The constitution of the leadership of the Ninth National Assembly is already generating needless controversy, fuelled by ego-induced muscle flexing, a tendency to Machiavellian tactics and a penchant for political skulduggery. What we are witnessing is the crass individualism of politicians whose selfishness overrides all principles of decency and consideration for the public good. I suspect a large number of these people are ignorant of the practical workings of democracy, while others are knowledgeable but are up to mischief – call it political power play. This category relish the grandstanding on the public gallery and the name recognition it engenders. For them, it is machismo, the political swagger.
The normal practice in a democracy is for the majority party to hold sway. It is this principle that prompted the saying that in a democracy, the minority will have their say, but the majority will have their way. Nigerian legislators cannot rewrite this principle. Also, in a democracy, a synergy is expected between the executive and the legislature when a party produces the president and also has the majority in the legislature because the presidency and the legislature in such a scenario are to implement the same party manifesto, with the party leadership serving as a clearing house – the coordinator. The convention in presidential democracy is for the majority party to produce the leadership in the legislature as well as committee chairmen, according to hierarchical ranking. In the U.S., the most senior minority party member on a committee is designated ranking member; where party majority changes, the ranking member becomes the committee chairman. So, in the current situation at the National Assembly, the two principal positions should not be subject of tussle – the senate majority leader, Ahmad Lawan, should succeed to senate presidency while the house majority leader, Femi Gbajabiamila, assumes the speakership of the House of Representatives. Other principal positions are similarly aligned. Rankings are adopted to prevent undue acrimony in succession in the U.S. Congress. What happened in the 8th National Assembly senate where an opposition member became senate vice president is an aberration that should not be allowed to repeat itself. With the opposition scheming to hijack the leadership of the National Assembly and some members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in open rebellion against the party’s decision on leadership of the chambers, with senators Ali Ndume and Danjuma Goje as poster boys of this rebellion, the battle line is drawn.
One is scandalized when some self-serving Nigerian legislators and their duplicitous, surrogate commentators in the media parrot the ideological inanity of separation of powers in a democracy and that the legislature should not be a rubber stamp of the executive. But, ultimately, is government not a unified entity? Are the various arms of government expected to be at each other’s throat, work at cross purposes, in asserting a theoretical separation of powers?
Now, take the example of parliamentary democracy in Britain. In the British parliament, it is from among members of the legislature (The Commons) that the executive is formed with the leader of the majority party emerging as prime minister. In America’s presidential system of democracy, the vice-president even doubles as president of the U.S. Senate! The American president appoints hundreds of federal judges, including those of the Supreme Court. So, where, in reality, is the separation? On this issue of the 9th National Assembly leadership, reason seems to have taken flight while emotion and mischief reign supreme, with some people. And rubber stamp legislature? This is reflective of a cultural negativity where people don’t expect couples to live in harmony, thus a man supportive of his wife is dubbed a “woman wrapper’’. Does a 9th National Assembly supportive of government development agenda make it a Buhari wrapper?
The APC and President Buhari cannot succumb to the on-going blackmail. So far, the leadership of the APC, led by Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, has stood firm against the onslaughts. For the purpose of discipline in the party, he must stay the course. Nigeria’s fledgling democracy must establish a system of order. President Buhari cannot adopt a ’siddon look’ or tepid approach. He should not be shy of exercising presidential power in the current situation. A former American president, Lyndon B. Johnson, had a way of bringing difficult members of Congress around. They get invited to the White House and President Johnson ‘’leans’’ on them. President Buhari must ‘lean’, heavily on some people, if it will take that to bring sanity to the issue of leadership of the 9th National Assembly.
Dr. Olawunmi, a public affairs analyst and former Washington Correspondent of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) is a Fellow, Nigerian Guild of Editors.
The Abuja office of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) has become a battle ground in the last two days. Two groups are protesting over the reinstatement of Prof. Usman Yusuf as the scheme’s Executive Secretary. VINCENT IKUOMOLA writes on the power play and intrigues behind Yusuf’s recall.
