Edo State,” it said.
At the end of the meeting, the traditional rulers and chiefs affirmed Owan as one of the traditional ethnic nationalities of the five distinct ethnic nationalities in Edo State.
They noted that in the Edo North geographical zone, Owan completes the tripod which includes Estako and Akoko Edo.
The leaders resolved “to recognise the importance and unique role that the traditional rulers have to play in the unity and coherence of the Owan people.”
They vowed to accede to the vision of Owan Conscience to form the Owan Forum of traditional rulers and chiefs.
“This forum will meet from time to time at times and venues agreed upon by members as constituted.
“The forum which has formally taken form, will deliberate and share opinion on issues that bother on the development of Owan nation.
“The forum will also deliberate and offer opinion on issues that bother on the development of Edo State and Nigeria in general as long as these issues have apparent impact on the interest of Owan nation,” the communique reads.
The monarchs and chiefs acknowledged the submission of the Owan people on the marginalisation of Owan in the appropriation of benefits socially, politically and economically, particularly as a subset of Edo North.
They resolved to “support initiatives and actions that are designed to address this alienation of the Owan people, and correct this anomaly by insisting on equity, fairness and merit in assigning elective and appointive political offices”.
They also agreed to “aggressively engage among themselves to resolve the lingering disputes over the right to the traditional stools of Owan communities, some of which are in litigation.”
The communique says they “appreciate the electoral advantage of Owan and Akoko-Edo in the Edo North demographic expression”.
They, therefore, vowed to “strengthen the collaboration with Akoko-Edo towards building a cohesive synergy for the needed political impact delivery.”
Right now, the Yorubas must have to build a leadership that honours their legacy. Again, remember the treaty that ended the Kiriji War, which sparked a rebirth in learning and progressive thinking! This led to a thirst for education, resulting in an explosion of investments in community scholarships, sponsoring individuals to pursue higher education, and the establishment of numerous primary and secondary schools. These efforts contributed significantly to the economic development of the Lagos Colony, driven by Yoruba entrepreneurship both within the colony and from the hinterland, as captured in the 1920 publication, ‘The Red Book of West Africa’. This important work, now out of print, should be reprinted by the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN), as the copyright has expired. ‘The Red Book of West Africa’ is a foundation of contemporary Yoruba history and a vital piece of economic history.
Coming home from there, the West African Students Union (WASU) was initiated on August 7, 1925, marking a significant milestone in the development of Yoruba leadership. This led to the formation of the ‘Egbe Omo Oduduwa,’ the Action Group (AG), and the AG’s motto, ‘Freedom for all, life more abundant’, which embodied the critical thinking and ideological thrust that drove the region’s developmental strides. However, it needs to be noted that the current Yoruba leadership has departed from this tradition of critical thinking and ideological drive, resulting in a decline from the economic and educational dominance achieved in the 1850s. Otto von Bismarck, the German economic anthropologist, drew inspiration from the ‘Osomalo’ financial intermediation methods used in Ijesaland to establish the German Landesbank system, widely regarded as one of the best banking systems globally. Highlighting this decline and its impact is essential.
Since 1945, British Finance Ministers have consistently praised the Landesbank system for its robust regulation, supervision and focus on lending to the real economy. In fact, the refinement of the Osomalo can be considered the foundation of development finance. However, it is ironic that Ijesaland, once a pioneer in innovation, has lost its way! Given its past achievements, Ijesaland should be at the forefront of new technologies like Artificial Intelligence (AI), Machine Learning (ML), Quantum Computing, Internet of Things (IoT), Electric and Autonomous Vehicles and Extended Reality (XR). Remember Christopher Alexander Sapara Williams, that Yorubaman from Ijesaland, who was the first Nigerian called to the Bar on November 17, 1879, and Oguntolu, his brother, who became a medical doctor through his sponsorship! It is also on record that Yorubaland made significant strides in education and professional development during the colonial and post-colonial periods, making the current decline even more striking.
Truth be told, the political traditions of our ancestors are not solely defined by struggles and sacrifices; they are also characterized by exceptional leadership and vision. Many of our forebears were inspiring leaders who motivated others to work together towards a common goal. With a clear vision for a brighter future, they tirelessly strove to make it a reality. The political legacies of our ancestors are exemplified by the courageous leadership and unwavering commitment to justice displayed by icons like Mahatma Ghandi and Nelson Mandela. For instance, Gandhi’s guiding principles in India’s fight for independence and Mandela’s steadfast resolve against apartheid inspired movements and mobilized masses to take action. Their leadership not only shaped the course of history but also continues to inspire generations to stand up for justice and equality
The political landscape of the Yoruba nation has been profoundly shaped by the visionary leadership and unwavering commitment of our fathers. They tirelessly fought for the emancipation, development and prosperity of their people. From Obafemi Awolowo’s championing of federalism and economic empowerment to Moshood Abiola’s courageous advocacy for democracy and human rights, our fathers’ politics has been defined by an unrelenting dedication to the welfare and advancement of the Yoruba nation. Despite the challenges and setbacks that have marked our political journey, their unwavering dedication, courage in adversity, and unshakeable belief in our people’s potential remain a beacon of hope and inspiration, reminding us that politics can be a powerful force for good and that leadership can transform lives.
Awolowo’s political philosophy, which guided our fathers, was rooted in the pursuit of regional autonomy, economic development and social justice. His vision for the Western Region, later adopted as the blueprint for the Yoruba nation, was founded on federalism, democratic governance, and economic empowerment. This leadership inspired a generation of Yoruba leaders, including Samuel Akintola, Adekunle Ajasin, Abraham Adesanya and Bolanle Gbonigi, who continued to champion Yoruba unity and progress.
Now, to the questions: why have successive leaders not been building upon the legacy of our fathers, learning from their experiences and/or charting a new course that honours their memory and fulfils their vision for a brighter future for our people? Why have the sacrifices, achievements and the transformative power of courage and leadership of our heroes’ past not been inspiring and guiding us towards a more prosperous and united Yoruba nation? Why has the state of STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) among the Yoruba people today become a sobering disgrace to the extent that it now demands our urgent attention and collective action?
Let it be noted that the political traditions of our fathers are not just a legacy of the past but also a clarion call to a more just and equitable world. They represent an informed and educated society that mobilizes others to work towards a common goal. Currently, the Yoruba people are lagging behind, and our leaders’ limited vision has hindered our progress. When a supposed Yoruba leader engages in behaviours that are unYoruba, ranting and raving without restraint, it’s a clear sign that a grand rethink is overdue. When a Distinguished Senator of the Federal Republic openly confesses to, and vaingloriously gloats in buying votes in an election that was supposed to be free, fair and credible, and society looks on as if nothing is amiss, then something has happened to us as a race. Take it or leave it, this is not the Yoruba way!
Our greatest challenge is clinging to the past, desiring its comforts without the willingness to pay the price. Regrettably, Yorubaland is now vulnerable to Nigeria’s shifting political landscape. We’ve forgotten that our relevance is measured by our achievements at home. The motto of the Yoruba Tennis Club, ‘Awa Lo Yo Saaju,’ (We are the ones destined to make things happen) echoes loudly today. It is a crying shame that demands immediate action, a planned reboot to restore our heritage.
As we navigate the complexities of modern politics, there’s an urgent need for a radical re-evaluation in Yorubaland, a return to our original development plan. It’s time for us to engage in meaningful conversations with history and reclaim our heritage of excellence, lest we risk losing our footing in the march of progress. Again, it is doable! It all comes down to vision and strategy. When Noah had a clear vision, he built the Ark, but when he lost sight of it, he succumbed to temptation. Samson’s vision gave him the strength to slay lions, but when it faded, he fell for Delilah’s schemes. John’s vision enabled him to baptize Jesus, but when it wavered, he doubted whether Jesus was the ‘One who’s to come or we should look for another.” Even the serpent in Genesis, once a benevolent guide, became a destructive dragon in Revelation. These examples remind us that vision and strategy are essential for success and survival. The harsh truth we tend to ignore will inevitably confront us, unyielding and undeniable. So, time is not on our side; and there’s no alternative. We must act now!
