Tag: powers

  • Don calls for separation of powers in Oyo

    A political scientist, Dr. Gbade Ojo, has advised the Oyo State House of Assembly to imbibe the principle of separation of powers in the 1999 Constitution in the interest of the polity. The university teacher said political liberty could only be endured, if the three arms of government are separated, both in personnel and functions.

    Ojo gave the advise while presenting a paper titled, “Separation of Powers and Good Governance: A Rear View Mirror”, at a workshop held for the members of the House of Assembly. The even took place at the MicCom Golf Hotel, Ada, Osun State.

    The former Special Adviser to Governor Abiola Ajimobi on Political Matters said the theory of separation of powers is a theory of “divisionism,” adding that it forbids overlapping membership, which is incompatible with the tenets of democracy.

    He said: “This theory states that those who are in the legislature should not be in the executive, neither should they participate in judicial processes. What it means really is that those who make the laws should not be the people who will implement the same laws.”

    Ojo added that, if judges are members of parliament, they would be subjected to party passions and the interpretation of the law would be coloured by the recollection of the debates in which they had taken part.

    He noted that separation of powers is justified by preventing concentration of power on one person or group of persons which naturally might led to tyranny and oppression, which according to him, might lead to incidences of personalised power, where sovereigns rule for their own interest.

  • PIB: President, Petroleum Minister to lose powers

    PIB: President, Petroleum Minister to lose powers

    • Reps to pass bill on resumption from break

    • Why 2015 budget was not passed

    If the provisions of the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB), as prepared by the House of Representatives are adopted and passed into law, then the country’s President would no longer enjoy the discretionary power to award oil blocks.

    Also, the Minister of Petroleum Resources would also lose his control over agencies and departments under the Ministry, as the power to recommend the Chief Executives of the agencies to the President would have been stripped off the minister.

    However Nigerians are to enjoy more say in the running of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corruption  (NNPC) and the Nigerian Gas Company  or their successors as a large part of their shares are be sold to Nigerians through public offers at the Nigerian Stock Exchange.

    These, among others, are contained in the PIB report  on the floor of the House in Abuja, yesterday. The Chairman, Ad hoc Committee on PIB, Ishaka Bawa, laid the report at plenary. The report has not been considered or adopted by the House.

    Bawa, while presenting the executive summary of the report to the press after plenary, said it took the Committee that was inaugurated on November 15, 2012 over two years to complete its work.

    He said the 23-member Committee took cognisance of the technicalities of the sector and the lasting effects the recommendations in the bill are likely to have on Nigerians and stakeholders in the oil and gas industry.

    The objectives of the bill, according to him, are to create a conducive business environment for petroleum operations, enhance exploration and exploitation of petroleum in Nigeria for the benefit of Nigerians.

    He said: “The objectives of the bill amongst others are to optimise domestic gas supplies, particularly for power generation and industrial development as well as establish commercially oriented and profit driven oil and gas entities.’’

    It also aims to “deregulate and liberalise the downstream petroleum sector  in addition to establish a progressive fiscal framework that encourages further investment in the petroleum industry while optimising revenue accruing to the government”.

    He said the Committee scrutinised the 363 sections and anexure in the original bill and made some amendments and recommendations.

    The Committee recommended that the discretionary powers of the President to grant petroleum licences and leases as contained in Section 191 of the original bill is completely removed.

    In its place, the Committee introduced competitive bidding for the award of such license and leases.

    He said: “The rationale behind this ammendment is simply to avoid the practice whereby power for the award of oil blocks was discretionary.

    “Whereas the Committee has retained the conventional powers of the Minister under Section 6 of the bill, the powers conferred on the Minister over the control of newly established agencies in the petroleum industry appear to be enormous and capable of undermining the independence of the regulatory agencies.

    “Therefore, the Committee in its wisdom has recommended the removal of powers given to the Minister either to serve as Chairman or to recommend to the President the appointment of Chairman of the Boards of such agencies.”

