The Nation Newspaper

Tag: POWER

  • Power sector gets 70% of domestic gas supply

    Power sector gets 70% of domestic gas supply

    TO improve electricity supply in the country, 70 per cent of total domestic gas supply put at 1.5 billion standard cubic feet per day (scf/d) is dedicated to the power sector, it was learnt.

    The Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Andrew Yakubu, who made this known, told The Nation that to further harness the gas resource for monetisation and development, the corporation has established a directorate to accomplish that objective.

    He said: “The gas sector has witnessed commendable improvements in line with Federal Government’s initiative to further monetise the gas resources of the nation. This led to establishment of the Gas and Power Directorate of the corporation, which is anchoring the gas revolution agenda launched by Mr. President aimed at enhancing gas utilisation in the country.

    “We are focused on the development of and installation of new infrastructure for gas processing, transmission and distribution nationwide.

    “Also as a result of the interventions, gas supply to the Nigerian market has grown from 300 million cubic feet per day a few years ago, to an all time high of 1.5 billion cubic feet per day, of which about 70 per cent is dedicated to support the power sector.”

    He also said gas flaring in the oil and gas industry has significantly reduced from 28 per cent two years ago to 10 per cent today, adding that in the past few years, the corporation has embarked on the most aggressive expansion of the nation’s gas pipeline infrastructure for effective transmission and distribution of natural gas.

    He said: “We are in the process of completing construction of pipeline connections to all gas fired power plants. Also the construction of a second 450 kilometre Escravos-Lagos pipeline system is almost completed. The Escravos-Oben and Emuren-Itoki segments have been completed and put into use, leaving the Oben-Emuren segment, which will be completed before end of the year. The construction of 120 kilometre East-West pipeline system has also commenced.”

    The NNPC lamented the unwarranted vandalism of the corporation’s pipelines especially the major trunk lines through which crude oil is conveyed to the terminals for export. The development led to the intervention of the Federal Government with the setting up of a committee. The actions of the committee led to improvement in oil production.

    “It is pertinent to note that Nigeria’s production and export is dependent on four main crude export pipelines – the Trans Forcados pipeline to the west, the Ogbanbiri/Temidaba/Brass pipelines in the centre, the Trans Niger pipeline and Nembe creek trunk line to the east respectively. When these pipelines are compromised and vandalised, over 500,000 barrels of oil per day are potentially at risk.

    “Consequently, the Federal Government had to intervene with the setting up of a committee consisting members of the National Economic Committee. With the help of the committee, production increased slightly last year and is currently ramping up. We hope to see further improvement by year end,” he added.

     

     

  • Power and a shadowy trio

    A confounding numerical issue involving the Ekiti State House of Assembly, with claims and counter-claims about numbers flying all over the place, has understandably attracted public attention. The 26-member legislature, made up of 19 members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and seven members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), lawfully needed nine members to form a quorum. But as some of the lawmakers have shown, perhaps without compunction, the law is one thing, while observance of the law is another.

    Interestingly, those who sat in the state’s legislative chamber on November 17 to endorse three commissioner-nominees presented by Governor Ayo Fayose of the PDP, and empower him to appoint 12 special advisers and to constitute caretaker committees for 16 local governments, were identifiable, and indeed nameable, except three of them who remain strangely shadowy.

    It is obvious that without the mysterious trio, the business of the day could only be seen as an arrangement of doubtful legality, not to call it illegal. So, it is unsurprising that in order to give the dubious sitting a face of legality, the PDP caucus leader, Mr. Samuel Ajibola, reportedly insisted that it was in order, contrary to the evidence.  He said: “The quorum is nine and we had 10 members who attended the sitting. That shows that we formed a quorum.”

    Were the officially known seven PDP members joined by three members of the other party? This question is inevitable and critical, especially because the 19 APC members were said to be nowhere near the place of meeting on the day. It is instructive that a statement by the APC Publicity Secretary in the state, Mr. Taiwo Olatunbosun, said: “We make bold to say that at the time the seven APC lawmakers were holding their illegal sitting in Ado-Ekiti, the 19 APC lawmakers, including the Speaker and his deputy, were on a live programme on Adaba FM in Akure.” Olatunbosun also argued: “There are 26 members in the House of Assembly; if 19 were on a radio programme in Akure, only seven should be sitting in the Assembly, and if they are more than seven, it means they are rented.”