May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
A social development and community advancement group, Vanguard for Credible Representation (VCR), has urged the Ola Olukoyede-led Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), not to be deterred in carrying out her anti-corruption mandate.
The group’s Coordinator , Comrade Akinloye Oyeniyi, who gave the encouragement at the end of a stakeholders conference on Friday in Abuja declared that the group will continue to support the current EFCC leadership because of what he described as the commission’s giant strides and particularly in the new area of public enlightenment to prevent corruption.
Oyeniyi hailed the Olukoyede-led management of the agency for the better turn since he became the chairman especially in recoveries and litigations.
“We have to give commendation whenever it is due and to whomever it is, we once called for the sack of a chairman of the same Commission many years ago when he was mis-directing the agency and he was relieved. So, if when we see one that is trying his best despite all odds, he and his entire team must also be commended and encouraged, basically to do more.
“Our eyes will never leave the Commission and its sister agency, the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission, (ICPC); and we can confirm to Nigerians that the Commission has so far secured 3,175 convictions and recovered N156,276,691,242.30 between May 29, 2023 and today. Foreign cash seizures are also as follows $43,835,214.24, £25,365.00, €186,947.10, ₹51,360.00, C$3,750.00, A$740.00, ¥74,754.00, R35,000.00, 42,390.00 UAE Dirhams, 247.00 Riyals and 21,580,867,631 Crypto Currency.
All these are despite the current political and media wars directed at the Commission”, Oyeniyi said. President Bola Tinubu approved the appointment of Ola Olukoyede as the executive chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in October last year.
Olukoyede with an extensive experience in the operations of the EFCC is also a lawyer with over 22 years of experience in regulatory compliance; a specialist in fraud management and corporate intelligence.
Oyeniyi enjoined the management not to be deterred by whatever political or media narratives directed to hinder their current progression.
It is doubtless that the deep dungeon Nigeria has now been forced into is good for those profiting from the mess being experienced! Confronting and solving these challenges means that those people will lose the associated lucrativeness. It is so, also, in other climes sharing similar politico-economical characteristics with Nigeria. Well now, someone said that Nigeria is good as long as it favours him/her, his/her family, friends, cronies, acolytes, etc. It does not matter if others’ legitimate right(s) is/are trampled upon. It has to be self-first and self-alone! Simple!
The foregoing is what this person described as capitalism, referring to those engaging in associated political rot as capitalists while others are tagged socialists or anything but capitalists. We are not here to generate debate – for or against. Humans have self-interest. Humans have to survive. Whatever political and economic direction a person decides to take is up to him/her. Nevertheless, describing an unrestrained completely predatory extractive politico-economic system that continually put a gun to the head of unprotected defenceless people as “capitalism” is not only wicked but also evil in the 21st century!
Yes, many of the characteristics observed in today’s Nigeria’s politico-economics were there in core capitalist countries in the past. Enslavement is not new to the world but those countries (particularly their leadership cadres) have been able to work on their systems to make them less vulnerable to being taken hostage by few predators. The aim of capitalism is to amass capital by a few who have the knowledge and wherewithal to so do. This is supported in capitalist countries but not, any more, at the risk of a few persons holding the country to ransom perpetually. When capitalism is given a “human face” under strong institution, it satisfies capitalists’ and perhaps partly others’ interests, no matter how little! Do not get us wrong here; we are not speaking for capitalists! We are exposing a narrative that supports predatoriness.
This narrative is increasingly being developed by political muggers in under-developing countries. Yes, capitalism was very much predatory in the past but for it to survive and be acceptable to more people – there and in other places – it had to take in elements of socialism. No capitalist economy has been able to survive without it taking in some concepts of socialism. That has been the reality in those places because humans are not man-made machines. Nonetheless, what some people (like the nameless person we quoted above) are saying is that the country should also go through the painful phases in order to reinvent the wheel. Cannot the country learn from other successful countries? Should Nigeria always repeat negative phases?
Does the country really have any developmental plan? In other words, we have a problem with those who still define political wickedness, daylight robbery and state capture (sustained by retrogressive policies and deliberate impoverishment of the masses) as capitalism. This is not “capitalism” in the real “economic” sense but unproductive politico-economic extraction. To describe it rightly; this extraction is the stealing from Nigerian peoples’ common patrimony to the extent that the economy is worsened, daily.
Politicians (whose only business is politics) are far richer than productive investors and business entrepreneurs. The politicians without a bicycle before gaining political power are now stupendously rich even when many large companies and multinationals are either closing shops or relocating from Nigeria!
It is marvelling that Nigerian economy has not totally collapsed with the rate at which its people are getting poorer every passing day! Unfortunately, some swindlers’ description of “capitalism” is the looting of funds meant for public good from public purse. Of course, we are not referring to legitimate privileges here! These loots are thereafter taken out of the country. This is no more news. Many are also struggling to be part of this inglorious jamboree! It is even said openly! Shamelessness is very much at its height! Any society where politics is more lucrative than clear legitimate businesses and investments is a place to be worried about! What kind of capitalist economy is without capital to make projections into the future?
What kind of politico-economy and political “leadership cadre” deliberately fail in providing and supporting good ambience and infrastructure conducive to productivity by local/foreign investors and investments? Is there wisdom in flying across the Atlantic to “woo” investors that are already aware of the insecurity ravaging the country and inadequacy/unavailability of public infrastructures upon which their investments will rely to flourish in Nigeria? What about foreign investors that dared to try but were confronted with daredevil corrupt top civil servants in the bureaucracy that demanded huge amounts of foreign currencies as bribe to push their papers? Is this another type of capitalism? In fact, nothing is impossible in today’s Nigeria where different kinds of lunacy are increasingly raging and accommodated!
Clearly, any kind of nonsense can be explained away even by those expecting to be respected! Is this the country Nigerians want to bequeath to the coming generation? Seriously? This is unfortunate! Please, get us right: we are not arguing which one is good or bad between capitalism and socialism. Not at all! The choice is that of a people concerning their economy. What is being said, here, is that if you are claiming to be a capitalist, you should develop verifiable intellectual properties, establish factories, set up businesses, “exploit” labour – and amass capital! At least there are monopolists doubling as capitalists in the business of powdered cement production/sale that take advantage of Nigeria’s current dodgy economic framework that “forbids” competition.
How much is a 50kg bag of cement today? You may query the morality behind monopoly but it is a characteristic of capitalism in core capitalist countries; although, those countries have found ways to deliberately moderate monopolism. In our estimation, going into government to loot and/or collaborate with those doing the looting is not capitalism; it is pure political robbery not by men of the underworld but well-known people that refer to themselves as political leaders! These robbers ensured that more Nigerians are held captive, disenfranchised and killed! So, they are worse than kidnappers, Boko Haram and bandits that are being despised by sane people. If Nigeria was not captured by these plunderers, they should have long been brought to swift judgement.
Former aide of the late Oyo State Governor Abiola Ajimobi, Deji Aboderin, said although he experienced frustration and betrayal in his 13 years in politics, he was satisfied with the impact he was able to effect in the lives of his supporters and political associates.
The former Senior Special Assistant on Public Affairs to Ajimobi, who contested on the platform of Social Democratic Party (SDP) for a seat in the House of Representatives in the 2023 general election, said his silence since the election does not translate to quitting politics.
Rather, he said he had only made a return to the United Kingdom and United States to rebuild his business.
