Tag: politics

  • ‘Nigeria’s real problem is attitude, not politics’

    ‘Nigeria’s real problem is attitude, not politics’

    Henry Olofin is a United States–based entrepreneur and consultant who has never lost his passion for Nigeria. Despite living overseas, he remains deeply concerned about the direction of his native country. In this interview with Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI, Olofin warns that until Nigerians change their mindset and rediscover patriotism, no reform or leader can move the nation forward.

    Looking at Nigeria’s situation today, what exactly worries you most about the country?

    What worries me most is our attitude, both leaders and followers. A shift in mindset is necessary for Nigeria to advance. Otherwise, we’ll keep going in circles.

    People often blame our leaders for everything, but the truth is that the followers are not any better. The same attitudes we condemn in our leaders exist in our homes, offices, churches, and communities.

    Whenever I visit Nigeria, I hear people say, “Our leaders are corrupt.” But who are these leaders? They came from among us. They were once followers before they became leaders. They learned their behaviour from the same society we all live in.

    If you put many of the people complaining in positions of power today, most would probably do worse. That’s the painful truth.

    We all have to look in the mirror. The country will not change until we change — how we think, how we act, how we treat one another, and how we see public service.

    Are you saying that both the leaders and the people have the wrong attitude toward politics and governance?

    Exactly. For most politicians, politics has become a business; a route to power and wealth, rather than a call to serve.

    The moment someone wins an election or gets an appointment, the expectation from family and friends is that money will start flowing through inflated contracts, handouts, or patronage.

    READ ALSO: Five apps that’ll get your life together before the year ends

    And for the average citizen, the mindset isn’t much better. During elections, people demand money before they vote, saying, “At least let’s collect something now, because once they win, we won’t see them again.”

    That’s a transactional view of politics. No nation can progress with such thinking. Politics must be about accountability and service, not money and connections.

    Service to the nation isn’t a favour; it’s a responsibility. If you take a public job, do it well and take pride in it. If you think your salary is too small, look for another job — don’t use public office as a place to extort people.

    How does this attitude affect ordinary services and the economy?

    You can see it everywhere: at airports, in ministries, in police stations, even in small businesses. People act like they are doing you a favour by simply doing their job. That’s not service; that’s arrogance.

    In many countries, business thrives because people understand that service creates trust, and trust brings profit. Here, it’s the opposite. Nigerians want to make all their profit in one day.

    During festive seasons, instead of prices going down, they go up. In developed economies, they reduce prices to drive sales and increase turnover. That’s how wealth is built — through consistency and integrity, not greed.

    Until we change that mindset, Nigeria will remain “potentially great” but never truly open for business or tourism, despite all our natural advantages.

    You’ve also spoken about the lack of national unity. What exactly do you mean?

    We don’t think of ourselves as Nigerians first. It’s always, “I’m Yoruba,” “I’m Igbo,” “I’m Hausa.” Even in politics, we talk about zoning — “It’s the turn of this region or that tribe.”

    Leadership should never be about where someone comes from, but what they can offer. This obsession with ethnicity has destroyed our sense of nationhood.

    We must build a Nigeria where competence matters more than tribe or religion. That’s the only way forward.

    What particular mental shifts do you want Nigerians to adopt as we approach another election cycle?

    We need to institutionalise our political system. Former President Goodluck Jonathan once said we must build institutions, not individuals — and he was right.

    Today, everything revolves around personalities. Once a leader leaves, all their projects and ideas die with them. We must build systems that survive leadership changes.

    Second, we must end money politics. Elections have become investments for the rich. People buy votes and see political office as a way to recover their “investment.” That’s why honest, capable Nigerians stay away from politics.

    Until we separate money from politics, nothing will change.

    Third — and this is very important — we must choose service over materialism. Nigerians equate success with possessions. A man thinks he’s made it because he owns cars or builds a mansion.

    There’s nothing wrong with ambition or comfort, but when that’s all a person aspires to, it distorts our values. True success is when your community benefits from your work — when you contribute to education, build a clinic, support agriculture, or create jobs.

    We must start redefining success and celebrate the teachers, innovators, and quiet reformers who make life better for others. Those are the heroes we should honour.

    Nigerians must also renew patriotism and cultural pride. Many of us no longer believe in Nigeria. We glorify foreign goods, send our children abroad, and boast about not using local hospitals.

    We must start believing in ourselves again — buy Nigerian, use Nigerian services, and invest in Nigerian institutions. A country that despises itself cannot grow.

    You’ve often spoken about restructuring. Why do you think it’s so essential?

    Without restructuring, Nigeria will never reach its full potential. The moment we abandoned the regional system that worked so well in the 1960s, we lost our balance.

    Back then, each region developed at its own pace, driven by agriculture and local resources. We can’t return to the exact system of the past, but we can reorganise around the current six geopolitical zones.

    Each zone should manage its resources, develop its industries, and contribute to the centre. That’s how federalism should work.

    Today, many states depend on Abuja for survival. That dependency kills initiative. Restructuring would compel every region to innovate, produce, and engage in healthy competition.

    When the military entered politics, Nigeria’s democratic journey was derailed. Successive coups dismantled regional autonomy and replaced a system built on competition and productivity with one built on control and dependency.

    Even when General Ibrahim Babangida attempted to create a homegrown democratic model in the late 1980s and early 1990s, his efforts collapsed under political manipulation.

    The annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election — widely regarded as Nigeria’s freest and fairest — destroyed public confidence and set the nation back decades.

    Nigeria must now learn from those missteps and develop a democratic model that reflects its own culture, values, and realities, rather than copying the West wholesale.

    Insecurity remains a huge concern — banditry, kidnapping, terrorism. How do we address this?

    The current centralised policing system is outdated and ineffective. We need community and state policing that fits within a restructured regional framework.

    Local people understand their terrain; they know who belongs and who doesn’t. During the First Republic, regional governments handled internal security more effectively.

    People collaborate with law enforcement when they feel responsible for their own safety. That’s how to restore peace — by making security everyone’s business, not just a federal command from Abuja.

    A restructured system with empowered regional governments and local police would drastically reduce insecurity and help rebuild trust in governance.

    You seem passionate about cultural renewal. What exactly are you advocating?

    I want Nigerians to be proud of who they are and what they produce. Today, we crave foreign things — clothes, food, accents, even validation. We look down on local products as inferior. That mentality has to die.

    We need a cultural revival — to celebrate Nigerian creativity, values, and resilience. If we don’t value our own culture, no one else will.

    Every Nigerian should be an ambassador of the country wherever they go — dignified, hardworking, and proud. That’s the kind of attitude that attracts respect globally.

    You’ve also suggested new laws for public officials. Could you explain that?

    Yes. I believe there should be a law that makes it compulsory for public officers to use Nigerian hospitals when they’re sick, and to educate their children in Nigerian schools.

    Once those at the top are forced to experience the same systems the rest of us use, they will fix them.

    Why should a minister of health fly abroad for treatment? Or a commissioner of education send his children overseas? If they must use what they govern, the system will change overnight.

    You once mentioned the problem of how political parties are funded. Could you elaborate?

    During the First Republic, political parties were funded by members who paid dues regularly. That gave them a sense of ownership.

    Party leaders were accountable to the people because they provided the funds for running those platforms.

    Today, parties depend on moneybags — wealthy individuals or those already in government. These sponsors often use public funds to bankroll their parties.

    That’s why there’s no internal democracy. Candidates are handpicked, primaries are manipulated, and loyalty is bought.

    Until we return to member-based funding and transparency, no party will truly serve the people. Our democracy will remain an illusion controlled by a few.

    What’s your assessment of the current leadership in Nigeria?

    Leadership is one of the few things you cannot fake. You can study it, but greatness in leadership is a gift. You either have it in your bones or you don’t.

    A great leader inspires without trying. Even as a cleaner or market woman, you can see leadership in how they carry themselves.

    President Tinubu, for instance, is a good leader in many respects. But I want to see greatness — leadership that dares to make hard decisions, that restructures the country even if it’s politically risky. That’s what true leaders do.

    If you could design the Nigeria of your dreams, what would it look like?

    A Nigeria where every citizen takes pride in being Nigerian. A nation where people work hard, respect one another, and believe that service to the country is the highest honour.

    I dream of a day when foreigners will pay huge sums to become Nigerian citizens — not because of oil or money, but because of the opportunities, culture, and stability we’ve created.

    It’s possible. But it starts with us changing our attitude: from entitlement to responsibility, from greed to service, from division to unity.

    Until we fix our mindset, no system, policy, or leader can save Nigeria. The real change begins with the Nigerian in the mirror.