ANTI NHIS Protest
ALL is not well at the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS). The reinstatement of the Scheme’s Executive Secretary, Prof Usman Yusuf, has split members of staff into two.
Not a few were shocked by Yusuf’s recall by the Presidency. They argue that the professor should have been excused from office for an unfettered probe into the allegations against him.
They laced their argument with the cases involving former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) and the former Director-General of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), Ayodele Oke, who were on suspension for as long as investigations into the allegations against them lasted.
According to the critics, the Presidency should have been more circumspect of the likely backlash of such directive following the heat generated by the controversial resumption of the former chairman of the Presidential Task Team on Pensions Reform, Abdulrasheed Maina.
Maina’s controversial resumption was said to have been advised by a memo believed to have originated from the Office of the Attorney-General of the Federation (OAGF).
On Monday, when Yusuf resumed at his duty post, some workers opposed to his reinstatement staged a protest. There was a ‘balance of terror’ on Tuesday, when another group staged a solidarity rally for the embattled NHIS chief. The pro and anti-Yusuf protests have forced the Nigeria Police to station officers to keep vigil at the NHIS to forestall lawlessness.
As at yesterday, both groups maintain their stands. The anti-Yusuf group vowed to sustain their protest until President Muhammadu Buhari reversed himself. Yusuf’s supporters called for the termination of the ongoing investigations against the embattled executive secretary by the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) and Independent Crime and other offence Commission (ICPC).
How it all began
Since his resumption in office on August 1, 2016, there has been disharmony between him and stakeholders in the sector – the Health Maintenance Organisations (HMOs) and Health Care Providers (HCPs) and also the workers.
Before things went awry for him, Yusuf was always explaining his mission at the NHIS. He told everyone that the President deployed him to curb the corruption that had eaten deep into the scheme.
He was alleged to have administered the NHIS as an autonomous institution, independent of the supervising Ministry of Health, thereby seeing the Health Minister as an interloper.
A source within the NHIS recalled how Health Minister Prof Isaac Adewole tried to rein Yusuf in but that all attempts failed to yield the desired result.
“Hardly would he attend to any meeting convened by the minister as he was always gave excuses on why he could not be available. He also never failed at every opportunity to talk down on the workers. These high-handedness eroded his self-confidence among the workforce”, a worker who pleaded for anonymity told The Nation yesterday.
Yusuf was at loggerheads the HMOs, accusing them of collecting money without delivering on services. The NHIS has been unable to substantiate his allegations, when the HMOs challenged him to name and shame anyone found to have violated the rules of the game.
He was alleged to have redeployed some officers believed to be critical of his style of administration outside the scheme headquarters and lobbied the redeployment of his kinsmen from the public service as replacements.
The new hands, who were level 10 officers, were imposed on health officers on Grade Level 15 and above, a source claimed, alleging that such actions were taking without clearance from the supervising ministry, the in the absence of a board.
The NHIS chief stuck to his guns the health minister directed him to reverse the appointment of the fifteen officers he brought into the scheme without following due process.
Genesis of Yusuf’s suspension
A petition by the Young Alliance Against Corruption led to Yusuf’s suspension following a directive by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo to the health minister to investigate the allegations in the petition.
Swinging into action, Prof Adewole raised an 18-member panel and placed the NHIS boss on a three-month suspension for a hitch-free investigation to take place while the investigation lasted.
Yusuf told the minister that only the President has the power to suspend him.
He probably forgot the fact that the directive to investigate the allegations against him was from Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, who was then acting president”, a source said.
The allegations against Yusuf were on abuse of office, nepotism and insubordination.
He was accused of buying a Toyota Sports Utility Vehicle (SUV) marked NHIS 12Y-01 FG for N58 million.
Yusuf was alleged to have overshot his N2.5 million spending limit and without the permission of the health minister.
The EFCC was said to be investigating Yusuf for over N919 million frauds, involving the award of contracts to cronies without following due process.
To get to the root of the matter in line with the administration’s anti-graft battle, the anti-graft agencies stepped in.