He said: “The rumour about me quitting politics is not true. I actually left Nigeria after the election to concentrate on my Information Technology business abroad and I come home at intervals. In the 13 years I participated in politics at home, the business has suffered and I have incurred losses, but despite that, I am satisfied with the impact I made in the lives of people around me during that period as a political figure.”
“I must also say that I have learnt a lot through the frustration I was made to suffer, the attack on my family and person, and betrayer by some people that I have forgiven. I consider these as political investment and once you can survive that, you look forward to better relationship.”
“Without any sponsor, I contested elections in 2019 and 2023 and lost to political manoeuvring despite gathering enough votes to beat my opponents. There were violent distractions engineered to draw me into the centre of an unpleasant situation that would jeopardise my future participation in politics, but I still maintain my simple political philosophy. We even had party people who worked for my opponents.”
Aboderin said his interest in politics was not to occupy positions, adding that he was already studying the present terrain against his full return to Nigeria.
He also said that he was in constant touch with his political base at home.
Asked for his comment on the current administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the politician stated that he had established a platform of Nigerians in the diasporas who are meeting regularly with the aim of rendering their support to combat some of the problems facing Nigerians.
He said: “Members of the group live in the UK, US, France, Germany and other European countries. We are documenting our solution to some of the problems at home and soon, we shall present it to the presidency and all relevant authorities in Nigeria.”
Social and political transitions in postcolonial nations riddled by internal schisms are always a difficult affair to manage. It is like watching a slow-motion movie with its tormenting turns and tragic somersaults. But no force on earth can stop an idea whose time has come. This is why Nigerians must thank God for small mercies.
An elite consensus seems to have coalesced around the imperative of restructuring the country away from its current unitary stasis and structural logjam. Experience, they say, is the hardest and harshest of teachers. Nigeria has taken a bad mauling from insecurity and generalized terror before the veil of smug comfort and complacency is torn off the illusions of centralized security and its dismal inefficiency.
It has been an epic slog. The debate has been intense and occasionally hurtful, exposing ancient prejudices and ancestral biases. As we write, there is a huge tome on our desk which chronicles the travails of restructuring in Nigeria. Written by Professor John Imonbhio Abhuere, an engaging public intellectual, researcher and pan-Nigerian patriot, it is a fascinating study in the challenges and management of leadership in post-independence Nigeria.
It must be admitted that what we have is a consensus at the level of intellectual elite and not a generalized consensus among the political elite. It is not a done deal yet. There are still some hegemonic formations in the nation whose political worldview can simply not comprehend what is meant by restructuring. There are others who see restructuring as a firm route to secession. Yet there are a few who are secretly thrilled about the prospects of restructuring as a firm exit clause out of the nation.
Under conventional expectations a government that is still grappling with the plague of a severe economic crisis that is the fallout of a sharp and sudden economic engineering cannot be expected to take on the additional burden of restructuring without threatening its own political foundation. Unconventional wisdom may however suggest that restructuring itself may be the solution to the crisis. It is a classic Catch 22 conundrum.
In fractious multi-ethnic nations seething with polarities and cultural tensions, it is only a democratic leader with exceptional courage and political guts who can grapple with the horns of restructuring without batting an eyelid. In the post-independence history of Nigeria, only the government of the First Republic has achieved this feat. Even then, that particularly exercise was distinguished more by malice, vindictiveness and an attempt to cut Awolowo down to size than by genuine patriotic zeal.
In Nigeria, the political lot has always fallen on undemocratic and authoritarian military rulers who have gathered all the reins of power around themselves to effect an administrative restructuring of the nation: Ironsi and his ill-fated provinces, Gowon, Mohammed, Babangida and Abacha.
Famously, while announcing the change in the internal configuration of Nigeria from twelve to nineteen states, the fiery and tempestuous General Murtala Mohammed warned his compatriots that neither jubilation nor condemnation would be tolerated on the occasion. About a week after, he was assassinated on his way to work.
It is in the light of the plague of crises, conflicts and contradictions that has marked the evolution of modern Nigeria that it has been broached in some quarters that if President Tinubu succeeds in bringing about an even-tempered and far-reaching reconfiguration of Nigeria, he would have gone on to become the most consequential democratically elected leader in the history of Nigeria.
But to make a dent on the issues involved, the Nigerian leader must first scale the hurdle erected by deepening misery and accelerating poverty in the land. There can be no doubt that the situation has been compounded by the sudden removal of the subsidy regime package without a well thought out, integrative and inclusive package of amelioratives. Steadily fuelling the rising tide of public anger is the perception that government is slow and tardy in combating the scourge of corruption.
We must not forget that these are symptoms of a more fundamental disorder. Traditional authoritarian societies forcing a transition to a market economy with its decentralization of power and dispersal of authority face a difficult, uphill task even when the society is in the grip of a military despot. Market economy turns tyrants into little men and little men into tyrants.
Despite its anti-people ravages when unleashed against vulnerable Third World societies, market economy, with its dismantling of traditional hierarchies and disruption of financial hegemonies, can be a radical and economically liberating force in advanced societies.
When he was asked why he always targeted weak and vulnerable traditional societies as prime objects of market reforms, Milton Friedman, the archpriest of monetarist fundamentalism, responded that no human society ever moves forward without huge social upheavals and political dislocation. The danger for a Third World country like Nigeria and many other African countries embracing market fundamentalism is the terrible devastation and colossal wastage of their most precious assets which is prodigious human resources.
The challenge for African thinkers is how to come up with an authentic and original synthesis of countervailing economic orthodoxies without sacrificing the natural advantages of traditional African economies. Those who merely mouth received notions and the economic shibboleths of the Bretton Woods institutions in the face of the economic miracles of several nonwestern societies have a lot of mileage to cover.
In the light of the foregoing, can it be said that President Tinubu is wrongheaded in the brutal short shrift the Nigerian president made of the whole discredited notion of the subsidy regimen in his opening address to the nation? Could he not have done it the way of General Babangida by offering a debating sop to the chattering classes while concluding arrangement to impose a sweeping regimen of adjustment on the nation?
It will be recalled that the Minna master-dribbler, while allowing an exhaustive debate on the issue, simply went ahead to do the needful just at the time the debaters thought they had seen off the last of the Washington lobby. Arrangement had already been concluded to take the IMF loan and all its grim conditionalities. The ensuing devaluation of the national currency and the liberalization of the banking sector unleashed a huge social and economic dislocation so impactful and consequential that the effects are still being felt more than three decades after.
The snag, however, is that the IBB regime itself never recovered from the trust, credibility and integrity deficit . As we have said, even the presence of a despotic regime with all its coercive apparatus and power of repression cannot stop an outraged and indignant people fearing extinction from rushing to the barricades.
As the IBB regime crunched its way through several real and imagined enemy formations with the brutal and chilling efficiency of a master executioner, you always had a feeling that something nasty was in the air. After a failed coup, unsolved murder riddles, rumoured unrest in the military and ethnic turbulence, the chicks finally came home to roost in the momentous SAP riot of 1989. It was a seismic upheaval which devastated the entire landscape.
Despite its stranglehold on the military institution, the regime never regained the political initiative even if it was to last another four years. Several months after, even the regime’s chokehold on the military was badly shaken by a military uprising which shook the nation to its foundation. The savage retribution has been unequalled in the annals of military bloodletting in Nigeria.
The social and political tempest continued to plague the country. So did the authoritarian intolerance and contempt for the populace which led IBB and his honchos to annul the freest and fairest election in the history of the nation. It proved a bridge too far for the military and the career of its arguably most gifted but misdirected general. It is instructive that few hours after rumours of an Abiola victory began circulating ahead of the peremptory annulment, the price of rice fell nation-wide.