    If not for the gravity of the picture and the serious implications for democracy, it would have been easy just to laugh at the suggestion of hired impostors in the legislative chamber, which is expected to be a place for honourable persons. In this case, it should be emphasised that the fakes were dishonourable and those who brought them in were less than honourable.  This is no laughing matter. That such a scandalous operation was conceived and carried out is disturbing, particularly because it bespeaks an unbelievable depth of contempt for an important democratic institution.

    Beyond the revealing reality that the ridiculously defensive PDP has failed to release the identities of the controversial trio, which would have helped its case by showing that they were lawful members of the legislature, if indeed they were, it is noteworthy that the contrived sitting happened in an atmosphere of crude display of  power. “Fayose provided seven members of PDP with 300 armed mobile policemen, complete with armoured vehicles, to conduct a plenary,” the Speaker, Dr. Adewale Omirin, said. Regrettably, this mix of unconscionable dishonesty and possible megalomania can only harm the state.

  • Buhari, Amaechi and people power

    Of all the possible expressive metaphors, why did Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (retd) go for the gun?  It would appear that the former military ruler and All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential hopeful is still in love with the weapon nearly 30 years after his military government was toppled and after three futile electoral attempts to be president. He blurred the fundamental distinction between the gun and the vote at a rally in Kaduna where Nasir El-Rufai, a former minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), formally unveiled his governorship aspiration.

    Interestingly, Buhari reportedly said to the crowd: “Your card is your gun against incompetence in government and deception.” He added: “We have suffered enough. You know what it takes to repair Nigeria, especially as regards infrastructure, security and employment. Let us get the infrastructure working; let’s get security materially, physically and morally.”

    Considering that his party’s symbol is a broom, it may have been more fitting, and by far less jolting, if Buhari had stuck to the familiar image of sweeping as a means of removing the unwanted. It is possible to interpret his language of violence as a reflection of the depth of his political frustration, which is understandable in the context of the observable continuing ruin of the country by the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). There is no doubt that the picture of the gun, perhaps more than any other euphemistic expression, drives the point home not only about the need for direct action but also the necessity for a destruction of the status quo.

    The suggestion of blood and death, in the framework of social resistance, was similarly communicated by Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi of the APC at another rally in Ilorin, the Kwara State capital, where Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed publicly announced his pursuit of re-election. In an impassioned speech, Amaechi said: “I am very impressed by the number of persons that I have seen here today. What you must do is to stop the PDP from rigging.” He continued: “When you vote, do not go home at all. They will bring soldiers and police, remain there. If they want to kill us, let them kill us. If you go home, you will hear a different result. Stay there and make sure nobody rigs you out.”

    This striking convergence of thoughts, particularly the frightening verbalisation of violence, mirrors the decay and the defiance in the country’s political arena. Against this background, next year’s general elections promise to be, in a manner of speaking, a battle to the death for the country’s soul. It may be considered reassuring that the situation is not without instances of non-violent combativeness. APC leader Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu said at Ahmed’s event: “The best thing to do is to sweep them away through broom revolution.”  Significantly, his choice of words, even with the apparent lexical ambiguity, plays down blood and guts.

    It is a tribute to the essential concept of political sovereignty that, by clear implication, the APC’s approach is to rouse people power. It is a positive and creditable corporate stance, which has an excellent potential for achieving the desired regime change. However, the party will need to get its act together in order to surmount the objective challenges of organising for power and change, especially given the crippling socio-economic conditions that have blunted political consciousness across the country, resulting in an unbelievable atrophy of the exercise of political sovereignty. In other words, the people seem to have lost their voice, if not their votes.

    To save the sinking ship, words, whether hot or cold, will never be enough. How well the campaigners for change can demonstrate difference and distinction will likely be an indispensable factor in awakening the people. Sadly, it is still possible to argue, as various observers have done, that the opposition is yet to acquire a distinctive and unimpeachable stamp of progressivism.

    It would amount to a gross failure of discernment to trivialise the capacity of the Goodluck Jonathan administration for self-perpetuation. Indeed, Jonathan’s stunning choreographic approach to the 2015 presidential election may qualify as arguably the most systematically planned and methodically controlled pursuit of power in the country’s history of democratic politics, which should not necessarily be seen in constructive terms. Consider his unprecedented exclusive endorsement for re-election by the PDP state governors, Board of Trustees and National Executive Committee, which effectively foreclosed the conventional presidential primary to choose a candidate.  Add to this picture the reinforcing activities of the myriad Jonathan support groups practically begging him to be the PDP presidential candidate in the coming election.