     

  • Mr. President has no absolute powers

    President Goodluck Jonathan after the ill-feelings of the penultimate week following his suspension of the Central Bank Governor, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, has been in celebratory mood, as his government rolls out the drums in celebration of our country’s 100 years of existence. A major blot on the canvas of the celebrants is however the ongoing war between the murderous Boko Haram elements and the Nigerian Military. Unfortunately while the chief celebrant, President Jonathan, is shouting on top of his voice at every turn, that the 1914 amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorate is not a mistake, the Boko Haram insurgents are recklessly shooting to death everything within their site, in Bornu, Adamawa and Yobe states.

    Before the Boko Haram killings supplanted the Sanusi saga, in the media, President Jonathan tried to soften the public outcry. At the media chat, called to explain the suspension of Sanusi, Mr. President when asked whether he has powers to suspend the bank chief, enthused: “the president has absolute powers …” However in his address at the centenary conference, Mr. President, said, concerning the Boko Haram mayhem, “in concert with our regional and global partners, we will continue to respond strategically and decisively to this scourge …” Privately I had remonstrated that the President should have said that he has absolute powers to deal with the scourge, just like he claimed with respect to the Sanusi challenge.

    But does a democratically elected President Jonathan has any absolute powers, in the exercise of his duties; not to talk of where neither the constitution nor the principal act grants him the power so exercised? The answer is an ABSOLUTE no. Such a claim by the President – a constitutional authority – to have ‘absolute power’ must be a faux pax; for ‘absolute powers’ is an aberration for any constitutional authority. This was the guidance for Obaseki JSC, in the celebrated case of Military Governor of Lagos State vs Ojukwu, when he held: “the Nigerian Constitution is founded on the rule of law, the primary meaning of which is that everything must be done according to law, it means also that government should be conducted within the framework of recognized rules and principles which restrict discretionary power…”

    As earlier held by the learned Justice in the same case, “in the area where rule of law operates, the rule of self-help by force is abandoned.” Considering that the embattled ‘substantive Governor of Central Bank’ has taken his case to the court, I shall restrain my self to general comments on the exercise of governmental powers under the prevalence of rule of law. No doubt, the President is a creature of the 1999 constitution as amended, and as such his powers derive from the constitution and other laws lawfully made under the constitution. Instructively, Nnaemeka Agu JSC, in Tukur vs Gongola State, held: “this court has said it several times that the provisions of the constitution ought to be read and interpreted as a whole in that related sections must be construed together”.

    In the 1999 constitution, the executive powers of the federation are provided principally in section 5 of that constitution. The principal provision is section 5(1)(b) which provides: “subject to the provisions of this constitution, the executive powers of the federation shall be vested in the President … and shall extend to the execution and maintenance of this constitution, all laws made by the National Assembly and to all matter with respect to which the National Assembly has, for the time being, power to make laws.” The further powers of the President with respect to Central Bank is within the provisions of the Central Bank Act 2007; being a law made by the National Assembly. Where a lacuna is deemed to exist in the law, the executive authority has no powers to fill in the blank spaces.

    This is because the power to make laws for the federation is effectively vested in the National Assembly, by section 4. This includes the power to make laws for matters within the exclusive legislative list, of which Banking is item number 6. Of course where an executive choose to fill in the blank space for an extant law, apart from the clear intent of usurping the legislative powers, which it does not posses, it also amount to self help. Again in Military Governor of Lagos State vs Ojukwu, supra, Oputa JSC, adopted the Black Law Dictionary definition of self help, which defined it thus: “taking an action in person or by a representative with legal consequences, whether the action is legal or not; for example, a self-help eviction may be a landlord’s removing the tenant’s property from an apartment and locking the door against the tenant.”