We can now draw useful conclusions from all this, particularly in the light of efforts in some quarters to impose another IMF-inspired, right of centre, Chicago School, neoliberal social engineering on the nation in all its harsh and inhuman Darwinian triumphalism. The original data and conceptual framework for monetarist economics was a product of sustained local research and the application of prodigious intellect to empirical data.
Unfortunately, and in one more example of academic colonization, its conceptual formulations and refined products are henceforth applied as a one-size-fits-all-panacea without any regard for local culture and historical condition.
The circumstances and conjunctures cannot be more different. After the Second World War, the western victors under the agency of a visionary America embarked on a frenetic spending free to rebuild infrastructure and reflate the western economy.
In Britain, the scars of the war quickly healed as huge housing estates, low cost schools, health facilities and affordable public transportations became the norm. By 1958, thirteen years after the end of the war, the prime minister, Harold Macmillan, famously proclaimed that the British people had never had it so good.
Of course such a society in which people are over-pampered by an indulgent state, in which citizens have grown lazy and indolent from government largesse and in which government itself has become a huge economic almshouse freely dispensing subversive munificence to the populace is bound to develop some serious economic distortions which require the massive shock therapy of structural adjustment.
This is how advanced western economies correct structural anomalies in the system and stimulate further growth in contrast and contradistinction to backward African economies already hobbled by massive infrastructural deficits, accelerating de-industrialization, educational decay , mass immiseration and generalized poverty occasioned by a mono-cultural economy in which state larceny has become the norm.
It was on this underwhelming economy that Nigerian coup victors and their IMF specialists sought to impose a western-style structural adjustment regimen barely fifteen years after a ruinous civil war and after four years of unremitting pillage by civilian kleptocrats. It was an economic death sentence by any other name. Almost forty years after, Nigerians are in a better position to judge whether their lot was better before they were herded into the military laboratory of economic vivisection.
This is why Nigerians demand fresh and better economic ideas from the current administration about how to figure their way out of the present all-pervading darkness. With Margaret Thatcher, the shrill cry was that there was no alternative to the SAP regime. It was a war-cry that earned the Iron Lady the sobriquet of TINA or more devastatingly Margaret the milk snatcher.
But when the question was put to the late Professor Sam Aluko, he retorted that there was always an alternative to death. Aluko, an anti-Marxist leftwing economist of the old Keynesian school who famously authored a pamphlet on why he was not a Marxist, was well-grounded in the local economy and its peculiar intricacies and could see much further than the IMF and its fanatics. For his pains, he was dismissed by the ideological sophisticates of the Bretton Wood lobby as an economic illiterate.
The joke was on them. Aluko would later team up with Asuquo Tony Ani during the Abacha regime to give Nigeria an economic respite. Throughout General Abacha’s tenure, there was commendable growth and the stability of the national currency was never disrupted for one single minute, despite General Abacha’s state of the art burglary of the exchequer. After the initial petrol hike, the goggled one never went in that direction again till he died in mysterious circumstances.
Perhaps it all boils down to the fact that economy is too serious a calling to be left in the hands of professional economists. We must hope and pray that we may not find out the hard way once again.
Ondo, Rivers and Edo States are examples of disturbing parallels. While Ondo ran full tilt into trouble even before the 2024 governorship succession had been consummated, Rivers is currently deeply enmeshed in succession crisis already consummated, with the governor battling his predecessor through proxies. Edo on the other hand is taking a more subtle, but nevertheless similar, approach by allegedly covertly designating a successor. But if Ondo could come to grief even before a succession is consummated and Rivers is enflamed by succession battles, it is unclear why Edo should think its tailored succession politics would lead to a peaceful, happy-ever-after outcome.
Two states have demonstrated skillful succession politics: Lagos and Borno. Rather than funnel favoured candidates through sentimental sieves, the two states simply projected fairly competent politicians with demonstrable skills in managing men and materiel. It is unclear whether Edo is flying that chute. Rivers has taken a kamikaze plunge into the void, as events are showing. No one is certain just how many fingers must be burnt before a better and more tested approach to succession politics is adopted. Ekiti is maintaining a tentative truce. And as Kaduna State is showing, with Governor Uba Sani reversing some key decisions of his predecessor thereby drawing his ire, succession politics is replete with heartaches and uncertainties. Is it really worth it?
Despite the uncertainties surrounding governorship succession politics, however, it will obviously take a cataclysm to deter outgoing governors from handpicking their successors and ramming them down the throats of their parties and electorate.
Tale of Nigerian politicians who rode into prominence on their fathers’ influence
Hitherto, they were unknown. But because of the political influence of their biological parents and the relevance of their families in the polity, they are becoming emerging power brokers. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the activities of a special breed of politicians who are products of dynasties, tightening their grip on power.
Born to Rule’ was the slogan adopted by Sokoto, the Seat of the Caliphate. Due to public outcry, especially from the South, it was changed.
But now, the tagline has a wider connotation and application in the polity.
It is not only the household of Usman Dan Fodio that is itching to preserve its latent claim to power in the bid to loom large and remain relevant for life. The wider polity is apparently mimicking the old technocratic order.
The Nigerian politics has thrown up certain young stars from notable lineages now bestriding the partisan space with the aim of projecting themselves as children of legends.
For many on the slippery political field, a family background capable of selling their candidature is a treasured asset. The political class is becoming used to the idea that parental reputation may continue to play a significant role in advancing the political careers of upstarts, despite the limitation of experience.
At the disposal of the privileged wards who are the beneficiaries of cumulative goodwill are grace of uncanny connection and formidable influence.
In addition, they are insulated from the peculiar stress of political job hunt and assured of relatively easier route to power.
By and large, certain families see politics as a vocation, if not an outright occupation. Such households are gradually transformed into pseudo-political dynasties. In fact, public consciousness is filled with the past awesome feats of their illustrious progeni tors and their outstanding records of dignified community service remain in people’s consciousness as the rationale for instant enlistment of their offspring into political leadership space.
Such reliance on durable family reputation and name recognition is a feature of contemporary political life. It has made or marred the careers of kith and kin from time immemorial.
Observers point out that across the 36 states, elder statesmen, old political warhorses, party leaders and elders are on the same path. They are perfecting plans for the actualisation of the political ambition of their biological children in their lifetime.
Analysts also attest to a deliberate political tutelage packaged by aging political megastars who steer their children into community and practical statecraft under their roof.
Like their counterparts in other countries, the heirs-apparent to the political throne of godfathers are emerging across the states of the federation. Savouring the fruits of their parents’ labour, they are positioned as brides of the future; nurtured by the same code of conduct which accounts for the flourishing political careers of their parents.
It is further rationalised in political circles and party caucuses that the aged parents have paid their dues, and their offspring, though neophytes in politics, should be protected from political injury. It is the baseline for a sense of entitlement for the wards who believe in the validity of inheritable political capital.
References are made to the heroic labours of the past, including moments of detention, harassment by opponents and military oppression, deprivations and colossal electoral defeats through rigging, and deference to party supremacy and discipline.
The often advertised exploits also extend to building time-tested formidable structures, oiling of political machinery with financial resources, and in sisting on principle at delicate periods when their contemporaries were swayed by temptations and tremors.
As former governors, senators, ministers, commissioners, local government chairman and party stalwarts, they have built solid structures, which were sustained by patronage, strong commitment to principles and values, and leadership by example.
All these, observers agree, brighten the chances of gerontocrats, who are eager to establish a pattern of political inheritance by raising their loyal and trusted wards in their political image.
Leading lights who are on the last lap of life’s race believe that their influence should not dim at the twilight of their existence, and after journeying down their graves. Powerful, highly connected and politically influential, they are the brains behind the earth-moving actions and calculations culminating into the distribution of electoral opportunities.