    In a manner that may have been thought impossible based on reason, the desperadoes have not only redefined the noble concept of “transformational government”; they have also gone to the ridiculous extent of labelling the Jonathan administration as an exemplary case in point. It is instructive to note that Jonathan has continued to display a reptilian sneakiness, and perhaps the ultimate joke concerning his open concealment of his re-election ambition must be his show at his party’s September 20 “Southwest sensitisation rally.”  In his speech on the occasion, he referred to the various endorsements and introduced a calculated complication. He said: “I also have the right of refusal and I thank the party for giving me the opportunity.”

    Whoever thought he might exercise this “right of refusal” must be living on another planet. So, news that he had set up a Presidential Declaration Committee to work towards a November date when he would formally declare his presidential ambition was unsurprising. When he eventually pronounces his hunger for power, or finally puts his power-hungry scheming beyond question, the countdown to an unforgettable power struggle would begin in earnest.

    There is no doubt that the country is at a historical juncture of colossal consequence. It is a ripe moment for a full and far-reaching performance by the people, who will need to reclaim their sovereignty by seizing the stage. It remains to be seen whether they would be guided by Buhari’s image of the gun, or Amaechi’s be-ready-for-death presentation, or Tinubu’s picture of a thorough sweep.

  • Govt sets 2015 date for Coal power plant operation

    Govt sets 2015 date for Coal power plant operation

    Federal government has set next year as the take-off date for a coal powered electricity generation. This is on the heels of incessant destruction of pipelines by vandals in most parts of the country.

    Minister of Power, Prof. Chinedu Nebo, said pipeline vandalism is the major reason for the current challenges of power supply in the country.

    He said this on the sidelines of the signing of Memorandum of Understanding between the Federal Government and Atlas Petroleum Corporation in Abuja.

    While decrying the spate of gas pipeline vandalism, the minister said power generation had dropped to about 3,200MW from a little above 4,000MW as a result of the sabotage. “The recent dip in power supply has been due mainly to inadequate gas supply to thermal power plants,” he said.

    Nebo explained that about 2,300MW was lost in the past few months due to the vandalism of five different gas pipelines that supply power to the national grid. According to him, the affected pipelines include the Escravos-Lagos Gas Pipeline System with a generation capacity of 800MW (mega watts) and the Trans-Forcados pipeline with capacity of 800MW.

    Others are Trans-Niger pipeline with capacity of 500MW, the Alakiri-Onne gas pipeline and Chevron gas plant with capacity of 2,672 MW were also affected.

    He revealed that President Goodluck Jonathan recently pledged $1 billion to address pipeline vandalism and crude oil theft.

    On hydropower dams, the minister said the current low water level had greatly affected the use of the dams.

    He further assured that rehabilitation work was ongoing at the Kainji andShiroro dams to upgrade them.

  • LCCI inaugurates power sector group

    LCCI inaugurates power sector group

    As a demonstration of its support for the ongoing re-forms in the power sector, the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI) has set up a Power Sector Group to further its advocacy role.

    At the inauguration of the group in Lagos, President of the Chamber, Alhaji Remi Bello identified it as one that would provide useful inputs for the Chamber’s advocacy activities “for the protection of stakeholders’ interests and improvement of the power sector as a whole”.

    He disclosed that the LCCI’s objective was to obtain optimal results on the current reforms of the sector by seeking maximum value for electricity consumers. It is also to assist private sector investors, especially the indigenous ones, and seek proper identification of strategic areas in which government intervention is necessary along the power delivery chain. “The Chamber is desirous of making the reform work for the economy, private sector and Nigerian citizens,” Bello submitted.

    Participants at the inauguration, who were mainly stakeholders in the power sector of the economy, lauded the Chamber’s initiative and assured that the contributions of diverse stakeholders at the event towards the promotion of the sector would ensure ultimate realisation of the Chamber’s goal.

    The power sector group is a fall out of the existing science, energy and technology group which has Vice President,  Mrs. Joana Maduka as chairperson. A renowned engineer, Mr. Effiom Edet, was appointed as interim chairman of the power sector group.