    The learned Justice also succinctly held that: “the rule of law presupposes: that the state is subject to the Law; that the judiciary is a necessary agency of the rule of law; that governments should respect the right of individual citizens under the rule of law; and that to the judiciary is assigned both the rule of law and by our constitution the determination of ‘all actions and proceedings relating to matters in dispute between persons or between government or an authority and any person in Nigeria’”. The learned jurist observed that even during the World War 11, Lord Atkins, was still able to hold concerning United Kingdom: “in this country, amid the clash of arms, the laws are not silent. They may be changed but they speak the same language in war as in peace. It has always been one of the pillars of freedom, one of the principles of liberty for which on recent authority we are now fighting …”

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  • How Atiku fought to uphold separation of powers

    How Atiku fought to uphold separation of powers

    It was Peter, not Peter the Apostle, but Peter, the hero of Hugh Walpole’s Fortitude, who in the lowly depth of despair, declared, to the astonishment of his foes and admirers alike: “It is n’t life that matters, but the courage that you bring to it”. After life had done terrible things to Peter, he heard a voice that said, among other things, Blessed be all sorrow; Hardships and endurances, That demand courage, Blessed be these things, For these things, Comet the making Of a man (Cited in Obafemi Awolowo Voice of Courage). AIhaji Atiku Abubakar is many things to different people. To Aliyu Usman, “he is probably the most misunderstood politician in Nigeria” (The Nigerian Tribune of Monday November 25 ).

    His biographer, Adinoyi Ojo Onukaba says: “Adversity has taught him to be kind, caring and compassionate; his childhood experience as a herdsman, leading the family livestock to the pasture imbued in him the value of patience; the loneliness of childhood made him a lover of people and of large family, the tragedy of being orphaned at an early age instilled in him the virtues of hard work and independence and an abiding faith in God, his 20-year career in the Customs exposed him the larger and more complex world outside the one he knew in Southern Adamawa and his politics taught him focus determination and the ability to understand, predict and manage people.” His success in life (he concluded) is proof that ‘the Nigerian dream’ exists and that with providence and hard work one can aspire to any height in life”

    The story of Abubakar

    From the brief profile of on pages 5-6 of the book and two full-length biographical works on him (which the reviewer has read, long before how) it is obvious that he has vividly packed into almost seven decades of purposeful existence, a great miscellany of attributes which distinguish him as an accomplished public servant, an astute politician, a skilful manager of human and material resources, a quiet philanthropist, a man of compassion towards the weak and the poor, an unyielding advocate of social justice, democratic governance and the dignity of the human person and a man of great courage. Akin Osuntokun in ThisDay newspaper of Friday, September 6, 2013 described him as “cosmopolitan, intelligent, broad minded, ambitious, courageous and a deft political player”, who could possibly have made a good president”. “These qualities”, Osuntokun asserted, “must have informed his choice as running mate to President Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999. And the latter (still quoting Osuntokun) had big plans for him. His choice was deliberate.”

    Not done yet, Osuntokun stated. Further, “Obasanjo’s projection was to make Atiku succeed him after two terms in office. His age was taken into account and it was a crucial factor in his rating against other good, but older contenders. Pitted against another similarly younger contender, Abubakar Rimi, it was his ability to remain calm and collected under pressure that scored him higher (Beyond these general attributes) there were two significant instances that bore testimony to his capacity for leadership. He was the most forceful and clear sighted, in making the case for conceding the presidency to the southwest among his peers in 1999. He equally and at considerable cost to his political prospects, stood up to be counted against ‘political sharia. In his first term in office, president Obasanjo spent a lot of time travelling the world – to rebrand and reintegrate Nigeria back into polite and civilised company.

    There was (however) a component to this peripatetic itinerary that was obscured and not known to the public. That default component was to groom the vice-president for succession to the office of the president by ceding and giving room for him to grapple with Nigerian governance duty and responsibility. The role was to be reversed in the second term by assigning him to numerous international engagements to prepare him for this complementary role when he takes over as president. But this was not to be”.

    What then went wrong? Historians may be able to present the “true story” in future. But the Contemporary legal historian of landmark constitutional cases cannot afford to ignore the social, political and economic contexts of the issues raised for legal analysis. This is the essence of historiography -informed legal history. And that is why the present reviewer has gone this far art the risk of veering into irrelevance if only to locate explore the historicity of the cases included in the book.

    The unprecedented “split” in the presidency in 2006, the attendant acrimonies and the recriminations that followed constitute the background to the issues that are the subject matter of the cases, reported in the book. Osuntokun attempted an analysis which I will commend to everyone with interest in the Nigerian story.