  • Travelling salesmen take over politics

    Travelling salesmen take over politics

    It is instructive that the three most frequently mentioned names in the political coalition being assembled to unseat the Bola Tinubu administration have neither completely divorced themselves from their former political parties nor fully identified with new ones. All three of them do not see their tentativeness as indecision, or anything to be ashamed of. In their eyes, they are being careful and calculating. In the estimation of their critics, however, they are indecisive, devoid of conviction, and lacking in the inner compass without which a leader could not have the breathtaking vision needed to redirect the future of any country. The three men, former president Goodluck Jonathan, former vice president Atiku Abubakar, and former Anambra governor Peter Obi, share something in common: they know that 2027 is their last chance to bid for the throne. In the view of this writer, however, 2023 was really their last chance.

    In the past three or four weeks, the three men and their top aides and supporters have hit the road with a vengeance, becoming itinerant salesmen peddling political surecures they believe are capable of turning Nigeria’s captivity. Few Nigerians were at first convinced that Dr Jonathan really planned a comeback, for everything seemed stacked against him: the law and constitution, his shrunken support base, the irreversible transformations that had taken place in his political party and country, his undistinguished record as president, and the much diminished power and influence of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) which early this year was the first to plant the presidential race heresy in his head. The sceptics also wondered what he could prove were he to be given another chance which more than five years in office between 2010 and 2015 could not lead him to prove. They didn’t see him as effective then; they still can’t see him as effective now or going forward. They thought his judgement poor then, as he meekly allowed aides to clamber over him as president, perpetrating all sorts of sordid financial schemes; and they viewed his clumsy consultations in the past few weeks after Bauchi State governor Bala Mohammed planted the heretical thought in his mind as incapable of erasing their doubts about his constant vacillations.

    Before the 2023 elections, when the former president Muhammadu Buhari also seemed unable to decide who to back for the presidency, thereby leaving the field wide open, Dr Jonathan flirted with the abomination of reentering the race. He had naively thought the discombobulated All Progressives Congress (APC) ruling party would unanimously give him the presidential ticket. He only dropped out of the race, not out of conviction, but because no one in the party would promise him the nomination, especially no one who could match words with actions. Scarred but unbowed, he has once again started to test the shallow waters of the nomination struggle at a time when there is no opposition party strong enough to give battle to the APC or wrest the crown from them. He has visited everyone that should be visited, has denounced those trying to compel him to renounce his interest, and to cap his visits, has conferred with the controversial David Mark who was only recently acknowledged as the chairman of the notoriously flirty African Democratic Congress (ADC).

    Read Also: Shadow govt: Pat Utomi knows fate Monday as court delivers judgment in DSS’ suit

    Details of the Jonathan/Mark parley have not been disclosed, but it is thought to be a follow-up to the former president’s quest for a legally controversial second term. But why on earth would Dr Jonathan confer with the chairman of the ADC, a fringe party consistently turned into a special purpose vehicle by all manner of political journeymen eager for office? Alhaji Atiku may have restrained himself from openly announcing his membership of the party, but it is widely known that he is its main financier and inspirator because he wants to run for the highest office himself. It is also acknowledged that the current ADC leadership is entrenched at the helms of the party because the former vice president willed it so, and in any case they are beholden to him. Except the public has been badly misled, it is mystifying that Dr Jonathan would explore anything in a party that has been locked down by Alhaji Atiku, financially and politically. Indeed, not too long after the unexplained meeting, the real movers and shakers of the party began their own conference. Dr Jonathan can of course meet with anyone in any party, but for his own image and prestige, and regardless of having not disclosed which hares he is running with, he needs to be calculative in proposing and actualising any meeting. After all, everyone knows that as far as the PDP is concerned, it is almost impossible for either Alhaji Atiku or former senate president Mark to return to the party. The door has been shut against them and their ambitions.

    Days before Dr Jonathan met with the former senate president, Alhaji Atiku had visited the tempestuous former Kaduna governor Nasir el-Rufai, obviously in furtherance of their ambitions, the former to mount the presidency, and the latter to have his pound of flesh from President Bola Tinubu, whether the Shakespearean blood is shed or not. The meeting was as usual discrete, but not before Mallam el-Rufai engaged in his customary hyperbole, shooting multiple independently targetable missiles that fills his political armamentarium. The former vice president is unlikely to have visited his enraged protégé in order to restrain him from being so offensively hysterical, for the mentor himself is in fact as dangerously hyperbolic as his mentee, and would not mind raising an army of volunteers to hurl verbal missiles at the president. The safe bet is that both gentlemen met on how to finally end their dithering and how to safely berth in a party, whether ADC or any other; for once they are committed to a party, there would be no turning back.

    In addition, they are in fact keenly aware that their long-running saga of not being bodily and spiritually committed to a party may, in the eyes of a wary and sceptical public, be painting them black as political leaders lacking in courage and judgement. Soon, however, it is expected that they will damn the consequences and throw in their lot with a party. And if they perish, they perish. Alhaji Atiku may also have become a salesman because he needs to shore up his support in the face of malleable political allies who have begun to see him or any northern candidate as a liability. This second reason may also explain why Dr Jonathan has become a salesman marketing all manner of surecures to harried political titans entertaining second doubts about the feasibility of an Atiku pitch for the presidency.

    September was truly the month of the salesmen. On September 14, former Labour Party (LP) presidential candidate in the 2023 election took his consultation train to ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo’s Hilltop residence on a visit in furtherance of his presidential ambition. He went in company with some of his allies. No one on the Obi team has disclosed what they discussed with the former president, or what assurances he gave them. Chief Obasanjo can sometimes be fickle or pretentious in his political attachments, and so no one can be sure whether Mr Obi got any assurances during the visit or whether the former president has since surrendered to other suitors or blandishments. Whether he knows it or not, the former president is generally dismissed as incapable of reading the signs of the times and unable to accurately gauge the mood of the country or the polity. When he backed Mr Obi in 2023, it was a miscalculation he thought he could remedy by the force of his arguments and the weight of his support as a former president and military general. The arguments and efforts failed, not because he didn’t give it his all, but because he overrated his influence at a time the country had sensibly and pragmatically veered off in a different direction from what he was used to.

    Mr Obi himself has embarked on relentless visits to anyone who cared to receive him, and has given all sorts of succour to the needy in an effusive display of penance by the rich instead of establishing foundations and structuring his contributions to a distressed society. Some five million naira here and N10 million there, he thinks, should be significant or even enough to fetch him the presidency. But no amount of gifts and offerings can replace a systematic and enduring effort to build networks and bridges across the country, the kind that made President Tinubu win the presidency in 2023. Building alliances is a long-haul formula for political relevance, an altruistic approach to convincing the electorate as to a candidate’s bona fides. Chief Obasanjo never structured his politics or campaigns for the long haul, and can, therefore, not advise Mr Obi or any other protégé on how to approach that time-tested formula. Neither Mr Obi himself nor even Alhaji Atiku has adopted the long-haul approach to their politics, hence their nomadic and itinerant salesman approach to vying for the top job.

    No one or group exemplified the episodic approach to politics than former Osun governor and Interior minister, Rauf Aregbesola, and former Ondo governor Olusegun Mimiko when on September 15 both men visited former Oyo governor Rashidi Ladoja, who was the Olubadan designate, a day after Mr Obi met Chief Obasanjo. Photographs showed all three men grinning from ear to ear, the typical political photographs projected to convince the unwary. Mr Aregbesola, who is secretary of the coalition vehicle and archetypal salesman, has been travelling around the Southwest and Abuja, perhaps more than any other ADC apparatchik. He remembers as a commissioner under the Tinubu governorship that his estranged mentor cultivated the future Olubadan in the heady days of the Obasanjo presidency when the federal government in concert with local Oyo thugs fought their future monarch. Fire brigade approach, salesman pitch, and desperate, opportunistic politics seldom convince the electorate. That is a truism the new salesmen of Nigerian presidential politics – whether Alhaji Atiku, Dr Jonathan, or Mr Obi – may be set to find out soon to their dismay and lasting mortification.

  • Extreme politics and its consequences

    Extreme politics and its consequences

    We want a great Russia, but they want a great bang, Pyotr Stolypin— the last democratically elected premier of Russia just before he was assassinated

    Extreme politics always has its consequences.  Perhaps it should be added as a caveat right away that instances of extreme politics also occur in homogenous nations with entrenched liberal democracy. This happens whenever there is a breakdown of the grand unified vision that holds the nation together as a result of the collapse of elite consensus.  It is however in fractious, multi-ethnic and religiously fissured societies of colonial Africa, Middle East, Asia and Latin America that extreme politics is the norm rather than the aberration. Rather than being an arbiter and astute arbitrator of competing elite demands, the state itself is a theatre of war and violent contentions as the conflicting and often mutually exclusive claims of constituent nationalities while they jostle for scarce resources lead to a collision of altars. 