The bright side of godfatherism is the substitution of self with kith and kin. Many godfathers have learnt their lessons in political sponsorship, thus retracing their steps from their penchant for raising godsons who later refuse to become stooges.
The puppet godson is now viewed as a pretender in a pre-election period as he is suddenly transformed by power, which also equips him to look the benefactor in the face and challenge the basis for the expectation of political returns on assumption of office.
Thus, political juggernauts, who are constrained by geriatric issues and are, therefore, unfit to jostle for positions, put their children forward. With the party structure and machinery effectively in their pockets, as it were, it is usually a smooth sail for their wards, the hitherto untested hands.
“That was why Sola Saraki put forward his son, Bukola, for governor in Kwara. It was the same reason Adedibu of Ibadan made his son, Kabiru, a senator in Oyo State,” said Oluyemi Ayodele, a political science teacher at the Ekiti State University (EKSU) in Ado-Ekiti.
Time may also be favourable to their ambitions. It is not just a question of lobbying for jobs for the boys. As the states become more complex to govern and government activities increase, filling the vacancies created to meet the challenge of governance is as compelling as filling them with competent hands.
The gerontocrats, who played significant roles in installing the state chief executives and other elected officers, are prescient and meticulous in their political calculations. They put forth the best of their blood; competent children who are qualified for political appointments. Thus, the beneficiaries are also prided as egg heads, armed with sound education, glittering for their intellectual fitness, blazing with vigour and determination to excel like their parents. Political analysts believe that their political careers are an extension of the careers and influence of their parents on whose backs they rode to public office.
But, rivals, even within the same fold and outside, are enveloped by envy. They decry the privileged gerontocrats as well entrenched, dominant, and strategically placed political barons, kleptomanic controllers of city politics and resources who are unwilling to yield their advantageous positions to able lieutenants outside their roof.
It is not peculiar to Nigeria. In many other climes, prominent families have been associated with the hunt for power. They include the Bush and the Kennedy families of the United States, Ghandi of India, Bhuto of Pakistan, Kenyata of Kenya, Eyadema of Togo, and Mobutu Sese-Seko of Congo.
In the United States, while John Kennedy was a serving president, his younger brother, Robert, served as Attorney-General and Edward was a senator.
Former President Bill Clinton’s wife, Hillary, became a senator and later Secretary of State (or Foreign Minister).
In India, the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty was dominant for a long time. Jawaharlal Nehru was the first prime minister. His daughter, Indira, was the first female prime minister in the country. After her assassination, she was succeeded by her son, Rajiv, also assassinated. Rajiv’s wife, Sonia, also became prime minister in 2004.
Projecting children of legends
In Nigeria, observers believe that the exploits of certain elder statesmen were public relations implements for their offspring. References have been made to the projection of Ogedengbe Macaulay, son of the father of Nigerian nationalism, Herbert Macaulay; Oluwole Awolowo, son of the first Premier of the old Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo; Greg Mbadiwe, son of Dr. Kingsley Mbadiwe, fondly called ‘Man of Timber and Caliber’ by admirers; Yomi and Bimbo Akintola, children of the late Western Regional Premier Ladoke Akintola; Udo Udoma, son of a former federal legislator and jurist, Udo Udoma; Simeon Tarka of Second Republic House of Representatives, son of Senator Joseph Tarka; Mathew Mbu Jr., son of former Federal Minister of Labour, Chief Mathew Mbu; Jumoke Akinjide, former Minister of State, Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and daughter of First and Second Republic minis ter, Chief Richard Akinjide; Jumoke Anifowose, daughter of former Ondo State governor, Chief Adekunle Ajasin, and Muyiwa, son of the slain Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Chief Bola Ige.
Also, there could be a feeling of entitlement, followed by conflict. At a ceremony in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, Oluwole Awolowo, a former councillor in Old Apapa Council of Lagos State and ex-member of Lagos State House of Assembly, had canvassed the dynasty route to power, wondering why Nigeria refused to take after India and other Asian countries, which permitted political authority to flow in one family for generations.
Although the same feeling had somehow persisted, the argument was punctured and ignored. When Awo’s last born, Dr. Tokunbo Dosunmu, wanted to contest for governor of Lagos in the Third Republic, she was rebuffed by former Governor Lateef Jakande, a disciple of her father, who said he was not ready to serve father and daughter in quick succession.
However, when Mrs. Modupe Adelaja, daughter of erstwhile Afenifere Leader, Pa Abraham Adesanya, suddenly became a ministerial nominee in 1999, there was a feeling that it was an unsolicited gift for the old fighter.
Before then, her elder brother, Bayo, had made it to Apapa Council in Lagos State, as a Supervisory Councillor. Although he was eminently qualified to aspire, the name ‘Adesanya’ was an added advantage capable of scaring other aspirants.
It is the same prominence that the children of a committed progressive politician, the late Oba Olatunji Hamzat, enjoy in the Centre of Excellence. His household has donated three sons to the polity and they occupy relevant positions.
Two of his children had won House of Representatives primaries in 1999 at Mushin and Ifako-Ijaye constituencies. One was asked to step down as a sacrifice. Apart from installing a federal legislator, other siblings glow in government. Obafemi, a respected scholar, technocrat, and politician, who had served as Commissioner for Science and Technology, and later, Works, as well as minister’s aide, is now deputy governor of Lagos State. His younger brother is a council chairman.
Their background was Hamzat, godfather and biological father, Second Republic House of Assembly member, Transport Commissioner who served meritoriously, Baale of a village in Ogun State, a chieftain of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), June 12 crusader, Primrose member and Afenifere Justice Forum leader who disagreed with Chief Dapo Sarunmi’s decision to join Chief Ernest Shonekan’s interim contraption, Alliance for Democracy (AD) National Vice Chairman (Southwest), and leader of Lagos State All Progressives Congress (APC) Governance Advisory Council (GAC).
He was a political leader with a class, and until he passed on in 2019, there was no governorship aspirant who did not knock at his door in Ogba ahead of participation in the 2007, 2015, and 2019 polls.
Pa Hamzat’s colleague, Chief Busura Alebiosu, also took steps that will not allow his name to fade away in Lagos politics. President Bola Tinubu fondly calls him the ‘Comrade Capitalist.’ He is the Ijebu-born political leader of Kosofe, held in high esteem by many party faithful. He is also a member of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Governance Advisory Council (GAC) in Lagos State.
A former state lawmaker, Alebiosu understands the language of politics. He is able to manage his political achievements as his Ijebu people manage money. In Ketu, Ikosi, and Kosofe councils, his blood relations and followers occupy important positions, either as secretaries or as vice chairmen. Politically, the unofficial quota was not without justification. Like other leaders, he had toiled day and night to ensure the victory of the party during council polls.
The reward for hard work also came from the state government, which made his son, Dayo, a Special Assistant on Housing. He later became a member of the House of Representatives for eight years. Today, Dayo is also a commissioner in Lagos State.
Before the internal crisis that rocked the Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Lagos State, there was a rapport between the then Governor Tinubu and Ikorodu politician, Alhaji Mufutau Ajisebutu, a former council chairman. Ajisebutu’s son, Bayo, profited from the rosy relationship. He was appointed chairman of Surulere Council.
Like other young men who had the same opportunity – Bola Ilori (Alimoso Council) and Lanre Opadoyin (Mushin), the younger Ajisebutu justified himself and warmed himself into the hearts of party leaders and senior government officials.
When his father and Tinubu parted ways, he supported the former governor’s position on the AD crisis by queuing behind Chief Bisi Akande as the national chairman of the party instead of the late Senator Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa, whom the elder Ajisebutu supported.
Asked to explain his position, Bayo cited principle, saying his father had never made any attempt to foist his opinion on him.
Bayo Ajisebutu was a governorship aspirant and he had another business dear to his heart. He was at the forefront of the crusade for the installation of an Ikorodu indigene as governor in 2007. The dream was not realised.