  • ‘Varsities, poly can address power problem’

    Nigeria’s epileptic power supply can be fixed by tertiary institutions in the country, provided the Federal Government gives them the wherewithal, says a professor of Electrical & Electronics Engineering, Claudius Awosope.

    Delivering the 36th inaugural lecture of Covenant University (CU), Ota, Awosope noted that almost all polytechnics and universities in the country run accredited programmes in Electrical Engineering, which he believes can help to find solution to the nation’s enormous power problem.

    Awosope said the first step in this direction is for government to put an expert at the helms of affairs.

    He said: “Nigerian engineers are among the best in the world, but due to politics of appointing a political figure as the head of parastatal, they generally lose interest in the system. This is because competent engineers have seen it as a way of relegating them and their contributions to the industry in the background. This has dampened their enthusiasm at developing ingenious maintenance approach for effective and efficient running of power industry.

    “Most of these non professionals do not appreciate the essence of engaging in routine maintenance and employment of fresh graduates into the industry. This portends a very dangerous signal in the sense that there is imminent crisis of generation gap being created by this kind of policy. That means when the older generation of engineers is retiring, there would not be enough tested hands to take over from them.”

    Considering the indispensability of power to economic survival, Awosope recalled how the Federal Government unbundled the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) into 18 companies, with the purpose of improving the nation economically and technologically through consistent power supply.

    As lofty as this initiative was, he lamented that factors such as poor maintenance of electricity equipment, non-replacement of obsolete ones, reckless consumption of power by Nigerians, politicisation of the sector, as well as poor motivation of workers among others, have constituted a setback.

    “Maintenance is a complex task that influences several other factors in the industry, ranging from aging of equipment to availability of service which translates to adequate return on investment. Due to lack of regular training, the human factor accounts for a great deal of the power sector’s current debilitating condition. This is aggravated by unavailability of specialised engineers and technicians for certain tasks as well as unpreparedness of the industry to pay equitable amount as hazard allowance and insurance policy attached to workers.”

    Awosope who is Deputy Dean, School of Applied Engineering, College of Engineering at CU, also sought regular training for practicing engineers because of the dynamic nature of the profession.  This, he argued, will equip workers to face new challenges in the field and how such can be tackled in line with challenges in the 21 century.

     

  • Our politics and geography of power

    Certainly, there are political leaders in the country whose religious affiliations seem to have been eclipsed by their modern mindset and commitment to building a modern state.

    Our national politics took a new turn last week. Two of the country’s former heads of state, General Olusegun Obasanjo and General Mohammed Buhari, took turns to examine the religious topography of the country in relation to selection of presidential candidates for the forthcoming national elections. Buhari was reported to have said that there is nothing wrong with the top two candidates in the presidential ticket being Muslims or Christians, illustrating thatAbiola and Kingibe were both Muslims in the annulled presidential election of 1993.  In contrast, Obasanjo was quoted as saying everything is wrong with any presidential ticket that reserves the top two positions for Christians or Muslims, emphasising that the time is not ripe or right for any political party to make that kind of choice. The interest of today’s piece is to examine why both of the two former rulers may be, in Nigerian parlance, half-right and half-wrong.

    Ideally, religion should not be a matter of any importance in politics and distribution of power in a modern state, more so in a multicultural one. If religion were left at the level of spiritual interaction between individuals and whatever represents God for them, it should not matter to voters and candidates who are interested in solving social and mundane problems facing citizens. In particular, citizens in a mono-religious space would have no reason to think in terms of religion when choosing a candidate or when a candidate that subscribes to the territory’s only or dominant religion canvasses for votes.

    Focus on politics and power for the purpose of improving the quality of life of citizens would even be better assured were such a mono-religious society to proclaim the state a secular state rather than a theocracy. In such a context, citizens may not need to worry about the religion of those who govern them or represent them in legislative chambers. Emphasis in such a context is likely to be on candidates’ capacity to govern properly by solving citizens’ social and economic problems. For instance, the United Kingdom is a multicultural polity that is largely united by religion, a crown, and the book of common laws. Even though the country subscribes to the principle of freedom of association, it has not since 1707 had a non-Christian prime minister and no constituency seems to be bothered by this. It is just assumed that anyone wanting to serve as the country’s political leader would accept or tolerate the only or dominant religion in this multicultural society.