    Running into 300 pages of fine print with a cover that bears the insignia of Justice Landmark Constitutional Law in Cases Nigeria is authored by two frontline legal scholars, Maxwell M. Gidado, a Professor of law and Dean, Faculty of Law, Nasarawa State University, who has, in addition, garnered some experience in the corridors of power, and Chudi M. Ojukwu, a Regulation specialist and leading authority on Power and infrastructure sector reforms.

    As the authors make clear, the book has been written in” appreciation of the contribution of His Excellency, Atiku Abubakar, GCON to the constitutional jurisprudence of the country through these cases”. The book reports and edits the judgments of the courts before whom each matter was contested, starting from the trial to the appellate levels. The book is, however is not a Law Report in the conventional sense, and in the mould. Lawyers will easily recall Gani Fawehinmi’s pioneering Nigerian Constitutional Law Reports. (now rested), Funmi Quadris Locus Classicus (which contain a significant number of constitutional cases) and her specialised Election Petition Reports. (which deal mainly with Election Petitions).

    Landmark Constitutional Law Cases is divided into five chapters. Chapter One, which is introductory, consists a brief on Nigeria’s constitutional developments, the profile of the Supreme Court and a biographical sketch of His Excellency Atiku Abubakar GCON. Chapter Two deals with the case of Attorney-General of the Federation V Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, in which the Supreme Court decided that the Vice President could only be removed following the process laid down under the Constitution and that the President had no powers to declare the office of the, Vice President vacant Chapter Three deals with the case of Action Congress (AC) V Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in which the Supreme Court held that the INEC had no power to disqualify candidates for an election Chapter Four deals with the case of Attorney-General of the Federation V Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, in which the Court of Appeal held that the executive immunity given a vice president is absolute and that he could not be subject to criminal prosecution in any court, including the Code of Conduct not Tribunal. Chapter five deals with the case of Godie Ikechi V Peoples Democratic Party in which the Federal High Court held that a political party must act in accordance with its constitution and the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    The book ends with comprehensive indexes of i) Reported cases ii) Subject matter iii)Nigeria cases and a list of justices of the court of Appeal and of the Supreme Court. The industry of the counsel and the genius of the judges that sat on the cases at the various levels deserve commendation.

    A review is not supposed to “help” the reader out of the reading experience. It is an attempt to prepare the reader for the intellectual ‘adventure ahead of him. Hon Justice Dahiru Musdapher’s lucid “Foreword” vividly put the “thorny issues” raised in the cases reported in their proper perspective. These issues are no doubt thought provoking. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s involvement as the “trigger puller” Justifies the, sub-title. “The Atiku Abubakar cases”. At a broad level, the issues thrown up by the cases and the surrounding circumstances bring into the front burner the following dimensions, which cannot but attract the attention of the discerning mind.

    There is no craving more deep rooted in human beings than the craving for Justice it is a fundamental law of life Every school of legal thought gives justice a supreme place Plato defines it as “a kind of natural harmony and healthy habit of mind” Justinian held that it is “the constant and perpetual will to give every man his due”. In the pursuit of justice Aljhaji Atiku Abubakar did not entertain any dread of the lonely path.

    Constitutional government connotes, not just a government under a constitution, but rather government under a constitution which has the force of a supreme, over-riding law, and which imposes limitations on it.

    Constitutionalism has come by and large to presuppose a written constitution as a supreme over- riding law. As Nwabueze eloquently put it.

    Government is a creation of the constitution. It is the constitution that creates the organs of government, clothes them with their powers and in so doing delimits the scope within which they are to operate.

    A government operating under such a written constitution must act on accordance therewith. Any exercise of power outside the constitution or which is unauthorised by it is invalid. The constitution operates therefore with a supreme, over-riding authority” .