When Pa Ajisebutu left AD for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), he followed his father. Later, he returned to the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). Today, he is a top civil servant in Lagos State.
Like the elder Ajisebutu, the blood of the late Ganiyu Dawodu ran in the veins of progressive governments in Lagos State. To placate the old politician, who maintained a stiff opposition to Tinubu’s candidature in 1999, his son, Segun, made the list of commissioners.
He was assigned the Sports portfolio. It was reminiscent of the long military era and Second Republic when Ganiyu Dawodu was commissioner.
Before and after independence, Dawodu, nicknamed the ‘god of Lagos politics’ (based on his initials: Ganiyu Olawale Dawodu), was a councillor and later chairman of the famed Lagos City Council, who dislodged the veteran National Convention of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) actors.
Dawodu was the pioneer AD chairman and doubled as Lagos State Afenifere leader. He was apparently shoved aside from the AD leadership to pave the way for Prince Abiodun Ogunleye, eminent accountant and former commissioner, during the 2001 congress.
Dawodu’s activities temporarily drew the curtain on his son’s tenure in the Lagos State Executive Council. As his father became the governorship candidate of Progressive Action Congress (PAC) during the 2003 elections, Segun was in a moral dilemma.
Initially, the Sports Commissioner accompanied his boss, Tinubu, to the re-election campaigns. Later on, he could not stomach the missiles from Tinubu’s mouth directed at his father. Though he reiterated his loyalty to Tinubu, family bond compelled him to resign from the Exco – blood is thicker than water.
But 20 years after, he returned to the same ministry as commissioner under Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu.
In death, Alhaji Mumuni Adio Badmus remains relevant, like his contemporary, the late Afolabi Ege, an Awori leader, whose son is now a member of the Lagos State House of Assembly.
A former state lawmaker, Mrs. Bola Badmus-Olujobi, is the daughter of Badmus, and she has built on her father’s reputation. After the demise of the lawmaker representing Amuwo Odofin State Constituency I, Bola became a replacement. She was backed by party leaders in memory of her father, a grassroots politician, and mobiliser.
The late Badmus was the Information Commissioner in the Mobolaji Johnson administration. He was the Secretary of Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) in Lagos State during the Lateef Jakande era. He was also a commissioner under the Tinubu administration. Due to ill-health, Tinubu changed his portfolio from Education to Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs. He was replaced by the Education Adviser, Dr. Idowu Sobowale. The House of Assembly sought to know from Tinubu what would be the fate of the old politician. It was until they were convinced that he had been given another position in the State Executive Council that they ratified Sobowale’s appointment.
Badmus died in active service. Tinubu, who was abroad, had to return immediately to accord him the last respect.
Bola, his daughter, later became Deputy Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly and, much later, a Woman Leader in the ruling party.
The daughter of Pa Karimu Laka, nicknamed Orelope, a respected leader in Alimoso, Lagos State, Mrs. Tawa Adejoke Orelope-Adefulire, has served as a state lawmaker, Commissioner for Women Affairs, and deputy governor. Currently, she is the Senior Special Assistant on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to the President, a position she has been holding under former President Muhammadu Buhari.
Iye Ekiti-born Afolabi Fasanmi, also a former Special Assistant and son of the late Senator Ayo Fasanmi, had a moment of opportunity to justify his worth and capability when Tinubu made him the chairman of a panel for the screening of councillorship and chairmanship aspirants during a shadow poll in Lagos. That followed his failure to get the House of Representatives ticket in his Ekiti constituency.
But ahead of the local government primaries, he rallied party elders and leaders to resolve intra-party crisis likely to frustrate the party.
Hakeem Okunola, lawyer-son of the eminent jurist, the late Justice Muri Okunola, rose to fame as Executive Assistant, Land Use and Allocation Committee. Later, he became a Permanent Secretary and Head of Service of Lagos State. A hardworking technocrat, Hakeem is now a Presidential Private Secretary.
The younger Prince Gbolahan Ogunleye, son of Prince Ogunleye, began his political career under the tutelage of his father. He became a Special Assistant under Lanre Balogun, former Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs Commissioner. Later, he served as Executive Secretary of Ikorodu Council. He is now a member of the House of Assembly.
What worked for him also worked for Folarin Coker, former Deputy Chief of Staff and son of the famous jurist, Justice Folarin Coker. From the state licensing office, he became a commissioner.
The projection of children of legends also extended to the royal courts. Traditional rulers were taken into account. Royal support for the Lagos administration was not in vain. Prince Oniru secured an appointment as the Managing Director of Lagos Water Front. Prince Saheed Elegushi of Ikate land became a Personal Assistant to the former governor. He later succeeded his father as monarch. Anofi, his elder brother, served as Home Affairs Com missioner.
Today, the Olowo-Eko of Lagos, Oba Rilwan Akiolu’s son, Moshood, is a member of the House of Representatives, representing the Lagos Island Constituency.
In honour of former Governor Jakande, his son, Deji, got the ticket for the House of Representatives in Somolu Constituency. Another son, Seyi, is serving as vice chairman of Mushin Ojuwoye Council.
Outside Alausa, Ikeja seat of Lagos government, it is believed that the enormous goodwill garnered by the elder statesman, Senator Habib Fashinro, the first Clerk of Lagos City Council, rubbed off on his son, Hakeem, who won an election into the House of Representatives on Lagos Island. A respected Lagosian, the late Fashinro was an associate of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Although old age denied him the energy and vigour required for politics, Afenifere/AD/AC/ACN leaders perceived him as a moral voice.
A similar honour has been accorded to the GAC leader, Prince Tajudeen Olusi, whose son, Tijani, was elected as Lagos Island Council chairman. Olusi, a Second Republic federal legislator and one-time Trade and Commerce Commissioner in Lagos State, is a respected leader of the APC.
Lagos APC Women Leader, Jumoke Okoya-Thomas, a former member of the House of Representatives, also profited immensely from her father’s connection. The late Chief Molade Okoya-Thomas, an industrialist and Asoju Oba of Lagos, was a staunch supporter of the Tinubu administration.
The Shitta-Bey example:
Another prominent Lagos family that has remained a factor in Lagos politics is Shitta-Bey. Four descendants of the legendary Seriki Musulumi of Lagos have been electoral assets. They are the late Senator Sikiru, the late Alhaji Rasheed, Alhaji Jibola and the late Lateef.
Sikiru, lawyer, and leader of Action Group (AG) Youth Association, was first elected into the House of Representatives in 1964 after a fierce shadow contest between him and the late Adewale Thompson in the old Lagos Constituency. In the Second Republic, he became a senator after another battle with his younger brother, the late Rasheed, who was later pacified with the House of Representatives ticket. Both were elected into the Second Republic National Assembly at the same time.
During the Third Republic, Jibola was elected into the Lagos State House of Assembly. The last born of the family, the late Lateef, whom Senator Sikiru had wanted to become a Permanent Secretary because the family had not produced one, opted out of the civil service and won an election into the House of Assembly to represent Surulere Constituency I.
Attesting to the political and religious fame of his illustrious family, Lateef acknowledged that he benefitted maximally from family prestige and honour, which gave him leverage and springboard.
He went down memory lane, emerging with what he called “proofs that made politics the food of Shitta-Bey family”. According to him, “politics was family business right from the days of my grandfather”.
Lateef added: “I am talking about the events as far as 1848. My great grandfather was a philanthropist, helper of the helpless, full of compassion for the poor.
“Shitta-Bey’s compound was a haven of political activities and confrontation. Politics runs in the blood of the family. There are families of lawyers, doctors, and accountants. We are a family of politicians, and community service is a career.”
Lateef recalled that his two elder brothers, Sikiru and Rasheed, also supported his political career by giving him tutelage and financial support.