       In postcolonial Africa, extreme politics has led to civil wars, revolutions, catastrophic break-ups of nations, genocides, periodic pogroms, civil uprisings, religious upheavals, military coups, violent annulments of popular elections and ethnic nationalities programmed by their devious elites to be on permanent collision course. In the light of the above, it should be obvious that any nation afflicted by any or a combination of these social albatrosses is permanently in the emergency department or a regular patient in the Trauma ward. Depending on which part of the ideological spectrum one can be located, Nigeria should count itself lucky that due to the global de-marketing of revolution and what has been called the ongoing process of de-marxification of the entire world there are no strong, vibrant and viable leftwing movements or organizations left in the country ready to capitalize on and exploit the massive social contradictions.

       If this development is particularly true of Nigeria, it is also very true of the rest of Africa. For almost five decades, leading up to the first decade of the twenty first century, Latin America was the hotbed of these revolutionary but sectarian upheavals with countries such Chile, Argentina, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Peru, Colombia, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Mexico and Uruguay coming under the terroristic  thrall of charismatic insurgents.  The continent even birthed the phenomenon of Liberation Theology, a band of Jesuit priests who believed that paradise was possible on earth as a heroic human construct. If all is quiet on that front now, it is because the idea of a supreme, all-conquering Caudillo has also suffered irreversible attenuation.

       Looking back now in sober retrospect the whole idea of The Second International, with its flawed but humanitarian heroism, feels like a fictional reprise of a world about to disappear forever. The world, in the main, appears to be moving relentlessly in the direction of a rightwing authoritarian populism peppered by xenophobic nationalism. In Britain, Jeremy Corbyn, the leftwing hell-raiser, had to be dismissed as Labour Party leader before his party became electable again. As Prime minister, Keith Starmer is learning to master the ropes of deep-seated national ambiguities and political fudging. In France, only a desperate last minute alliance between the old left and the new Macronite centre prevented the rampart from disappearing in a far right tsunami. America has just executed a swing to the far right with potentially perilous consequences. Russia has transited to a hyper-Slavic redoubt ready to defend the interest of the larger Slavic sub-race despite the nuclear harrumphing of Donald Trump. The world seems to be tired of revolutions while revolutions are themselves tired of the world.

    Read Also: Buhari’s demise and implications for national politics

      But what is extreme politics?  Extreme politics is the politicization of the process of allocation of resources and the procedure of who gets what and at what time in a way and manner that imperils national progress and renders economic development practically impossible. It is marked by a subordination of the political process to the crude partisanship of ethnic, religious and regional muscle flexing in a way which makes the conciliation, compromise and consensus-building critical to elite harmony and national cohesion impossible. It is unfortunate, even tragic, that beyond what one can dismiss as occasional instances of individual eccentricities and opportunistic haymaking, extreme politics is on the rampage once again in Nigeria.

     The democratic and national fabric weakens whenever the wisdom, judgment and capacity to take fair decisions on behalf of the entire nation by those saddled with the responsibility is subjected to a daily barrage of criticism by disaffected elite groups driven by fear, anxiety and sheer phobia. Anybody who has been reading some national dailies and watching prime time television in the past week would have noticed a sustained barrage of attacks on the Tinubu administration as if the bugle of war had sounded somewhere. It is not only the tone and tenor of these attacks that are regrettable but their nature and content. One of them with lordly disapproval insisted that Tinubu must leave immediately. Another noted without any recourse to any data or statistics whatsoever that his rule has been a categorical disaster for the north of the nation while a third only marginally more sanguine than the first two insisted that an electoral catastrophe awaits the president should he dare to put himself forward for reelection in 2027.

       What is worrisome about all these threats and maledictions is that they are coming barely two years into the Tinubu administration when it has barely passed the halfway benchmark in what is supposed to be a two-term tenure for a president of southern extraction in accordance to an unwritten clause of power-sharing arrangement on which the stability and cohesion of the Fourth Republic rests. The potentially catastrophic disruptions which are bound to follow the premature termination of this delicate rotation of power do not seem to disturb the peace and cheery equanimity of the proponents. Far more worrisome is the fact that this caterwauling is coming almost entirely from people who were until recently active collaborators and fully fledged members and appointees of the ruling party, unlike the peace and quietude that obtained during the eight years of General Buhari’s rule. They have not even spent two years out of the power loop before they have begun to gasp for breath and to threaten the peace and foundation of the nation. How are they going to survive eight years in a strange land?

    The conclusion is inescapable that these are, in the main, spoilt children of unearned and unmerited privileges; prodigal brats of the feudal oligarchy without a second address and without any means of livelihood beyond feeding off politics. With their state diapers and feeding bottles removed they cannot contemplate a life of hard work and thrift outside the feeding frenzy of the postcolonial pabulum. But there is a big problem here. You cannot step into the same river twice. After the June 12 fiasco, Abacha’s inquisition and the mismanagement of the ethnic diversities of the nation, the National Question has been exacerbated and the mood has darkened. The framing temperament of the country can no longer tolerate the toxic effluence of extreme politics such as annulments, assassinations of key political figures of a particular region and electoral shenanigans ending in messy stalemates. No section of the country can any longer impose its narrow, circumscribed and antediluvian vision of human order on the entire nation. It is either we embrace political and economic modernity or we damn the consequences.

        The auguries are dire. This is not a question of scaremongering. After the June 12 imbroglio, the Yoruba people seem to have had it to the hilt with the Nigerian nation. There are many of them who are not Tinubu’s supporters but who will take umbrage at any attempt to prematurely or unfairly terminate his tenure either by electoral skullduggery or by more devious and invidious means of state incapacitation. This will bring them circling the wagons all over again, this time around in a more decisive manner. With the core east up in arms against the hegemonic coalition, it may well signal the unleashing of some irreversible forces of implosion. Those who are testing the water and probing for the soft underbelly of the current administration ought to put their talent for regime destabilization into more productive use.

       The immediate tragic consequence of extreme politics is that it often forces a vulnerable government to concentrate more on unproductive politicking and deal-making rather than focusing its talents on productive governance which conduces to accelerated development and increasing national prosperity. More dangerous is the fact that feeling the pressure and the heat of the unrelenting attempts to wrong foot and destabilize it, a weak government without a full mandate or overarching national legitimacy might be forced by exigencies to ignore or look away from the quest for social justice and egalitarian distribution of resources so as to placate or mollify already over-pampered elite groups who undermine national cohesion and the equilibrium of the polity by their greed and avarice. The irony is that it leads to that which the authorities fear most: the widespread collapse of order and authority that open the backdoor to unimaginable social and political catastrophe.

    We have witnessed the horrific consequences of extreme politics at critical phases in the chequered history of this country. In the First Republic, the unjust take-over of opposition stronghold, the imprisonment of opposition leaders, the pacification of weaker nationalities and widespread rigging of elections led to a breakdown of law and order, the termination of democratic rule and civil war. The same scenario repeated itself in The Second Republic with very much the same outcome. In the aborted Third Republic the recourse to politics in extremity following the mismanagement of the nation’s ethnic and cultural diversity by a military junta opened the backdoor to another military dictatorship of unparalleled brutality and venality. After twenty six years of uninterrupted civil rule, we should be able to resist the temptations of ancestral infirmities that will return us to the limbo of liminal existence.

  • Young Nigerians in politics (3)

    Young Nigerians in politics (3)

    While some young Nigerians are finding greener pastures in other parts of the world, some are making impact on the greenlands of Nigeria. These young Nigerians, between 20 and 40, have excelled in politics, entertainment, sports and more. i-GEN NEWS team lead, GBENGA BADA, highlights some of the new kids on Nigeria’s political scene.

    Ogbe Simon Ocheme

    Age: 38

    At 36, Ogbe Simon Ocheme decided to vie for a seat on the Senate to represent the constituents of Benue South under the Zenith Labour Party in 2023. Now 38, the politician is still hopeful of securing a seat at the Senate to represent his people.


    Orok Gloria Odidi

    Age: 37

    At 35, Orok Gloria Odidi made a name when she decided to contest for a seat at the Senate in Cross River State under the Allied Peoples’ Movement (APM) in 2023. Though she didn’t make it, she made a sterling point with the incursion into politics. Now 37, Odidi is still very much and actively involved in politics.


    Giwa Omotola-Moore

    Age: 33

    Giwa Murtala Omotola-Moore kicked off his career as an advocacy champion. Brilliance stood him out amongst his peers when he ventured into the political terrain where he rolled with the high and mighty. And when the offer came to roll up his sleeves and get the job done, he didn’t hesitate. He is the Senior Special Adviser to Lagos Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu on matters related to Technical and Vocational education.