    The state under conditions of democratic morality, is/and could only be “a state of law”, “a state founded on law”, “a state based on law”, “in short,” “a law-governed state”. The concept of “a law-governed state” expresses the notion that state power the power to govern the affairs of man in society, is not just arbitrary power, but one that should be exercised in accordance with definite procedures and rules. In more succinct language the State denotes power and force exercised only “in the name of the law”, a legal order, a body of laws that regulates, conditions and qualifies the exercise of power backed by force within a given community. A lawless state or an organisation of power and force unregulated by law or not exercised in accordance with law is the very antithesis of “a society in which legality reigns”.

    An independent, fearless and impartial judiciary is the greatest pillar of any democratic government. It is indeed beyond dispute that respect for the law is one of the principles which have come to be regarded as essential to the effective and just operation of popular government.

    In fostering this principle, the role of the judiciary is crucial, for in the words of Mr. Justice Arthur Vander built:

    It is in the courts and not in the legislature that our citizens primarily feel the keen cutting edge of the law, if they have respect for the work of the courts, their respect for law will survive the shortcomings of every other branch of government but if they lose their respect for the work of the courts, their respect jar law and order will vanish with it to the great detriment of society.

    The decisive role of the court in relation to good governance arises inexorably from the concepts of government of laws, government under law or the rule of law. It arises because in a constitutional government, only a court of law has the power and the right to say authoritatively, and with finality and force binding on all, including the government, what the law is that governs or rules the lives, affairs and actions of people in the country, And “once it has spoken, then its decision or order, however perverse or blatantly wrong it way be, establishes, again with binding force, the law on the point in issue, unless and until it is reversed on appeal by a higher court (Nwabueze 2009:84). Neither the government nor anyone else has the power or the right to substitute and apply their own view of the law or preference to that of the court in a matter affecting the lives. affairs and actions of other people.

    “To admit nut any such power or – right in anyone, the government included, would only lead to anarchy, to the substitution of the rule of the jungle for the rule of law.

    There is a linkage between courts and politics. Politics in this context does not carry the pejorative connotation of “jobbery” or “partisan manipulations.” It refers to the processes concerned with the authoritative determination of a society is goals and ideals, the distribution of rights duties costs, benefits, rewards, and punishments among members of that society. The courts and judges are, to a greater or lesser extent. major participants in there processes: their role is, however, secondary and subsidiary to that of the real policy-forming instruments of government the executive and the legislative.

    The unprecedented split in the Nigerian presidency in 2006 is a breach of the unity of the executive. The principle of a single executive under the Nigerian presidency in 2006 is a breach of the unity of the executive. The principle of a single executive under the presidential system presupposes that for the purpose of election, a vice presidential candidate is “mated with the presidential candidate as in a marriage” (Nwabueze 2004:77) and “(A)s with two persons joined together in marriage, the electoral mating of the one to the other creates a kind of union or companionship between then in which the vice president is to stand or fall with the president” (ibid).

    The seven cases reviewed in this book collectively or severally highlight one or other of the perspectives discussed above.

    All things considered. I agree with Justice Dahiru Musdapher that this book is well-researched and chronicled “which makes it a worthy epithet to all lawyers and political actors”. I too commend the profound hard work that has been put into its writing. The book is a worthy addition to the growing body of informed and authoritative literature on Nigerian constitutional Law and democratic governance. Lawyers, law teachers and students alike, journalists, historians, political scientists, sociologists, public policy analysts, indeed, anyone who takes intelligent interest in the role of law in public affairs will find the book useful. I have no hesitation whatsoever recommending it to all.

     

     

     

     

     

  • Shippers’ Council seeks more powers

    The Executive Secretary of Nigerian Shippers Council (NSC), Hassan Bello, has called for the review of the enabling law that established the Council to give it more powers to check the excesses of terminal operators.

    He lamented that in this dispensation, the Council has been constrained to play an advisory role in the maritime industry. He said the Act that established the Council was promulgated since 1974, adding that it was long overdue for review to take into cognisance, emerging issues in the maritime industry.

    “The council needs full powers to be more effective in the discharge of its critical role in the industry. The appointment of the board is extremely timely and it is hoped that the board will apply its wisdom and experience to ensure a successful restructuring of the legal and institutional framework of the Council,” Bello said.