    Still on idealism, a plural society that houses multiple religious orientations: Animism, Christianity, and Islam has the potential to demand a supra-religious attitude to its politics and distribution of power, to avoid destabilising sectarian thoughts and activities. Regardless of claims by partisans of the dominance of one religion or the other in Nigeria, the country houses multiple religions, some of which appear to compete with each other. For a multi-religious society to avoid conflicts that can distract it from proper governance, it has two choices: declare itself a secular state or accept to reflect its religious diversity in the composition of its governing team in the fashion of the country’s principle of federal character.

    It is crucial to come to terms with the reality of Nigeria while hoping for ways to change such reality, more so if such is believed to strengthen the capacity to improve governance and enhance unity. Calling for a society in which the religious affiliation of political leaders should be of no consequence in seeking votes and post-election governance is not a bad thing. But anchoring supra-religious vision of the polity solely on readiness or capacity of individual candidates to act right to all regardless of their religious affiliation is not enough to guarantee peace and unity. The country needs a constitution that is unequivocal about secularity of the state as a means of welding together a country of multiple religions. Without a constitution that has adequate provisions to remove fear of domination of one religious group by another, or of one ethnic or linguistic group by another, asking citizens to discountenance the politics of identity and reflection of plurality (in terms of religion, ethnicity, or language) may be nothing more than wishful thinking.

    In a multicultural Nigeria where two of the three Abrahamic religions (or so-called universal religions) are themselves endangered by division into regular and radical Islam and Christianity, it is not advisable for any politician to push religion to the back burner in the choice of candidates, more so that the current constitution is not sufficiently secular in its vision and provisions. Even the amendments by the national assembly and recommendations from the national conference have chosen to ignore the confusion or inconsistency in the 1999 Constitution with respect to the difference between a secular state and a multi-religious state.

    Rising above the many factors that divide Nigerians into groups: language, ethnicity, and religion for the purpose of governance is not unachievable in the long run. But the rhetoric of transcending such divisions may not be capable of substituting for the wisdom of understanding such divisions and moderating them with a secular constitution that sets out to create and sustain a modern state. For example, with the current constitution that has a role for Sharia and Customary Court systems in the capital territory (the space of convergence of the country’s plurality) and a constitution that also has a role for the national assembly in regulating what should have been left solely to local governments and states that need such legal and judicial systems, citizens who do not share the religious beliefs of their Christian-Christian or Muslim-Muslim president and vice president may feel unrepresented or under-represented in the governing team.

    Certainly, there are political leaders in the country whose religious affiliations seem to have been eclipsed by their modern mindset and commitment to building a modern state. As a voter, there are many of such persons that I would vote for even if the presidential ticket is Muslim-Muslim or Christian-Christian. But this could be because I and others who think like that see religion as something that is best left to the private realm. Most of our present crop of voters have had no reason or exposure in the way the country has been governed in the last fifty years to think that the religious affiliations of principal officers of the Nigerian State do not matter. But it’s possible, even probable, for most voters to think that religion is irrelevant to the common good in a multi-religious society, but we may be too optimistic if we disregard the principle of inclusiveness without ensuring proper institutional or constitutional guarantees, to enable the polity move from where it is at the moment to where it wishes to be.

    After almost half a century of lack of direction, it is conceivable that most voters would want a presidential ticket that is committed and capable of providing regular electricity, an enabling environment for the growth of sustainable refineries to reduce the cost of energy for citizens and governments; creating jobs for young Nigerians and empowering our women; providing an educational culture that can compete in the modern world; etc. But it is also imaginable that there are many Nigerians who would want a guarantee of inclusivity, reflection of all forms of plurality (call it federal character) in the room in which the national cake of job and other opportunities is shared. Such guarantee can come more assuredly from a secular constitution and modern religion-neutral institutions, than from good-hearted leaders who can proclaim that they are tolerant Christians, Muslims, or Animists.

  • Kogi West, Central demand power rotation

    The people of Kogi Central and West have called for power rotation among the three senatorial districts.

    After a meeting yesterday in Kabba, representatives from both areas said they had not been treated fairly since the creation of Kogi State in 1991.

    They came together under the aegis of West-Central Coalition for Equity and Justice to work together to redress the “injustice”.