    Alhashim Abubakar Mohammed

    Age: 38

    At 38, Alhashim Abubakar Mohammed is yet to hold a politically elected office in Borno State yet he remains undaunting in his involvement in politics. In 2023, at 36, Alhashim contested for a seat at the Senate to represent Borno North constituency but failed in his bid. He is still a politician operating from Borno.


    Olumide Oworu

    Age: 31

    Olumide Oworu made his name as an actor in Nigeria. He started out as a kid actor and on completion of education returned to acting- his first love. However, 2023 saw a totally new side of Oworu. The celebrated actor decided to throw in his hat in the ring when he embraced politics and contested against an older colleague and politician, Desmond Elliot. Oworu made the bold move at just 29 and believes he will give it another shot soon.


    Read Also: Akwa Ibom seeks presidential intervention on erosion, deep seaport

    Muhammed Sheriff

    Age: 37

    37-year-old Muhammed Sheriff is one of the firm believers of the not-too-young-to rule and contest campaign. The Borno politician had been in politics for a while but decided to test the waters in 2023 by vying for a seat at the Senate under the African Democratic Congress (ADC) to represent Borno Central.


    Sambo Salisu Jibrin

    Age: 37

    This is another young politician, who has put his money where his mouth is. The Bauchi politician made a name for himself when he first contested for a seat to represent Bauch Central constituents under the Labour Party at the 2023 elections. He was just 35 at the time but also made a name for himself. He hopes to vie for the seat in the Senate in the 2027 elections.


    Beta Edu

    Age: 38

    At 38, Beta Edu is a household name politician, who made waves between her time as a commissioner in Cross Rivers state and a minister, is another young female politician in Nigeria. Though she has gone on a political hiatus after her exit from office as a minister, she is widely known as a politician, who gave her all during the 2023 general elections moving from campaign to campaign with the All Progressive Congress, APC.


    Dino Stephen Seleke

    Age: 39

    Though Dino Stephen Seleke didn’t win in his bid to represent Bayelsa Central at the Senate in the 2023 elections, he made a point as a young Bayelsan at 37-year-old, who believed young people should participate in politics. He contested under the Labour Party but failed to win. He is now 39 and still involved in politics.


    Moyosore Ogunlewe

    Age: 40

    Moyosore Adedoyin Ogunlewe, Chairman of Kosofe Local Government Area and scion of Senator Adeseye Ogunlewe, is a chip  off the old block. He remains one of the young politicians, who started early in life having been born into the home of a top-flight Lagos politician. At 40, Moyosore stands tall as a young politician, who has learned some of the old tricks from his father and re-invented new ones.


  • Young Nigerians in politics (1)

    Young Nigerians in politics (1)

    While some young Nigerians are finding their greener pasture in other parts of the world, some young Nigerians are making an impact on the greenlands of Nigeria. These young Nigerians who are between 20 and 40 years old have excelled in politics, entertainment, sports and more. In this list, which is aimed to be a series, i-GEN NEWS team lead, GBENGA BADA highlights some of the new kids on the Nigerian political scene.

    Seyi Tinubu

    At 39 years old – almost 40 – Oluwaseyi Tinubu wields a political power that leaves many green with envy. Seyi is the son of the Nigerian president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and like Barron, the son of President Donald Trump, Seyi has made a name for himself in the corridors of politics. Seyi’s political strength was tested and witnessed during the campaign for his father’s election and a few years after when he was touted to be eyeing the Lagos state governor’s seat.

    Dayo Israel

    Dayo Israel made his name in Nigeria as a motivational speaker and international advisor before joining politics and playing in the big league. He rose through the ranks to become the national youth leader of the ruling party, All Progressive Congress, APC, before getting a political appointment in 2025.

    Muhammed Suleiman

    Muhammed Kadade Suleiman is a 29-year-old young Nigerian, who is actively involved in politics. At the age of 25, Suleiman emerged the National Youth Leader of the People’s Democratic Party. Suleiman built a political career for himself while hobnobbing with older political class and has earned himself name while reawakening the interest of Nigerian youths in politics.

    Jubril Gawat

    Jubril Gawat is currently the Senior Special Adviser to Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu in Lagos State. He cut his teeth as a grassroots social and political mobilizer, who has over the years, been the voice of youths in his Lagos Island constituency. He embraced social media to become a leading voice of the youth at just 39-years-old.

    Babajide Fadoju

    Babajide Fadoju is a 38-year-old young Nigerian, who has proved his mettle in the world of politics. Fadoju rose to prominence as a Special Assistant to late governor of Oyo state, Abiola Ajimobi in his 20s. Having served dutifully, he moved on to become a special assistant to Femi Gbajabiamila during his reign as the Speaker of the House of Representatives. He currently works with the media team of the Lagos State governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

    Read Also: IGP orders enforcement of third party insurance Feb 1

     Rinsola Abiola

    34-year-old Rinsola Abiola got into the world of politics at an early age. At 28, Rinsola, who is one of the daughters of late businessman and politician, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, had vied for a seat to represent the Abeokuta North/Odeda/Obafemi Owode Federal Constituency of Ogun State at the Federal House of Representatives. Though she didn’t succeed, she has remained in the circle of big political players and earned herself a role as Senior Special Assistant to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Citizenship & Leadership.

    Ayodele Olawande

    Ayodele Olawande began playing politics and advocacy at a young age and before he turned 30, he had become a popular face in Oyo State and relevant in South West States in Nigeria. His dedication to the political class and ability to work with the youths earned him the position of the Minister for Youth development in Nigeria at just 35-years-old.

    Dada Olusegun

    Dada Olusegun who currently serves as the Special Assistant to the President on Social Media is a politician, talented writer and social change advocate. The 36-year-old has made a name for himself as a political appointee.

    Khalil Nur Khalil

    Khalil Nur Khali, 30, is a prominent Nigerian technocrat celebrated for his impactful contributions to economic planning and governance. At just 28, Khalil was appointed as the Investment Intelligence Director of Nigeria’s Kaduna State Investment Promotion Agency (KADIPA) but currently serves as the current Economic adviser for the Kaduna State government.

    Ayomide Adeagbo

    Ayomide Adeagbo is the undisputed 31-year-old Special Assistant to the President (Art, Culture and the Creative Economy). The young Nigeria was appointed by the President as a result of his belief in Nigerian youths.

  • What’s likely to influence politics this year?

    What’s likely to influence politics this year?

    2025 is the midpoint between the last election cycle and the next and holds some political significance for the party in power and those in opposition. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI examines some of the factors that may influence politics during the year.

    Not much is likely to change in Nigeria’s political firmament in 2025. If the outcome of the recent off-cycle governorship elections in Edo and Ondo states is anything to go by, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is not doing badly as the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu nears its midterm in office; the party is consolidating its hold on power by retaining its control of Ondo, in the Southwest and taking over Edo, the South-south state it lost to the opposition four years ago. Given the spate of defections that have taken place before and after these elections, the opposition has accused the ruling party of trying to turn the country into a one-party state.

    A challenging year ahead

    In socio-economic terms, 2025 will be a challenging year for Nigerians; with the current hardship likely to continue. Everyone, including those in government, accepts that things may not change in the short term. The government’s economic reforms, particularly the removal of fuel subsidies and the “floating” of the national currency, the naira have been blamed for the country’s worsening socio-economic situation.

    President Tinubu has, however, urged Nigerians to brace for the challenges ahead as the administration intensifies efforts to keep the promises of the last general election. He said the future is bright. Responding to a question on the opposition against the government’s tax reform bill before the National Assembly during the recent Presidential Media Chat, he said there is no going back on the reforms because they were necessitated by the need to eliminate colonial-based assumptions in the nation’s tax environment.

    The president stressed that tax reforms were pro-poor and aimed at widening the tax net, noting that it was typical for tax reforms to be accompanied by outcries. He said: “Tax reform is here to say. We cannot just continue to do what we were doing yesteryears in today’s economy. We cannot retool this economy with the old broken tools. The essence of the tax reform is to eliminate colonial-based assumptions in our tax environment. Every tax situation without outcry is not a tax. You cannot satisfy uniformly the larger community of tax evaders. This tax reform is pro-poor; the vulnerable are not to pay taxes. All we are doing is to widen the tax net, bake a larger cake and share a larger meal. They will still ask for this consultation no matter how long I delay it. The hallmark of a good leader is the ability to do what must be done at the right time. That is my philosophy.”

    Tinubu’s insistence on intensifying the reforms is understandable. He will soon mark his second anniversary in office and enter the third year of his presidency. Therefore, this year is the most crucial period for him to show that he deserves a second term. He would come increasingly under pressure as the politics for the 2027 general election begins to take shape towards the end of the year. Several developments will shape and influence politics in 2025, and that is what will determine whether Tinubu will survive a 2027 challenge to his power.