The panel report
After investigating the allegations, the 18-member administrative panel found Yusuf culpable. He reprimanded on the redeployment of the 15 officers. The panel wrote in its report that such an act was a total disregard and insubordination to constituted authority.
On the allegation of fraudulent use of N860 million for staff training without due process, the committee observed the following:
The total number of staff in NHIS is 1,360 as indicated in their nominal roll; however, the members of staff trained by the scheme based on the payment vouchers were 1,992, while the figure submitted by NHIS was 2023. The reported noted was as a result of listing and paying some workers twice but attended only one training. The N508, 036.096.00 paid, according to the report, went to consultants. The staff members got N411, 608,704.00 as allowances.
The procurement department was not involved in the engagement of consultants; some payments were also made without supporting documents; no single payment voucher was raised in favour of the training consultants. Instead, their payments were lumped with participants training allowances and a composite voucher raised in the name of one of the participants, making it look like a normal staff claim.
All the training programmes were approved by Yusuf and ratified by the Executive Management Meeting, which has no statutory approval authority.
All the costs of the training programmes conducted by the respective firms were above the approval threshold of the NHIS boss.
The executive secretary was also found culpable for the award of e-Library books and periodicals as well as project vehicles.
For instance, the panel observed that the N28 million payment for the e-library equipment was made before the execution of the project. The actual amount appropriated for the project was N35.5 million and another N35.2 million for the procurement of project vehicles.
He was also alleged to have paid N48.37 million to Katameya Firstcall Hospital Ltd for treatment of cancer for three patients as financial support to indigent patients. Of the three, only one is an enrollee. He was also said to have erred on the part of the extant rules by approving an estacode and per diem for its staff.
In its conclusion, the committee recommended amongst other things the recovery of funds, including the 13th month salary paid up-front to redeployed staff and also the three-month salary paid after cancellation of the redeployment.
Also recommended for recovery was the money paid to the four seconded officers for oracle training in The Netherlands that was cancelled.
The management of NHIS was directed to recover N82.34 million which was approved for foreign trips and have not been retired in line with the provision of financial regulation 1415(e).
The panel also recommended that the EFCC be invited to help recover N48 million paid to consultants alongside N590.379 million.
Turn of events
It was as if Yusuf’s time was up at the NHIS until last Thusrday, when the Presidency ordered his reinstatement and that he and the health minister should work together.
It was learnt that Yusuf had an audience with the President last year and explained that his anti-corruption crusade at the NHIS was behind his ordeal.
Months after the panel submitted its report, nothing was heard from the presidency as rumours of a cover-up were rife.
In what looked like a confirmation of the rumours, a letter from the office of the Chief of Staff to the President, Abba Kyari, reinstated Yusuf.
Many Nigerians, who carpeted the government for not disowning the Kyari’s letter and a similar memo by the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, on Maina, are criticising the latest action by the President’s chief of staff.
They described the controversial reinstatement as a stain on the administration’s anti-corruption posture.
“It is a dangerous trend when some characters seen to be in the good book of the President are untouchable irrespective of fraudulent allegations leveled against them”, they warned.
In a statement by its Secretary-General, Alade Lawal, the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria (ASCSN), said: “This is one intervention too many and as such Mr. President should allow Yusuf to retire from service to have time to run his personal business.
“How can a government official being investigated for a whopping sum of N919 million fraud by the EFCC be reinstated by the government that came to power promising to sanitise the system?
“This is very unfortunate. We, therefore, urge President Buhari to rescind his action and allow Prof. Yusuf to leave the system in peace. Thus, if Prof. Yusuf resumes as the Executive Secretary of NHIS, it will amount to passing a vote of no confidence on the minister.
“What type of a government are we claiming to be running that anyone who is close to the President will become lawless; will not obey public service rules; nor report to the supervisory minister and running a government agency as his personal estate because he is close to the powers-that-be?
“This is the type of action that continues to give the likes of the United States President, Donald Trump, the effrontery to be deriding Africa and its leaders.