    In a statement by its Chairman, Prof. Yusuf Aliu, and Secretary Chief J. Yusuf, the group said: “The people of Kogi Central and Kogi West have not been fairly treated since they came to the state in 1991; they have been reduced to second-class citizens in a state that is supposed to be theirs.

    “The task now is how to liberate ourselves and become full citizens. The starting point for this liberation, freedom and democracy is power rotation among the three senatorial districts.”

  • ‘Insecurity, power bane of unemployment’

    ‘Insecurity, power bane of unemployment’

    A member of the Lagos State House of Assembly representing Ojo 1 constituency, Muyibat Adeyemi Rufai, has identified insecurity and unstable power as the reasons for high rate of unemployment in the country.

    The lawmaker stated this at a weekly ‘Time out with the press’ question and answer programme organised by correspondents at the Lagos Assembly.

    According to her, because of this twin factors, a lot of companies have either had to relocate to neighbouring countries or close down completely thereby denying many employment opportunities.

    “And even those among the unemployed who want to go into private businesses are also discouraged from doing so because of lack of power and insecurity. Even artisans are also suffering from the same malaise.

    “The private sector is supposed to provide the highest number of employment for citizens than the governments at the three tier but the private sector is handicapped because of this same twin problems,” Rufai said.

    She laid the whole blame for the current situation on the doorstep of the  federal government saying, “the federal government has failed us in this country and that is why today they are begging investors to come and invest, but the prevailing insecurity and power problem scare the investors away.”

  • ‘Why power must shift in Rivers’

    ‘Why power must shift in Rivers’

    Dr. Omboyi Harry  was a member of the Kayode Eso-led Truth and Reconciliation Committee. He is the Chairman of the Rivers State Health Management Board. In this interview, he speaks on the agitation of Kalabari people for the governorship. TONY AKOWE met him in Abuja.

    What is your position on the agitation for power shift in Rivers State?

    In the history of Rivers State, even before the creation of the state, there has been purposeful activism for self determination. Even before now, we all knew that there was somebody called Adaka Boro who led the fight for self determination. Taking us back, in the drafting of the 1959 Constitution, before of this agitation and the peculiar plight of our people, there was a certain section inserted in the constitution that the people of the area should be looked at in view, if their ecological disadvantage, educational disadvantage and economic disadvantage and that special provision should be made within the budgetary provisions to look after these people. You must have been aware of the way things are in Rivers State and you must have been to Ijaw communities to see what the ecological situation is and what oil has brought to us in that place. Most of our people have not seen the benefit of the oil and some of our people have termed it a curse.

     Why are we talking about this power shift thing now?

    In everything in life, there has got to be equity and moral justification for the way things are handled. I also recognise the place of merit in everything we do. If you are a genuine Nigerian and you want the country to move forward, you will not dispute the fact that we should start looking at the angle of merit in sustaining the polity. But, you must also give cognizance to the fact that our politics is still rudimentary and the fact that various sentiments must be looked at. Sentiments such as ethnicity, religion and economic value must come into play. It is only when we have reached a certain modicum of achievement in those things that we can now say that every other thing should be subjugated to merit. In Rivers State, we always have the politics of Upland and River line areas in whatever we do. Be it in politics, appointment or in economics. If you look at the elections we have had in Rivers State, if the governor comes from one side, the deputy must come from the other side. It is just like the case of Nigeria where, if you have a Southern leader, the deputy must come from the North. In recent time, there has been a talk about who will succeed Governor Amaechi and there is a clamour by some people that power should remain in the Ikwerre side, which is Upland. But, we are saying that, if we have had Upland people for two dispensations, we think it is time power come to the Riverrine. I don’t think that is an unjust demand. I also do not think that it is not time for that kind of demand because you must assuage all parties involved in the building process of our democracy. We have had Dr. Peter Odili who comes from the Upland and we have Amaechi, who is also from upland. We feel that after 16 years of Upland rulership, power should rotate to the Riverrine communities.

    If for any reason, the Upland gets the governorship again, it is assumed that whoever gets it may win a second term and that would mean that for 24 years, power would have remained in power and that would mean that nobody from the Riverrine area has been governor since the creation of River state. I must however point out that the Riverline area has had the governorship for only 18 months when Rufus Ada-George who is an Okrika man became governor. But, his rule was truncated by the Abacha regime. So, we have had it for only 18 months under NRC.