    PDP’s make or mar NEC meeting

    The outcome of the rescheduled 99th National Executive Committee (NEC) of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), expected to be held in February, has grave significance for the party’s survival. The NEC meeting which has been postponed several times would decide the fate of the Acting National Chairman, Umar Damagum, resolve some of the party’s challenges, such as reconciliation and discipline and chart a new path for the embattled PDP. It could also throw the party into more crises.

    Read Also: Bello calls for unity among Kogi ethnic groups

    The posture of the acting national chairman, who has been accused of being an ally of the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, has not helped the PDP. Observers believe the Damagum-led National Working Committee (NWC) is determined to hold on to power for as long as possible, to destabilise the party’s preparations for the next general election.  The disagreement between Wike and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar continues to divide the party. Wike warned PDP governors in August last year that he would destabilise the party if they went ahead to remove the party’s political structure in Rivers State from him and give it to Governor Siminalayi Fubara. The threat appears to have confirmed the suspicion that he has remained in the PDP to destabilise it.

    Wike’s threat sets the stage for the PDP’s February NEC meeting, which portends an omen of the party’s final collapse. The fears are that the party would emerge from that congress in factions or be further weakened by its inability to deal with Wike’s threat. As long as the latter remains in the party, there is probably no chance of unity. On the other hand, expelling Wike from the party will result in the PDP breaking into factions and the defection of some of its elected politicians, including governors. The longer it waits to deal with Wike, the weaker the PDP will become and it will not be able to act as an effective opposition against the APC government in which Wike now serves as a minister.

    Prospects of alignments, realignments

    The year will likely witness political alignments and realignments as the major political players position themselves for the next general election. The various political parties will likely focus on positioning themselves ahead of the election. The opposition parties are running out of time to unite for the 2027 election. 

    So far, the ruling party has maintained its dominance of the political scene. Despite the current economic situation occasioned by the policies of the party in power at the centre, the opposition parties, particularly the PDP, the Labour Party (LP) and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) have not been able to capitalize on it for their political advantage. The opposition is in disarray; weakened, and unable to unite to challenge the APC.

    The PDP, the LP, and the NNPP indicated they may join forces to form a bigger platform to challenge the APC during the next general election. But, owing to the selfish attitude of the major political actors spearheading the move, it is unlikely they would succeed. The leading opposition kingpins are not likely to join forces because they disagree on who will be the presidential candidate in 2027 if they succeed in pulling off the merger.

    The recent victory of the opposition NDC in Ghana may provide a glimmer of hope for their Nigerian counterparts. However, without joining forces the parties and their prime movers do not stand any realistic chance against the ruling APC. For instance, Atiku’s push to contest once again in 2027 may not resonate with the people principally because of zoning. Obi on the other hand also faces a herculean task unless he can make inroads into the core North, the Northwest and the Northeast geo-political zones. The NNPP presidential flag bearer in the last general election, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso faces a similar dilemma because of his penchant for playing regional and ethno-religious cards in politics. 

    From the middle of this year, opposition parties may be further weakened by another wave of defections ahead of 2026 when preparations for the 2027 election are expected to begin.

    Unresolved crisis in Rivers

    The power tussle between Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his erstwhile godfather, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike has continued to fester. An uneasy calm currently reigns in Rivers State. The governor presented the state’s appropriation bill for the 2025 fiscal year last Monday to the Victor Oko-Jumbo-led four-member House of Assembly loyal to him.

    Observers believe the power struggle may reach a critical stage during the year. The governor boasted during a crossover service at the St Paul’s Anglican Church, Opobo that God would crush his enemies in the New Year. He said he is still in power, despite the protracted crisis rocking the state, and will crush his political enemies with his pen.

    Despite the governor’s posture, his fate hangs in the balance; he may be impeached if he loses some of the legal battles that have stopped his impeachment by the Martins Amaewhule-led lawmakers loyal to Wike. That may create a political crisis with a wider implication for the entire country.

    Anambra governorship race

    The Anambra State off-cycle governorship election is scheduled for Saturday, November 8, 2025. The guidelines released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) state that the nomination of candidates will begin on April 18 and close on May 12, 2025, and that the final list of candidates will be published on June 9, 2025. Electioneering campaigns by political parties will commence on June 11 and end on Thursday, November 6.

    But for the crisis rocking the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), which has governed the Southeast state since 2006, winning the election again in November would have been easy for incumbent Governor Charles Chukwuma Soludo. Nevertheless, the party has expressed optimism that it will win.

    Despite the recent Supreme Court ruling recognising Sly Ezeokenwa as the APGA National Chairman, the party’s crisis is far from resolved. There are speculations that Governor Soludo may dump the party for the APC or the PDP if the crisis proves intractable. Be that as it may, other major parties in the state such as the PDP, the LP and the APC are likely to challenge the ruling party for the governorship seat. 

    Who will be next INEC chairman? 

    As the tenure of INEC chairman, Prof Mahmood Yakubu ends in November, who will get the blessing of President Tinubu to become the new helmsman? Prof Yakubu became the first electoral umpire to serve for two terms after he was reappointed and subsequently sworn in for a second tenure four years ago.

    After his tenure expires in November, President Tinubu must appoint a new chairman to succeed him. Section 154 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) empowers the president to nominate the INEC chairman in consultation with the Council of State.

    INEC has made improvements under Prof Yakubu but the era of Prof Mahmoud Jega, when an opposition party defeated a ruling party is generally regarded as the best in recent times. Whoever emerges as the next INEC is expected to deepen the reforms to restore public trust and confidence in the electoral process.

    Some political actors are also expected to play a pivotal role in shaping the country’s political outlook this year. The following political actors are expected to play a role.

    Tinubu

    As a sitting president, Tinubu is the prime mover in the country’s political arena.

    He holds the highest office in the land and is expected to play a crucial role in shaping the political landscape through his leadership, vision, and ability to mobilize support. As the head of state and government, he is responsible for implementing policies, making important decisions, and overseeing the country’s overall governance.

    A president is often seen as the face of the nation at home and abroad, and his actions and decisions impact the country’s political, social, and economic development. Ultimately, his leadership and influence can set the tone for the direction of politics and shape the country’s future.

    Atiku

    The last general election was widely considered as Atiku’s last shot at the presidency for several reasons. However, the former vice president and the PDP presidential flag bearer in the 2023 election appears determined to give it another try in 2027; his seventh attempt to govern the country. Since his last attempt failed almost two years ago, Atiku, 78, has been actively engaged as the leader of the main opposition party.

    He has been at loggerheads with a faction within the PDP led by Wike; owing to disagreements over his candidacy during the 2023 election. Any attempt by the Atiku-led leadership to discipline the FCT minister during next month’s NEC meeting could have disastrous consequences for the party’s quest to put its house in order ahead of future elections in Anambra, Ekiti, Osun and the general election in 2027.

    Some stakeholders within his party, including former Deputy National Chairman (South), Chief Olabode George, have called on him not to waste his time and resources because the odds are stacked against him.  

    Obi

    The LP presidential candidate in the last general election is another political actor to watch this year. Several speculations have surfaced concerning the former Anambra State governor’s participation in the next presidential race in one capacity or another, including as Atiku’s running mate. However, Obi last Thursday disowned reports of his party merging with two other opposition parties, the PDP and the NNPP; even though he conceded that Nigerians must come together to defeat the APC in 2027.

    Be that as it may, the ongoing crisis in his party could deal a death knell on Obi’s ambition, if not properly managed. The LP was perceived as a third force that could make a difference within the political space in the next election cycle. However, the current crisis in the party suggests that it is not different from other political platforms.

    Kwankwaso

    Like Obi, the NNPP presidential candidate in the last general election, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is another political actor being wooed ahead of the next general election cycle. Reports suggest that Kwankwaso and his party are also considering an alliance with other parties. His recent visit to Obi has fueled the speculation. However, he has since denied such speculations. 

    Wike

    Though he remains a member of the PDP, the former Rivers State governor has carved a niche for himself in the current APC-led administration. Some people believe Wike, serving as a minister in the administration is using Damagum to divide and weaken the party in its role as the opposition. It would be interesting to see how the contending issues will be resolved during next month’s PDP NEC meeting.

  • ‘Zoning has come to stay in our politics’

    ‘Zoning has come to stay in our politics’

    Chief Ewie Aimienwauu is a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Edo State. In this interview with SAM ANOKAM, he speaks on the demand for power shift to the North in the next general election and other partisan issues.

    What is your reaction to the proposed alliance of Atiku and Obi or a merger that would lead to a mega party ahead of 2027? What is your comment on that?