“The investigative panel set up by the minister of health to look into the alleged atrocities of Prof. Yusuf, including engagement of a consultancy firm in which he had vested interest to be ripping off the NHIS is a serious public demeanour that should not be condoned.
“As of the time of going to the press, the workers in the NHIS have become restive thereby setting the tone for a series of trade union actions that will be deployed if Yusuf is eventually reinstated.”
Yusuf who was on a suspension was reinstated through a Presidential directive dated February 5, 2018, despite facing allegations of misconduct by the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC).
Since his reinstatement, protests and counter-protests have crippled activities at the NHIS.
The pro-Yusuf group has been doing everything possible to counter their colleagues who are kicking against the reinstatement of the embattled NHIS boss.
The workers under the aegis of the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria and the Joint Health Sector Union urged the President to reverse the reinstatement, which according to them “is a smear on his administration’s anti-graft war”.
The anti-Yusuf protest which continued yesterday had a match in the pro-Yusuf faction that countered them. They hailed the reinstatement of the NHIS boss.
Both groups explained their positions to reporters.
According to the anti-Yusuf group, the embattled Executive Secretary who is under EFCC investigation must face anti-corruption charges.
The group insisted that Yusuf should stay away from office until he is cleared by the anti-corruption agencies.
The spokesperson for the concerned members of staff, Mr. Uchenna Ewelike, said Yusuf’s investigation was unlawful as it did not follow due process and should be discontinued.
The pro-Yusuf group said his investigation was unlawful, did not follow due process and should be discontinued.
Ewelike said it was not outside the union’s brief to demand for who presides over them. Rather, the work of the workers’ union is to fight for the welfare of their members.
He said: “The current NHIS boss who is just reinstated is still under investigation by EFCC and ICPC. Is it proper for him to return to work here? Investigation is supposed to follow the rules and the rules of investigation have to be properly followed.
“And if he has been found culpable, for now there is no established allegation that is devoid of bias and that has said he is culpable. On that basis, we believe that the reinstatement of Prof. Yusuf by Mr. President is in order and apt.”
He also claimed that the protest against the NHIS boss was as a result of the reform that was initiated and carried out under his watch.
Ewelike assured his colleagues that none of those that went to the anti-graft agencies to testify against the NHIS boss would be victimised.
He said there was no correlation in Yusuf’s case and that of the former SGF.
The anti-Yusuf group led by the Chairman of the NHIS arm of the union, Mr. Razaq Omomeji, vowed that the protests would continue until Buhari reversed Yusuf’s reinstatement.
He said: “We want to say that our President, we elected him, we have trust in him, that he is a person of integrity. But, whatever is good for the gander is also good for the goose. We are calling on the President that this case of Prof. Yusuf Usman needs to be revisited.
“The President has not been briefed very well. We know him, that when the case of Maina came up he strictly took the necessary action. We are calling on our President, President Muhammadu Buhari, whom we know is a man of honour, a man of integrity, a man of justice, should please take a second look in the reinstatement of this Prof Yusuf
“NHIS is one, we are one family. I hope I am speaking for all of us? Immediately this man came, he came on the will of ethnicity; he came on the will of religion. We want to put it on record that as our national president had issued a press statement, we stay with that statement.
“The President needs to revisit this case; and since we know that the case of Prof. Yusuf is being investigated by the EFCC, please, the President should wait for the outcome of the investigation.”
Oriental sages of yore spoke of little, insignificant stuffs that could cog the wheels and trigger chaos. But just as Hardball is at the end of his wits trying to translate (transliterate even), a telling oriental wisdom that defines the thesis at hand, so are small auguries difficult to pin down.
Now let’s try working through the old wisdom: “We keep saying it’s a small thing until it gets out of hand.” Here is another one: “It’s not difficult until it becomes a problem.” And yet another version: “It is the small fart that fouls the air the most.” Sometimes they would exclaim that their chicken had grown teeth over the night!
In other words, they simply speak about how a small, insignificant detail could suddenly become an issue and foul up an entire well-laid out project.