    The APC is in power now and we are a traditionally a PDP state and the APC would want to do everything possible to retain the state. There has been some rumour making the round that the only way they can do that is by the candidature of one person who happened to be an Upland person and who has been in the forefront of the battle for the image of the President in Rivers State. We don’t think that should be the position.

    So, you don’t support the governorship ambition of Nyensom Wike?

    The honourable minister is a good person. I believe that every person has the constitutional right to aspire for office at the same time. I also believe that you must take sentiments into consideration when aspiring for an office. His aspirations are genuine because he believes, despite the fact that an Ikwerre man is on the seat now, to get the government back for the PDP, he might be the right person. These are the issues which we are facing now. But, we are feeling that on equity basis, we should play on the sentiments and if we decide to play if that way, there might be a gang up against an upland person.

     How committed is the governor to power shift?

    You must remember that the governor has publicly stated that he does not think it is morally right for an Ikwere person to succeed him because he is Upland. Because he has said that, it is morally wrong for an Ikwerre person to succeed him, you might want to look at the equation from another view. The major tribes that are agitating for power in a Rivers today are the Ogonis and the Kalabaris. The Ogonis are Upland, but comes from a different senatorial district from the governor presently. If the governor has said that he does not want an Ikwerre person, I cannot say categorically that he does not want an Upland person. I cannot speak for him. But his argument is on the same moral reason that power must move. As you know, he has differences with Nelson Wike and so, it might be that he is against Wike being the governor of Rivers state. But, I genuinely believe that’s his belief is that an Ikwerre person should succeed an Ikwerre person in the public in the politics of Rivers state and that it is only equitable that it moves to another tribe.

    Wike has insisted that he will contest…

    Wike is the leader of the PDP in Rivers State now and that is why I am putting this thing forward so that they will know that it is not morally right. However, it is not about opposing or not opposing Wike. I have nothing against Wike. I understand and I believe that he might want to run for election. The signs are there. But, he has not declared yet. I might want to run for election too, but I have not declared. I might also jettison the Upland, Riverline thing if the arguments are more persuasive. So, I am not opposed to Wike contesting the election. What I am opposed to is that an Upland man should not succeed another Upland man.

    What is the voting population of the Upland and the Riverrine areas?

    In Rivers state, the Ikwerre people has the highest number of voters registered. We have about 2.1 million registered voters in Rivers state, out of which about 1.2 million are in the Upland area. You might say that if the Ikwerre people have the highest number of registered voters, how do you now start asking them not to contest. I have said that the governor who is an Ikwerre person has said that it is morally wrong for an Ikwerre person to succeed him. So, obviously, within the Ikwerre block, there is a division. Even without saying that, you should know that since there are two parties that control the Ikwerre block, there is a division. But I cannot tell you who has the upper hand. This is politics and anything can happen, but you cannot rule out the strength of a governor that is in power. I am a very honest person and so cannot tell you now that most Ikwerre people will not be happier that an Ikwerre person is governor. But, we are appealing to the moral nature of what is on ground. As we speak, there are some champion person in Ikwerre land shouting that it must go to the Riverline area because the Ikwerres has had its turn. But, I cannot give you fixed number about that. The beauty of the Riverline region now is such that the mere fact that if appear that an Ikwerre person wants to succeed an Ikwerre person is causing some unity among the Rivrline communities in a Rivers state. I say without being God that if there is an Ikwerre man on the ballot, the party that does not have an Ikwerre person on the ballot is more likely to cause a cohesion among the voting strength of the Riverline population. I am not saying that everybody will vote for the Riverline person. Even as we speak, there might be one or two people in Bayelsa who will vote against Jonathan tomorrow. But, that does not mean that Jonathan will not win the state. But, the way it is now. If there is an Ikwerreman on the ballot, there is the tendency for the Riverline people to say, we feel this time, it should be our turn. What will makes it worse is when it is the same tribe with the man who has done eight years. I donut think it should be based on absolute number. Yes, the upland people has the number.

     The Ogoni people are also agitating for power shift. What is your view?

    The Kalabaris have never been governor too. It is a fact that the Ogonis have never been governor or deputy governor and that is the same thing with the Kalabaris. The Ogonis have some degree of emancipation because what they described as the deprivation they have had in their land and the fact that oil exploration has decimated their land to a certain degree. Even in Kalabari land, we have the same problem they have in Ogoni land. We have not been governor, they have not been governor.