    Politics is a game of strategy, tactics and numbers. So, if it is a tactic by Atiku and Obi to forge an alliance, then, let us wait for the strategy. Will Atiku become Peter Obi’s running mate or vice versa? That people are seeing each other does not mean they sleep in the same bed. Don’t forget that both of them are from the same party. They are PDP. Let us wait and see if power rotation will remain a pertinent issue during the next election cycle. If their meeting is to foster the interest of the South, it is in order. We pray for them and wait for them.

    With the current hardship in the country, are you confident Nigerians would back the party again in 2027?

    Difficult times require difficult solutions; the president has done well, given the circumstances but he can do better. He has made some changes that may yield positive results later. His efforts to secure financial autonomy for local governments are one such achievement that successive administrations have been unable to accomplish. The issue of power is also being dealt with. Some days ago, the national grid collapsed again. The president has unbundled power completely by allowing the states to have their own NEC which goes to say, they not only generate but even license people to generate power.

    The solution to the power problem in Nigeria is not a national grid. A national grid for a country of this size is inimical to national security. We don’t need a national grid. All over the world even in the United States of America, they don’t have a national grid. Power must be decentralized. Generation must be done for those that can generate it in smaller numbers or capacities; that way, it shows that electricity can be available, sustainable and affordable because when competition comes, prices become more reasonable. That is another success, the president has made. The biggest natural reserve is gas and this president is driving us to start using gas instead of fossil fuels. So, we are being environmentally friendly, by initiating sustainable policies, mitigating climate change and creating wealth for our people.

    The president needs commendations and not hard knocks for what he has achieved so far. I’m also sure that with this new policy of encouraging everybody to come and put their foreign exchange in the bank, we don’t see those stories in social media where $700b is stashed in somebody’s wardrobe. They should go and stash the money in the bank. Mr. President understands the country’s precarious situation concerning the foreign exchange issue; hence he is asking people with dollars to bring them into the system. I can say without having asked him that he has no vindictive plan. Nobody will be victimized for bringing dollars into the system. We need all the dollars in Nigeria within the banking system to bring down the exchange rate.

    What is your position on the call by some politicians that power should shift to the North in 2027?

    There has been a lot of hue and cry over the power rotation agreement between the North and the South. Constitutionally, people argue that because of the Federal Character principle enshrined in the 1999 Constitution (as amended), there has to be fair sharing of everything in Nigeria. That accounts for why the Value Added Tax (VAT) mainly generated in Lagos is shared to develop northern states. It also accounts for why northern states that are adding little or nothing to the national purse benefit from crude oil exports from the Niger Delta. There has been a growing demand by northern political elites that the APC presidential ticket should be thrown open to all-comers in 2027. But this agenda will fail because it is baseless. They have started again. The same agenda was promoted to truncate former President Goodluck Jonathan’s second term.

    There is an unwritten agreement that the presidency should rotate between the North and the South after eight years for each region. For people to now come and say it is the turn of the North to produce the presidential candidate in 2027 is not only unpatriotic, it is also divisive and an attempt to destabilize the country. It is a dubious ploy to destabilize the country. The most frightening thing is that the same voices that had spoken in favour of the subsisting agreement are now resorting to name-calling and insults. Only recently, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume, a northerner, confronted his northern colleagues, by insisting that the presidency would not leave the South until 2031. Senator Akume is right; he is saying the obvious because this has been agreed upon by the two regions since 1999. Anybody who goes around saying anything other than what Senator Akume has said concerning the rotational presidency between the South and the North is not being truthful.

    Akume must be commended because he is speaking for One Nigeria. The South should now rally around him and the greatest concern that I have is that certain southern elements have now started coming to national space, arguing that in a democracy anybody is free to run. How is anybody free to run? Anybody who is running in 2027 and who is not a southerner is a saboteur. Because it is not a legal proviso, but an agreement dissident elements can go ahead and run. Usually, you find out where the majority of the country belongs. The truth is that it is too early to begin to talk about the next general election in 2027. The economy is in dire straits; that is what we should focus on. Nigerians need to be fed; the infrastructure needs to be revitalized, and the president should be allowed to focus on his work. He should be allowed to concentrate on governance. This is not the time for politics; all of these people dragging him to talk politics do not mean well for the country. Nigerians want to get dividends of democracy for the trust they have reposed in the president. People should not start threatening him with a second term. come 2027 the president of Nigeria must come from the South and George Akume is right.

    In your view, what is the appropriate time to begin preparations for the next general election?

    Politicians start the next elections at the end of every election, which is true but that is in terms of harmonization, reconciliation and mobilization. You have to strengthen your base before you come out to say I want to run. Every day is not a competition. More days are spent in preparation and rehearsal than in the competition.  This is a time for preparation and rehearsal. Organize your people, party, strengthen your structure and wait for the whistle to be blown. Politicians from the North should not talk about producing the next president because the South must use her eight years. It cannot happen again. They do not have the number except they want to turn the table and break it.

    But since zoning has no constitutional basis, aspirants from all parts of the country can contest…

    it was informed by the fear of marginalisation of the minorities by the majority that is controlling our national wealth. I don’t see why the agreement that power should rotate between the South and the North should become an issue. Before you know it, eight years is over. Immediate past president of the country, General Buhari (rtd) did it, the South waited and even supported him to become the president and it was the turn for the South, for eight years, so what is the worry? Constitutionally, yes, it is not entrenched that the presidency must rotate. But, it was conceived to promote unity and a sense of belonging to every section of the country. It is not about individuals but about groups within the country. No group must emasculate the other. If we say North and South should share, that is it. The North cannot come and take the turn of the South, yes, they did it before and they succeeded but this time, it will not work.

    Read Also: Why Christians should go into politics – Kumuyi

    Any southerner who is lending his voice to Northern clamour for the presidency to be thrown open under the altar of democracy, that southerner is a saboteur and an enemy of the South.

    What are your expectations from southern politicians and opinion leaders?     

    At this time, southern political leaders are irrespective of political divide because nobody knows tomorrow, today the president is President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and nobody knows whether he is interested in a second term. So, if for his sake, we throw away the baby with the bath water when the time comes in 2027, and the opportunity is there for any southerner to aspire, we would have now foreclosed the matter. Every southern politician irrespective of political party must stand behind Senator Akume and the presidency must continue to rotate between the North and the South. When the time comes, the South will decide who represents them.

  • Haunted by Nkrumah’s ‘politics’

    Haunted by Nkrumah’s ‘politics’

    “When I was in the private sector, I used to say if only we can get the economy right, everything will be alright; but now with my benefit of working in the public service, I say if we do not get the politics right, nothing will be alright”. – Shamsuddeen Usman.

    Dr Usman is a respected Nigerian economist, banker, technocrat and an accomplished public servant. He has played a leading role in every government’s economic crusade since the Babangida era. As the pioneer Director General of the Technical Committee on Privatisation and Commercialisation, now the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) (1989-1991), he supervised the sale of about 88 public enterprises in slavish obedience to the IMF and the World Bank that claimed such self-destructive act would ‘free government of financial burden of financing public enterprises’.

    Usman, the man with the Midas touch was at different times  the chairman of Citibank Nigeria Limited, executive director , United Bank for Africa, Managing Director of NAL Merchant Bank, Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Finance Minister(2007-2009,)  and Minister of National Planning from (January 2009 to September 2013). He played a critical role in the establishment of the Sovereign Wealth fund. As the alternate chairman of the Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company Limited (NSPMC), he oversaw the introduction of N500 and N1000 notes. 

    Charmed by his allure, like his predecessors, when President Tinubu wanted “consistent attainment of the highest returns possible on all investments made in trust of the Nigerian people”, Usman, who started the sales of public enterprises, became his best choice as chairman of the Board of Directors of the Ministry of Finance Incorporated (MOFI).

    Surveying his string of achievements not too long ago, Usman, blowing his own trumpet, declared triumphantly:  “I had taken on so many mafias; I had taken on the customs mafia, I had taken on the tax concession mafia who are draining this country out of its revenues. …I took on the oil importation mafia; I took on the ports system mafia”.

    Reminiscing on  his over 30 years of economic wars and periodic pyrrhic recently, Usman  came to the sad conclusion that engaging in economic crusade before addressing our political problem is like putting the cart before the horse. He has, as a committed intellectual therefore decided to share his discovery to the wider audience through the book titled, Public Policy and Agent Interests: Perspectives from the Emerging World, a unique publication on both the impetus for, and impediments to growth and development in emerging economies he co-authored with “carefully selected, technocrats based on their impressive records in the public and private sectors.