The lesson therefore, is: take nothing for granted. This is Hardball’s stand on the cloud of brouhaha raised by the letter transmitting power from President Muhammadu Buhari to Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo over the weekend.
For the second time in the same number of months, PMB has had to transmit power to number two in order to attend to his health. But this time, as PMB jetted out on medical grounds last weekend, the letter is couched in such a manner that it has raised a semantic storm and if you like, a conjectural bazaar.
While in the first letter, the President had unequivocally noted that all the functions of his office would be performed by the Acting President, in the second letter, it simply says: “While I am away, the Vice-President will coordinate the activities of government.”
If there was a first letter issued recently, why was it not simply reprinted? If it had to be rewritten, why is it a watering down of the first one; or shall we say, a deliberate ambiguation of the first letter?
More questions: PMB probably could not have and indeed, would not have gotten down to the task of drafting letters. So it was done for his signature. Did he simply sign off or was the content discussed, distilled and settled before a sign off?
Is there a chance that it could have been an innocuous, unconscious and unpremeditated occurrence to which no one gave a thought until the letter was in the public domain whereupon its full meaning and import unfurled?
Whatever it may be, whether deliberate or oversight, it underscores the rich semantics of power, especially in a situation of dysfunction and deep suspicion. Little matters could gain much significance when reflected with a different light and vice versa.
But the big and final question is: In this semantics of power could this short transmission letter perchance, grow teeth overnight like the proverbial chicken?
The refusal of the Senate to confirm Ibrahim Magu for the second time as chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has, expectedly, sent tongues wagging and thrown up all kinds of theories, including the one by Senator Shehu Sani, representing Kaduna Central, in an interview with Vanguard newspaper recently.
“Magu is a victim of power play within the Villa,” Senator Sani revealed in the interview, and he went on to advise the President to be tough on those undermining his good intentions at the Villa. But I disagree with Senator Sani when he said that the Senate should not be blamed for their refusal to confirm Magu as EFCC chairman because, as he put it, “they were only doing their job.” This is not true.
From every indication, it appears some people – maybe we should call them vested interests who control the locus of power – do not want Magu to be confirmed as the EFCC boss. This may explain why several media reports alleged that some principal officers at the Presidency, with the tacit support of some congressmen, are waging a war of attrition against Magu’s confirmation at the Senate. So what has Magu done wrong, or, to put it in a more appropriate context, who is afraid of Magu?
If there’s one job I do not envy, it is Magu’s job as the top cop at EFCC. In this environment where the sociological and cultural dimensions of our people based on religion and ethnicity affect our behaviour and general orientation, corruption has a way of fighting back, even at the risk of our lives. We do not agree that anyone related to us- especially those who served in government – is a thief even when there is circumstantial evidence. But why shouldn’t we call a thief by his or her real name, regardless of where the person comes from?
Once you can rise to the position of a ‘big man’ and prominence in Nigeria, you can also become a law onto yourself; it means you can be above the law and may never be brought to justice if you break the laws of the land since ‘big men’ in Nigeria always have the ‘right connections’. Magu’s rejection for the second time by the Senate is a rejection of a man widely believed to be the right man for the job, going by his record so far.
It is also a rejection of the faith and confidence that the President has reposed in Magu to rein in the ‘bad guys’ who are determined to fight back at all cost and by any means. The President ought to understand by now that the Senators have a different agenda from his own, and this second rejection speaks volumes. The rejection is, indeed, doing a lot of damage to the image of the Presidency because it appears the henchmen in the Villa are not on the same page on Magu’s appointment as Senator Sani observed.
The locus of power in this instance revolves between the Villa and the National Assembly and other contending forces loyal to both sides. Much as both sides try to achieve a balance, it is usually a fruitless exercise because the key driver in our circumstance and experience has been private and selfish interests instead of national interest.
The scales fall off when you have a President who is determined to fight for the national interest even if we do not agree with his style and method. Several commentators such as Joe Igbokwe, a politician and APC member in Lagos, and Femi Falana, a legal luminary, have weighed in on the matter without mincing words. Whereas Igbokwe believes the President’s anti-corruption war is now becoming a joke and recommended that the DG of the Department of State Service (DSS) should be fired, Falana provided three options for the government, which includes presenting Magu’s name to the Senate for the third time.