    According to him, the Council is set to improve the operational performance of the ports industry and tackle high port charges to make the industry more cost-effective.

    Speaking with The Nation, the NSC boss assured that he would work assiduously with other stakeholders to give the council the necessary backing it deserves in order to be able to assume its role as port regulator.

    He said the role of the council involves the interface between the various modes of transportation and international trade among others and that it has over the years been able to discharge its functions commendably in this regard, despite the weakness of its enabling Act.

    He said the Council is intensifying efforts on the construction of Truck Transit Parks (TTP) to enhance road haulage activities.

    The Federal Government, he said, has approved the construction of seven model parks for trucks under Private Public Partnership (PPP) arrangement.

    According to him, the parks are expected to comprise petrol stations, hotels, mechanic garages, shopping malls, restaurants, police posts, fire stations and hospitals.

    He said the first TTP was being constructed in Lokoja, Kogi State, adding that the state government had already processed the land.

    He added that the council has found ways of enhancing the participation of the private sector under PPP arrangement.

     

  • Tompolo’s powers?

    Tompolo’s powers?

    •Was ex-minister, Iheanacho arrested or abducted? What about the alleged stolen petroleum products?

    Former Niger Delta militia leader, Government Ekpemukpolo, alias Tompolo, is in the news again. This time, he is reported to have masterminded the arrest of a former Minister of Interior, Capt. Emmanuel Iheanacho, on allegations of his involvement in the theft of petroleum products. “I was abducted by Tompolo and not arrested and thereafter humiliated like a common criminal at a detention point at the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA)”, Iheanacho told reporters.

    The former minister said that the uniformed armed men numbering about 30 who stormed his Apapa Tank Farm and Marine Road corporate head-office of his business in Lagos and carried out his arrest did not have the backing of the law.

    Iheanacho described the theft allegations as strange, explaining that he is involved in “throughput” business, which allows him under the law to accept petroleum products for storage from an importer who does not own a depot or storage facility, for a fee, upon the importer showing relevant clearance documents from the Nigerian Ports Authority, Customs, Department of Petroleum Resources, NIMASA, the Navy and the Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA).

    It is a cause for concern that Iheanacho described the manner of his arrest as abduction. Does Tompolo have the powers to arrest him? This question is pertinent against the background of the fact that Tompolo’s company, Global West Vessel Specialist Agency (GWVSA), signed a controversial partnership deal with NIMASA early this year, which was called “Strategic Concessioning.”

    Reacting to public criticism of the agreement, which was seen as displacing the Navy from performing its statutory security roles on the country’s territorial waters, the government had explained that Tompolo’s company would only provide platforms, security boats, equipment and expertise to help in securing the country’s waterways and thereby raise revenue, and that its staff will not bear arms.

    It is, therefore, curious that those who arrested Iheanacho were allegedly in uniforms and armed. Could they really have been Tompolo’s men? If they were, it surely contradicts the stated terms of the so-called “concessioning” deal.

    Iheanacho raised the spectre of kidnapping when he complained that his release was “negotiated” by a team of his lawyers “as a typical case of one held hostage.” We recall that hostage-taking was a major feature of the activities of the Niger Delta militants and hope that this incident is not taking the country back to that ugly past.

    While the public was still puzzled about the nature of Tompolo’s deal with the government, a respected foreign paper, the Wall Street Journal, reported that the ex-militiaman and some of his colleagues had been awarded multi-billion naira pipeline surveillance contracts by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC).

    It is indeed a grand irony that a former outlaw has transformed into an enforcer of the law, all in the government’s contentious effort to pacify the militants of the restive Niger Delta region.

    This episode involving a former minister has again put the spotlight on the implications of Tompolo’s contracts with the government and the NNPC. How far is he empowered to go in securing the country’s maritime environment and its oil facilities? What is the role of the state security apparatus under the arrangement? Can it be said that the state has relinquished its powers to a private contractor?

    However, the circumstances of Iheanacho’s arrest and detention should be seen beyond Tompolo’s alleged involvement. If it is true, the issue of stolen petroleum products deserves to be addressed, and the culprits punished.