    The book which is also ‘an account of the interactions between the government, its agencies and the private sector will, according to Sadiq Usman, chairman of the launching committee provide “a fascinating and penetrating insight into the workings of government and the boardroom, in terms of policy formulation and implementation…economic management as well as the overall growth paradigm in the developing world, with Nigeria as a case study”.

    Read Also: Senate, House opt for joint probe of oil sector

    It is just as well that it is Usman in whom President Tinubu has so much confidence that is now confirming what many, including Kwame Nkrumah, the late President of Ghana and foremost African nationalist and the author of “Neo-colonialism – The Last Stage of Imperialism had pointed out when he admonished African leaders to first seek the kingdom of politics after which every other thing would follow. Nkrumah was largely ignored.by less endowed African leaders.

    Back home, Nigerians opinion leaders as well as leaders of ethnic nationalities have been agitating since the collapse of the first republic for peaceful resolution of the national question. The latest push came from The Patriots, who a few weeks back took the battle to President Tinubu in the presidential villa.

    Unfortunately we have passed through this sorry path before. Ibrahim Babangida even after a national debate and consensus, insisted on driving he nation through his structural adjustment disaster and this was not until he had compounded our crisis of nation-building through creation of states and local councils without rhyme, that he in the name of IMF inspired “Structural Adjustment Programme’ sold Nigerian thriving public enterprises to politically exposed individuals that ran them aground.  Obasanjo on his part sold in the name of ill-implemented privatisation programme, Nigeria’s total investment of over $100b for a paltry $1.5b to party stalwarts. And of course eight years of Buhari’s own economic crusade has been described not by a few as a period of economic suicide when the nation was servicing its external and domestic debt by as much as 95% of her earnings.

    The first scourge of African leaders and by extension African nations, are the western trained economists who as victims of cultural imperialism, do not believe African nations whose societies’ social system was more organised than those of atomised Europe ruled by bandits who came to carry them as slaves, can become masters of their own fate by rejecting western orthodoxy such as capitalism or their new god, globalisation which defines their society even today as that of masters and serfs.

    Yet at the time of first contact with Africans, Yoruba nation, using urbanisation as index of measurement according to PC Lloyd, and Benin, with her walled cities and paved roads adorned with street light were more developed than Europe.

    Our recent history has shown that by looking inward, we can become masters of our own fate.  Our golden era of 1954 to 1964 was made possible by the leaders who built their development paradigms around the culture of their people. Awolowo and his group having realised that there were no capitalists in Nigeria as in Europe where bandits raised capitals from slavery and theft of African resources, the state assumed the role of capitalists setting up companies and banks whose profits were then deployed to prosecute free health services, free and compulsory education which then provided a level playing ground for children of the rich and the poor.

     In the east, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe in line with Igbo culture, encouraged communities to contribute to the education of their youths while Dr Okpara’s pragmatic socialism rather than oppose capitalism reinforced the competitive nature of Igbo society with the Igbo nation becoming the fastest growing economy in the world. Ahmadu Bello exploited the feudal system in the north to build the famous ‘groundnut pyramids’ which provided the funds with which he built the biggest economic conglomerate in Africa south of the Sahara.

    We also listed as scourge of our African nations, top bureaucrats who pretended not to understand the policy thrust of the colonial administration whose staff as birds of passage, moved from one Commonwealth country to the other, and were therefore given furnished houses in reservation areas.

    Unfortunately, our new inheritors of power see this as status symbol and so they cut themselves off from those they are employed to serve. This explains why not many ministers or lawmakers fully understand what ordinary Nigerians are currently going through. That Usman is today actively involved in providing education and health services to the people of Kano through his foundation is evidence of failure of governments’ 30 years of economic crusade.

    The fourth enemies of our people are the lawmakers.  For instance, if there is one state institution whose support President Tinubu needs for successful prosecution of political crusade, it is the National Assembly. Who else can amend the constitution or reverse the aberration where about 60 items in the concurrent list were whimsically transferred to the exclusive list or where a federal constitution has no residual list, but the legislature?

    It has been widely acknowledged by stakeholders including the 36 state governors that the answer to cattle rustling, banditry, terrorism and kidnapping for ransom and illegal mining in the rural communities is state/local policing.  One and half years into President Tinubu’s administration, the National Assembly has continued to play the ostrich.

    Like most other African nations, we are greatly endowed. Our problem as Usman the celebrated economist with Midas touch want us, including President Tinubu, his principal to know, is politics and not economics.

  • Politics, governance and the value of time

    Politics, governance and the value of time

    Governance requires effective time management to thrive. Unfortunately, political systems often waste this precious resource, compromising citizens’ well-being and national prosperity. As a universal currency, time is equally distributed but unequally valued, with marginalized communities frequently bearing the brunt of temporal inefficiencies.

    At the politics-time intersection, power dynamics emerge, shaping lives through prioritization, policy and resource allocation. To maximize productivity, strategies like prioritization and goal-setting are crucial, lest poor management leads to missed deadlines and lost opportunities. Historically, societies aligned tasks with natural rhythms, highlighting the tension between short-term gains and long-term benefits, thus underscoring the need for intentional time management in governance.

    In Nigeria, the value of time is often perceived as a luxury that only the affluent can afford. The average citizen is caught up in a daily struggle for survival, where time is a scarce resource. The chronic fuel scarcity, endless traffic jams, and inefficient public transportation systems all conspire to waste valuable time. These issues substantially impact the economy, with estimated losses of $1 billion annually

    Time plays a critical role in both political participation and environmental sustainability. It is a scarce resource in modern society, and its value is often overlooked until it’s too late. In today’s fast-paced world, we’re constantly reminded to ‘make every second count’ and ‘time is money.’ However, this mantra can lead to burnout and exploitation, as seen in the gig economy, where workers are pushed to work long hours without adequate compensation or benefits. Low-income households spend significant time managing finances, accessing social services and waiting in lines, resulting in severe time poverty. In stark contrast, effective time management can transform lives, as seen in the biblical examples of Joseph and Daniel.

    Read Also; MOTUNDE: Big names wanted me to warm their beds for roles

    Joseph and Daniel epitomize wise time management. They highlighted the importance of using time effectively to achieve success and fulfill one’s purpose. Despite imprisonment, Joseph interpreted dreams and rose to Egypt’s second-in-command. Daniel devoted himself to study and prayer, interpreted Nebuchadnezzar’s dreams and gained prominence in Babylon. In contrast, Esau, the Prodigal Son, and the servant with one talent squandered their time and ultimately regretted their choices.

    Remote work blurs work-personal life lines, while systemic inequalities perpetuate disparities in incarceration rates, opportunities, and marginalized communities’ potential. Governance failures exacerbate this vulnerability, as seen in high-profile cases like the unresolved Chibok girls’ abduction, which has devastatingly contributed to Nigeria’s economic and security shocks. Globally, COVID-19 and ‘Black Lives Matter’ also highlight the unequal distribution of time, underscoring its value and the need for intentional governance.

    As a matter of fact, every 14- or 15-year-old student learns in Economics O-Level about the ‘time-value of money’. The principle has its broader applicability beyond financial calculations. It also drives political economy, leadership and governance. Governments allocate and expend resources, which is inherently time-bound. Governments have a limited window to make a meaningful impact, making every moment count. Consequently, evaluating a government’s tenure – essentially an interregnum – hinges on its ability to optimize limited time.

    Effective time management requires preparedness, as The Boy Scouts’ motto goes. Unfortunately, governance in Nigeria, like the rest of Africa, falls short due to military interruptions and lack of research. Moreover, most Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs), humorously described as political parties, assume office without thorough preparations, largely due to the absence of data-driven insights. Coincidentally, Nigeria’s once-thriving Research Departments associated with pre-independence and post-independence political parties have vanished, thus hindering their ability to drive meaningful development and sustainable growth. Is it any wonder why today’s SPVs prioritize personal gain, jobs racketeering and other self-serving interests? While exceptions exist, they are few and far-between. This scenario exemplifies a concerning reality of which structured leadership intervention is crucial to prevent Nigeria’s losing traction and impact.

    Nigeria needs leadership that prioritizes economic growth through production and modernization, rather than merely focusing on consumption and jobs for favoured individuals. Presently, Nigeria’s manufacturing sector contributes only 8.23% to the country’s GDP, compared to 25% in South Africa. For a paradigm shift, this leadership should allocate at least 60% of the budget to capital expenditure, guided by performance-based planning and devoid of graft and waste. This is the only way to avert the comic tragedy we have seen in the past few days in Borno State where human negligence, ineptitude and incompetence other than natural forces have triggered  off  a disaster of monumental proportions.