The Senate has on two separate occasions relied on the report by the DSS to disqualify Magu. Who is the DSS working for? The rejection of Magu is a clear affront to the President and his good intentions; and if you read between the lines of Senator Sani’s message, you might be tempted not to blame the Senate after all, even if you do not agree with their decision to reject Magu for the second time because it is not a patriotic decision.
The Senate, and indeed the National Assembly as a whole, it must be mentioned, should ideally be leading the fight against bribery and corruption, but what has happened with the Magu episode is that our law makers see Magu as a present and everyday threat to their private interests who must be shown the door.
Since Magu has been rejected twice because of a suspicious report by an agency of government, it means every good thing coming out of Nigeria will be rejected by the Senate. This is a damaging metaphor of collusion and a fight against a great, glorious and prosperous Nigeria. Magu’s rejection may not mean anything to the Senators, but it is an unfortunate development in a country in need of bright and hardworking talents and my simple advice will be for our lawmakers to work very hard to improve their current brand image and public perception.
The rejection of Magu clearly represents the fight between ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ in a country where most people are looking up to the government for hope and survival. The decision by the Senators represents a dashing of hopes for the fight against corruption in high places. In spite of the poor characterisation of Magu, I’m convinced he is determined to deliver on his mandate.
Power play is not a new thing as every group seeks to advance their own interests. However, if these power mongers, who arrogate to themselves the powers that they do not have, work against the interest of the government and general well-being of Nigerians, the President ought to act decisively.
President Buhari should worry more about the ‘enemies within’ and understand that he would have to offend some of his core loyalists by taking hard decisions against them because they are actively working against his good intentions for our country.
As if to amplify the matter, Mallam Nasir El Rufai, the Governor of Kaduna State, in his damning memo to the President, noted that the government was losing its momentum and goodwill of Nigerians which may become counter-productive in due course if the drift is not arrested. This memo underscores the need for the President to reflect deeply on the people who are actually supporting his vision to succeed and those who are sabotaging his efforts, and separate the wheat from the chaff as his government approaches its mid-term. President Buhari should act now!
Braimah is the Chairman/CEO of Neo Media and Marketing, Ikeja, Lagos
Plans by President Goodluck Jonathan to appoint new ministers from the ranks of new members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) appears not to be sitting well with some old stakeholders of the ruling party, reports Assistant Editor, Remi Adelowo
The high expectations that trailed the defection of former Kano State Governor, Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau, from the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is seemingly giving way to a feeling of frustration.
Some weeks ago, Shekarau was formally admitted into the PDP by the national leaders of the party, led by President Goodluck Jonathan and the National Chairman, Adamu Muazu, at a zonal rally held in Kaduna.
His defection to the PDP came on the heels of a similar exercise held in Sokoto during which a former governor of the state, Attaihiru Bafarawa, also a former chieftain of the APC, formally declared for the ruling party.
The unexpected decision of the duo to leave APC followed their irreconcilable differences with the leadership of the major opposition party over the control of the party in their respective states.
The Nation gathered that two of the agreements allegedly reached between the Presidency and the two former governors include their appointment as ministers and their recognition as leaders of the PDP in Kano and Sokoto respectively.
But weeks after their entries into the PDP, some stakeholders of the party are allegedly kicking against their being made leaders of the party in the concerned states, sources disclosed.
Findings by The Nation revealed that the situation in Kano is more complicated, a development that is allegedly giving the Presidency and national leadership of the party a serious concern.
Intrigues and power play among leading stakeholders of PDP in the North West state, it was gathered, is said to be stalling the appointment of Shekarau, who, reports claim, has been penciled down as the substantive Minister for Education.
Many of the old PDP members in the state, led by a former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Ghali Na’Abba, are alleged not to be comfortable with the proposed appointment of Shekarau as a minister and are alleged to be doing everything possible to stall the move.