He said: “I was there when my father was campaigning for my brother’s first election in 1964. I was a little boy and my father encouraged him. I under-studied my father when he took him round for campaigns. My father persuaded or coerced his tenants to vote. My father was an unofficial agent of the AG.
“Later, my elder brothers contributed to my sustenance in politics by giving me assistance.”
In his view, “there is the hereditary aspect. We children of Shitta-Bey were taught never to take the backseat; we like to be at the front”.
Lateef Shitta-Bey also said the family endeared itself to the people by showing love, playing deep roles in Islam and propagating its beliefs in competition and equal opportunities for all.
He added: “People in my constituency voted for me, not because I am good-looking but because I came from the right family.”
Instructive, the Shitta-Beys have always operated in popular and people-oriented parties-AG, UPN, SDP, AD, ACN and APC. When Senator Sikiru veered into the NPN, his constituents frowned at it. When Lateef left ACN, his senatorial bid collapsed.
In Surulere, the family name and popularity also initially played a role in the political career of Hakeem Gbajabiamila, former Housing Commissioner, and Femi Gbajabiamila, former House of Representatives Speaker, who is now the Chief of Staff to the President.
Family connection and political socialisation:
The relationship between family connection and political fame has remained a feature of politics. While Apena Kaoli Olusanya, an APC leader from Ikorodu Division, served as Agriculture Commissioner between 1999 and 2007 in Lagos State, his daughter, Abisola, now occupies the same position. The son of Cardinal James Odunmbaku, his colleague in the Lagos APC-GAC, David, is the chairman of Ojodu Council. Moyosore Ogunlewe, a lawyer-son of another APC-GAC member, Senator Seye Ogunlewe, rode to power as Kosofe Council chairman on the back of his father.
Also, Tunbosun, the intellectually sound and hardworking son of the eminent journalist and Solid Minerals Minister, Dr. Oladele Alake, who served as Commissioner for Information and Strategy during the same period, is Commissioner for Science and Technology. Also, Babajide, the son of Senator Musiliu Obanikoro was elected into the National Assembly. Sultan, son of the late Prince Ademola Adeniji-Adele, a former commissioner, was elected into the House of Assembly. Folajimi, son of former Information and Culture Minister, Layiwola Mohammed, was a two-term lawmaker in the House of Assembly.
It is the same trend in other states. For example, in Ogun State, Olumide, the son of former Governor Olusegun Osoba, made it to the House of Representatives; like Gboyega, son of former Governor Ade Adefarati of Ondo State; Dapo, son of former Governor Lam Adesina of Oyo State, and Olamijuwonlo, son of former Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala.
Early exposure to politics and governance also motivated children of veteran politicians to have interest in the game. There were reports of children of some governors who were officially or unofficially co-opted into governance structures, particularly in Osun State in the days of former Governors Rauf Aregbesola and Gboyega Oyetola. Aregbesola’s son, Kabiru, came up with some initiatives that impacted governance. Oyetola’s son, Femi, was like an aide to his father. It is the same pattern in Ondo State under Governor Rotimi Akeredolu, where his son is actively involved in running the state.
As some families grew in fame, they saw the need for the acquisition of power. Politics became a family vocation, an avenue for service and route to influence and affluence.
When the Colonial Governor of Nigeria, David Cameron, during a chat, alerted the Ooni of Ife, the late Oba Adesoji Aderemi, to the possibility of the systematic displacement of traditional rulers by the emerging class of nationalist politicians after independence, the eminent monarch admitted the fact. But he told the governor that when the time comes, his educated children and grandchildren would be part of the ruling elite.
Oba Aderemi’s prediction came true. His daughter, Mrs. Tejumade Alakija, became the first Head of Service in old Oyo State; another son became a commissioner. His grandson, Babajide Omoworare, became a senator representing Ife/Ijesa District.
In the old Northern Region, political leaders and monarchs exercised foresight. As coups were dethroning legitimate authorities in Egypt and Sudan, northern Nigerians put on their thinking caps. They reasoned that the military would become the alternative power centre in Africa. To maintain their political influence, the northern aristocrats enlisted their children into the Army.
As soldiers sacked them during military interventions that drew the curtains on the First Republic, their wards became part of the ruling military elite.
In the Southeast, the children of Igwe Nwodo, who served as Minister of Local Government in the old Eastern Region, later became more prominent in politics. Joe, his eldest son, was a presidential candidate; Ekwesilieze, a former governor of Enugu State, was a National Secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); and John Nnia became Minister of Information under the Abdulsalami Abubakar military regime.
Two children of Alhaji Musa Yar’Adua, First Republic Minister of Lagos Affairs, made impact. Major General Shehu Yar’Adua, former Chief of Staff Supreme Headquarters, set up the most formidable political structure through the defunct Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM). His younger brother, Umaru, former governor of Katsina State, became President and died in active service.
Even in death, the name of President-elect Moshood Abiola, winner of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election, still evokes a good memory. His daughter, Lola Edewor, represented Apapa Constituency of Lagos State in the House of Representatives between 1999 and 2007 before relocating to Ogun State to play politics. Her younger sister, Hafsat Costello, was a special adviser to former Ogun State Governor Ibikunle Amosu. Also, his younger brother, Kola, was a Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) presidential candidate in the last general election.
While serving as president, Olusegun Obasanjo’s daughter, Dr. Iyabo Bello, became Ogun State Commissioner for Health, and later the senator representing Ogun Central. She was Chairman of Health Committee.
Second Republic Senate Leader, Dr. Saraki, ensured that his son, Bukola, became governor of Kwara State while his daughter, Gbemisola, was elected into the House of Representatives, and later, the Senate. Indeed, the Kwara kingpin wanted Gbemisola to succeed his brother. But Bukola disagreed and, politically, the patriarch was grief-stricken. Bukola later became Senate President and PDP presidential aspirant.
In Zamfara State, the Shinkafi siblings made waves. Umaru, former Director of the dreaded National Security Organisation (NSO) – the forerunner of today’s Department of State Services (DSS) – and Internal Affairs Minister, was a vice presidential candidate of AD in 1999. His younger brother, Aliyu, a former deputy governor, succeeded Governor Sani Yerima in 2007.
Wives of statesmen who know their onions have also entered politics and made impact. Examples are Senators Daisy Danjuma, spouse of one-time Defence Minister Gen. Yakubu Danjuma, and Mrs. Margarey Okadigbo, wife of the charismatic Senate President Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, who served as senators. Their election coincided with the intense agitations for gender inclusion in politics.
The wive of former Yobe State governor, Senator Bukar Abba Ibrahim, Khadija, was a member of the House of Representatives. She later became Minister of State for Foreign Affairs under President Muhammadu Buhari.
In Lagos State, Senator Oluremi, teacher and philanthropist-wife of Tinubu, became a three-term senator for Lagos Central. Tinubu’s in-law, Oyetunde Ojo, husband of the Iyaloja of Lagos, Chief Folasade Tinubu-Ojo, became a member of the House of Representatives representing Ekiti Central Constituency 2.
However, Tinubu’s political structure is a wide departure. It is formidable; loved and respected by people because of its philosophy of grooming many competent people for leadership and service to the masses through the pursuit of welfarist programmes.”If progressivism is viewed as a sort of ideology, then, Tinubu’s structure is the closest to the idea,” said Ayodele, who added:”Many products of the camp are reputed for their contributions to good governance.”
Reflecting on Senator Oluremi’s tenure in the National Assembly, her legislative activities, and empowerment programmes, Prince Olusi said the First Lady bestrode her Lagos Central District like a colossus. An Amazon, Oluremi articulated the prime interest of Lagos in the Upper Chamber through her relentless clamour for special status for the former federal capital territory.