    Governor Babagana  Zulum has demonstrated effective administration of resources in Borno State. Nonetheless, the recent disaster necessitates an independent commission of inquiry to investigate the causes of the avoidable disaster. As fate would have it, all the Biblical disasters of yore have now been shown to not be ‘plagues and pestilences’ but the results of human error, incompetence and policy distortions. The Borno catastrophe, which is bound to be replicated in other locations, has demonstrated the need for preparedness and a new approach to governance, based on technical competences and the proactive framework methodology. There’s no alternative!

    In today’s interconnected world, governance efficiency is closely tied to technical proficiency. The UK Government showed this foresight when it established the Government Economic Service (GES) in 1964, under Prime Minister James Harold Wilson. This initiative has not only become a cornerstone of governmental efficiency in the UK but also inspired similar efforts globally. To stay competitive, Nigeria should establish a Government Economic and Technology Service, to modernize governance, boost revenue and eliminate waste. Building on this initiative, a comprehensive overhaul of the country’s trade and tariff policies is also essential as we enter the Artificial Intelligence era, this is the minimum expectation.

    Specifically,  the Board of Trade and Tariffs, chaired by the Federal Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, should be restructured to include diverse stakeholders, such as representatives from the government, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Organized Private Sector, Civil Society Organizations and Labour. This diverse membership will enable the Board to effectively counteract the manufacturing slowdown and prevent the exit of long-standing companies, some of which have been operational for 75 years. Dangote Refinery’s debacle partly demonstrates how trade and tariff policies are often misinterpreted,

    In any case, that Nigeria faces complex governance challenges, which also require a multifaceted approach, is no longer news! For example, the country ranked 145 out of 180 countries in Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perception Index. Also in our very eyes, the powerful continues to exploit time to maintain control while the culture of ‘African time’ has refused to shed the toga of tardiness and inefficiency.

    To get out of the woods, Nigeria must strengthen institutions, combat corruption and promote transparency. Singapore’s economic transformation, driven by strategic planning and institutional reforms, now serves as a model. Technology integration, like Estonia’s e-governance model, which has saved citizens over 1400 years of working time annually, can also help Nigeria boost efficiency and transparency.

    In a memorable statement made on December 20, 1948, Cliff Gladwin proclaimed: ‘Cometh the hour, cometh the man.’ With this in mind, President Bola Tinubu has a historic opportunity to navigate the complex challenges and balance the competing interests currently troubling Nigeria’s destiny. On this sacred space, the president must fight injustice, punish evil and prioritize the needs of ordinary Nigerian, whose existence has been hung up in a long vigil of socioeconomic despair. Surely certainly, few leaders get to operate in a context of disaster and change. For Tinubu, this makes this moment crucial!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Interrogating the nexus between education, politics

    Interrogating the nexus between education, politics

    Title: Navigating the politics of Universal Education policies in Nigeria

    Author: Modupe Adeola Adelabu

    Reviewer: Ozolua Uhakheme

    Publisher: BookCraft

    Pagination: 198

    Globally, education remains a top priority of most nations in pursuit of meaningful development. The need for lifelong learning has never been more critical, through skilling, reskilling and up skilling than now. The reality is that, times are changing and it is imperative for nations to keep pace with changing times.

    Little wonder the UNESCO Assistant Director-General for Education, Stefania Giannini told the G7 Ministers meeting on education that investing in education is what the world need the most now.

    At the G7 Ministers’ Meeting on Education, which took place in Trieste, Italy between 27 and 29 June this year, Giannini said: “In this moment of dramatic change, investing in education is what we need the most. It empowers us to better understand the world and to actively participate in democracy, the economy, peace-building efforts, and climate action.” At the meeting, UNESCO emphasized the importance of inclusion and investing in teachers for transforming learning and unlocking everyone’s potential. In addition, UNESCO highlighted the need to enhance early childhood education and care, which is one of the most beneficial investments a country can make to promote holistic development, gender equality and social cohesion. Failing to invest in every learner’s education has dire consequences not only for individuals, but for societies and economies as a whole. According to a new UNESCO report, out-of-school children and educational gaps cost the global economy US$10 trillion a year…

    “We need global citizens equipped with the knowledge, skills, attitudes, and values to tackle interconnected challenges, including inclusive and equitable digital and green transitions.”

    Read Also: Vandals of Renewed Hope: Ruling class, journalists as saboteurs

    How has Nigeria fared in the race to educate its citizens in line with the evolving needs in the global market? How has the politics of federal, the federating units-regional and state governments affected education policies over the years? These and many other questions are addressed in the 198-page book, Navigating the politics of Universal Education policies in Nigeria by Prof. Modupe Adeola Adelabu, the former Deputy Governor of Ekiti State and former Chairman Ekiti State Universal Basic Education Board. The nine-chapter book is a well-researched work on the relationship between resources, professional, stakeholders and other players, which captures the evolution, development, practices and success of the Nigerian education system.

    As background, the author dedicates the first two chapters to the basic concepts of education and politics as conceived and executed by different administrations including global agency like UNESCO. She buttresses her submission on fundamental and relevance nature of education by citing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) Article 26 of 1948, which states that everyone has the right to education.

    The Article also states that ‘education shall be directed to the full development of human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.’ Apart from the UDHR, the author also provides other provisions by international agencies like UNESCO that support the policies and process of education in Nigeria.

    She says there is a strong symbiotic relationship between education and politics with each influencing the other. Education, she notes is key to human capital development and any attempt to divorce politics from education will constitute a veritable uphill task concerning the depoliticisation of policy formation and implementation.   

    Chapters 3 and 4 focus on different stages of education policies development dating back to the pre-colonial period, the traditional form of education, advent of Arabic/Islamic education, introduction of Christian Missionary education, and the impact of the various stages on the system. While acknowledging the contributions of both Islamic and Christian missionaries, the author did not lose sight of the seeming gulf between the two. “The curriculum of Qur’anic education does not prepare the student for higher productivity in the existing economic system. Of course, this is unlike what indigenous African traditional education offered its clientele…The objectives of missionary educatio. n was to convert Africans to Christianity like Qur’anic education was to convert Africans to Islam. For all intents and purposes, the school is the church,” she puts it bluntly.

    According to Prof Adelabu, the Christian education system paved the way for Nigeria’s cultural, economic and political colonisation, adding that education per se was not the primary goal of the missionaries as it was auxiliary to it.  Citing I. Delano, she notes that there is a general feeling are that the ‘missionaries were the front of the government to soften the hearts of the people, while the people look at the cross, the white men look at the riches of the land’ 

    To the author, the colonial period added little or no value to the education system except that it designed an education system that kept Africans as second class citizens in their own lands. She quoted Lord Lugard as saying that Africans were primitive, and their education should be carefully designed to serve such special needs that would make them subservient to their European overlords.

    To accurately capture the political context of the various polies and development of education in Nigeria, she identifies in Chapter 5 factors that affect free education to include the followings; federalism, regionalism, ethnicity, domestic and international, domestic environment, social and demographic, politics, external environment constraints, patterns of influence from linkage with foreign states and multinational organisations.

    The 1955 Universal Primary Education launched by Chief Obafemi Awolowo in Western Region, its adoption in 1979 by Unity party of Nigeria (UPN), the subsequent reviews and the policy making process form the thrust of Chapter 6. But in Chapter 7, Prof Adelabu provides profiles of some major actors of free education policies in Nigeria, which include Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Stephen Awokoya, Chief Michael Ajasin, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Ahmadu Bello and Olusegun Obasanjo. These personalities’ contributions, according to the author shaped and influenced the politics of education in Western region and Nigeria.

    Chapter 8 highlights the sources of funding and financing of the various educational policies starting from the missionaries during the colonial era and attempts by colonial government to assist some of the missions in their educational works.

    She appraises the various initiatives in the developmental process of the UP 1955, 1976 and 1999; thus offering a sequential account of the schemes. The commitment levels of each administration, region and federal in terms of yearly budgetary allocations are provided copiously. The author also highlights the role and impact of funding with the varying degrees of the educational goals intended as well as success recorded.  

    She, however, points out that the 1955 free education policy of the Western region was not really free in the true sense of the word because it was indirectly paid for. “To supplement the available resources, the regional government in January 1953 tabled the education and health levy before the Western House of Assembly. The levy is referred to as the capitation tax. This was because the regional economy was not buoyant enough to sustain the scheme. The levy was seven shillings six pence per adult male taxpayer,” she says of the UPE scheme.

    Beside few editing omissions like inconsistency in spelling of words like ‘programme/program, and the duplication of some sentences such as ‘It should be expected that states and regional rights and powers would be enhanced or diminished by the terms of association….,’  on Pages 70 and 72, the book is well written in simple, direct and easy to understand language. It is highly recommended for researchers, students and decision makers at all levels in government.

    Vice President Kashim Shettima is special guest of honour at the public presentation of the book today at NAF Conference Centre, Abuja.