Sources disclosed that the defection of Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso from the PDP to the APC had initially ended the internal wrangling in the party, as members of his Kwankwasiya group followed him to his new party.
The development, it was learnt, closed the chapter of rivalry between his group and those loyal to Ambassador Aminu Wali, who was recently appointed as the minister for foreign affairs.
Shekarau’s defection to the party has, however, ignited a fresh crisis in the party, with some of the leading members alleging that the former governor is being accorded a preferential treatment by the Presidency.
Some members, it was further gathered, are also happy that Shekarau is being positioned to replace another nominee from the state, Hajia Jemila Salik, who was dropped two days after her nomination was announced.
The crisis got to its peak sometime ago when nine, out of the 11 members of the caretaker committee of the party, announced their resignation.
In a letter addressed to the National Chairman of the party, the deputy chairman of the caretaker committee, Alhaji Shehu Wada Sagagi, said members of the caretaker committee had unanimously resigned their appointments to, in his words, “provide a platform of the integration of new and old members of the party.”
He added that they resolved to resign their appointments at a meeting attended by all members of the committee, excluding the caretaker committee chairman, Dr. Hassan Kafayos.
But contrary to the reason advanced, it was learnt that the mass resignation of the party’s interim executive may not be unconnected to the battle for control and clash of interests between Shekarau, Aminu Wali and Mohammed Abacha, son of the late dictator, Gen. Sani Abacha, who sometime last year defected to the party from the defunct Congress for Progressives Change (CPC).
The current scenario in the Kano State chapter of PDP has subsequently delayed Shekarau’s appointment as a member of the Federal Executive Council (FEC), with not a few of the old members preferring Na’Abba or Salik.
Like Kano, like Kwara
The intrigues currently prevailing in the Kano PDP is also playing out in the Kwara State chapter, it was gathered.
The selection of a businesswoman, Hajia Bola Shagaya, who is also one of the closest associates of the First Lady, Patience Jonathan, as the Leader of the party in the state, has thrown the party into a crisis.
Allegedly uncomfortable with Shagaya’s leadership is a returnee member of the party, Gbemi Saraki, with other stakeholders, including the Senator representing Kwara South, Simeon Ajibola, Prof. Abdulrahman Oba and former Minister of Transport, Ibrahim Isa Bio.
Those opposed to Shagaya’s role in the party believe she wields so much power because of her closeness to the seat of power at the centre despite not being known to be a politician.
The wealthy businesswoman was the chief host at the reception of the President during his recent visit to Kwara State – a development believed to have angered old party members and supporters of Simeon Ajibola – the only PDP Senator in the state.
Again, Shagaya was alleged to have selected members of the state delegation that visited the President at the Aso Rock Villa some weeks ago, and allegedly leaving out key members of the party.
Beside the issue of leadership tussle, top Kwara PDP members are also alleged to be at daggers drawn on the 2015 governorship election and who fills the state’s slot in the federal cabinet formerly held by Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, the erstwhile Minister of Sports.
“The PDP has tripod problems. It’s not only about the ministerial slot, their problems are in three folds; they have leadership problem, they are also engaged in-fighting over the 2015 governorship ticket as well as the ministerial slot. I wonder how the party can work together. Unlike PDP, APC has a clear-cut leader,” a source close to affairs of the party said.
While Gbemi Saraki is being touted as Abdullahi’s replacement, other stakeholders like Bio and Oba are also allegedly scheming for a ministerial position.
Bio’s argument, it was learnt, is that Kwara North, where he comes from, should fill the ministerial slot rather than another party member from the Central senatorial zone where the immediate past minister, Abdullahi, Saraki, Oba, and a new defector into the party, Mr. Dele Belgore, (who is also allegedly lobbying for a ministerial position) hail from.
The Nation also gathered that the fear among those kicking against Gbemi Saraki’s appointment is that she may use her position to hijack the party structures in the state to advance her governorship ambition.
How the Presidency and the PDP national leadership resolve the imbroglio in its Kano and Kwara states chapters remains a matter of conjecture.