Olusi stressed: “Lagos Central has produced many senators – Oba Musendiku Adeniji-Adele, Ajayi Adeyiga, Sikiru Shitta-Bey, Fashinro, Kofoworola Akerele-Bucknor, Tokunbo Afikuyomi, Musiliu Obanikoro, Muniru Muse and Oluremi Tinubu. But Oluremi Tinubu was the best in terms of performance.”
Indisputably, members of the large Tinubu ‘political family’ include actors from the Southwest and beyond, many of whom have no biological link with the Asiwaju of Lagos.
However, the political camp had to contend with internal wrangling during the last electioneering. When the APC National Leader, Tinubu, unfolded his lifetime presidential ambition, two of his disciples-former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo and former Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi-also threw their hats in the ring. While they had the fundamental rights to aspire under the constitution and guidelines of the ruling party, the public largely perceived their ambitions as a challenge to the aspiration of their leader.
To historians, such a scenario is not strange. In 1956, the late economist, Dr. Sam Ikoku, a candidate of AG, contested against his biological father, the legendary educationist, United National Independent Party (UNIP) chieftain and statesman, Chief Alvan Ikoku, in the Eastern Regional House of Assembly election. The younger Ikoku won the poll.
In Imo State, while Chief Rochas Okorocha held sway as governor, his younger sister, Mrs. Ogechi Ololo, a political mobiliser in her own right, was made Commissioner for Happiness and Purpose Fulfillment. That was after serving as the Chief of Staff, Domestic Affairs, in the State Executive Council (Exco).
As Okorocha was about to complete his two terms of eight years, he anointed his son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, as his successor. But the plan to make him governor failed.
In Anambra State, the Uba family has produced Senator Ugochukwu Uba, Senator Andy Uba, and Eselu Chris Uba, a former PDP trustee. They teamed up when interests aligned. On other occasions, they worked at cross-purposes.
In Abia State, the son of former Governor Theodore Orji, Chinedu, was elected into the House of Assembly. He became Speaker.
Also, in Benue State, Mrs. Blessing Onuh, daughter of former Senate President David Mark, became a member of the House of Representatives. Though her father is a PDP leader, she ran on the platform of the APC.
2023 electioneering:
In fact, during the last general election, children of many prominent politicians used the opportunity for self-projection while mobilising for political parties.
Also, more children of party leaders were on the ballot during the governorship and legislative elections.
In Lagos Mainland Constituency, Ajani, son of Pa Monsuru Owolabi, who served in the House of Representatives for 16 years, was re-elected into the House of Assembly.
In Kano State, Senator Rabiu Kwakwanso, former governor and one-time Minister of Defence and presidential candidate of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) in this year’s general election, mobilised for the election of his son in-law, Abba Yusuf, as governor.
In Delta State, Erhiatake Suenu, daughter of former Governor James Ibori, was elected House of Representatives member for Ethiope Constituency. Also, Mariyin, daughter of former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa, won election into the House of Assembly.
In Kaduna North Federal Constituency, Bello, son of former Governor Nosiru El-Rufai, and Adam, son of former Vice President Namadi Sam of, contested for the House of Representatives seat.
In Jigawa, Mustapha, son of former Governor Sule Lamido, was PDP governorship candidate. He lost to the APC flagbearer.
In Cross River, Godswill Edward, former President Goodluck Jonathan’s son-in-law, competed for the governorship ticket in APC. He lost to Governor Bassey Otu.
In Ekiti State, Joju, son of former Governor Ayodele Fayose, aspired to represent Ekiti Central 1 in the House of Representatives.
In Ogun State, Rasheed, son of the late Senator Buruji Kashamu, got the ticket to run for the Lower Chamber of the National Assembly in Ijebu North Constituency.
In Sokoto State, Sagir, son of former Governor Attahiru Bafarawa, struggled for the PDP governorship ticket. It was the same scenario in Bauchi State where Ahmadu, son of former Governor Adamu Muazu, was in the governorship race. Also, in Adamawa State, Aziz, son of former Governor Muritala Nyako contested for governor on the platform of the African Democratic Congress (ADC).
The son of the former governor of Plateau, Senator Jonah Jang, Pam, was in the race for the House of Representatives. He later stepped down. In Kwara, Mohammed, son of former Governor Abubakar August, ran for governor. He is now a minister of state.
Experts’ views:
To political scientists, political dynasties are not built in a day. The aspirations of offsprings of political warhorses are legal are also. It is not a violation of rights and justice, if their rivals are not excluded from the competitive democratic electoral process.
Also, power, as it is generally agreed, is not served a la carte. According to Appadorai, a political scientist, people struggle and achieve power through competition and antagonism. Therefore, the game is about the survival of the fittest who have the wherewithal, including family background, to wrest uthority, which is legitimate power.
Italian political scientist, Gaetano Mosca, who developed the elite theory and doctrine of political class, stated that “every class displays the tendency to become hereditary, in fact, if not in law, and that even when political positions are open to all, a family tie to those already in power would confer various advantages.”
However, in their work, ‘Political Dynasties,’ published in 2008, Ernest Bo, Pedro Bo and Jason Snyder observed that political dynasties have long been present in democracies, raising concern that inequality in the distribution of political power may reflect imperfections in democratic representation.
That quest for permanent power, according to Robert Michels, a German-born Italian political sociologist, who focussed on the political behaviour of the ‘intellectual elite,’ is consistent with human nature.
In his writings on “The iron law of oligarchy, ” Michels stated that even in democratic organisations, “the leadership, once elected, would entrench itself in power, undermining the democratic principle of a level playing field.”
But, Mosca disagreed that self-perpectuation in power, especially in a civilian setting, is devoid of considerations for personal attributes. In his view, “persistent inequalities in power attainment reflect hereditary inequalities in talents and drive.”
The question then is: ‘do political dynasties exist because some families are somehow politically able or talented than others, or is political power self-perpetuating?’
Mosca stated:”If traits such as talent run in families, this may yield persistent advantages to some families that are not due to their already occupying positions of authority.”
This opinion tallies with the view of Snyder, who submitted that political power may be self-perpetuating, but the presence of political dynasties does not merely reflect differences in ability across families.
Indeed, as it is also true of some African countries ( as exceplified in Eyadema of Togo and Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya), Snyder contented that political strength or “holding power for a longer time increases the probability that one’s heirs can attain political power in the future, regardless of family characteristics, talents and abilities.”
However, Ayodele said what can sustain elective office holders in power is their performance, not how they got there. He described that “performance” as a product of personal effort, competence, capability credibility and integrity, adding that ” family background can then be an added advantage.”
Besides, the electorate holds the ace. As the last electioneering had shown, the voting pattern showed an unprecedented resistance to intimidation and timidity. Voting is a weapon of choice, change, rejection and affirmation of leadership.
The university don maintained that only the dynasty, political structure, camp and party that is tested, trusted, reliable and popular with the people that will carry the day.
“In democracy, voters are now more conscious, more enlightened in Nigeria. If you get to office through your parents and you don’t perform or fulfill your campaign promises, the electorate can reject you in the next election,” he said.
Palestinian Ambassador to Nigeria Abu Shawesh has declared that only a just political solution based on international law will end the Israel-Palestinian crisis.
Shawesh made this known while addressing the media in commemoration of International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People.
The day, marked on Nov. 29 annually, was set aside by the United Nations General Assembly.
“Only a real and just political solution based on the international law facilitated by decent and honest moderators and not completely complicit on the current situation in Gaza.
“This will lead to the embodiment of the State of Palestine on the June 1967 boarders with East Jerusalem as its capital.
“And a fair solution to the Palestine refuges based on the UNGA Resolution 194, is the only way out,“ he said.
The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that the truce on the current Israel-Hamas war has been extended by a day for humanitarian purposes after the expiration of the six-day ceasefire.
