Tag: President Muhammadu Buhari

  • The fear out there

    The fear out there

    Can Saraki fight corruption?

    President Muhammadu Buhari became an issue in the last presidential election because of his antecedent in the anti-corruption war. The ‘Change’ slogan of the All Progressives Congress (APC) under which he contested itself became appealing to Nigerians as a result of this perception of Buhari as a man with zero tolerance for corruption. So, Buhari’s victory at the polls was Nigerians’ powerful statement of rejection of the Goodluck Jonathan administration and its romance with corruption which it glorified as ‘stealing’.

    That was why many Nigerians were shocked by what transpired in the National Assembly last Tuesday, when Senator Bukola Saraki was elected Senate President. He was able to get 34 votes from senators of his former party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as well as 23 from the APC, a clear indication of the gulf in the party. This was at a time majority of the other APC senators were said to have gone to honour an invitation from President Buhari, probably in a last ditch effort to mediate in the crisis that had rocked the party before Tuesday and make the party speak with one voice in the election.

    Although the APC does not have two-thirds of the membership of the Senate, it has a simple majority. With that, Nigerians went to sleep after the elections, thinking that they had done their bit to give the party the opportunity to dictate the policy thrust in the National Assembly, which is crucial in the fight against corruption.

    The same situation applies to the House of Representatives where the APC also has simple majority. Speaker Yakubu Dogara who (alongside Senator Saraki) defied the party to contest the position of speaker defeated the party’s favoured candidate, Femi Gbajabiamila, by a slight margin of 182 votes to 174. Apparently, the development in the Senate influenced the voting pattern in the House because the south west (where Gbajabiamila comes from) alone could not have produced the vice president, Senate President as well as the Speaker of the House of Representatives. Apparently too, the crisis reflected the party’s inability to reconcile the different tendencies in its fold, especially with regards to the legislature’s leadership, a thing that eventually led to the mock primary that it held on June 6, preparatory to the inauguration of the National Assembly on June 9.

    Regrettably, the mock primary was itself mocked by the Saraki group which rejected its outcome outright and decided to defy the party by standing for election into the National Assembly positions against the party’s directive. Senator Saraki and his group promptly reported in the National Assembly and went straight to business. The rest is history.

    It is instructive though that, in a Senate with 108 members (one is dead), the upper legislative house started on such a shaky note. The APC initially threatened to deal with Senator Saraki and Co. even as some other senators also threatened to go to court to challenge the process of Saraki’s election. Unless the matter is amicably resolved, the eventual winner of the caucuses flexing muscles would depend on a lot of factors, including financial inducement, given the role that money was said to have played in the Senate even on Tuesday. This position is further strengthened by reports that some of the APC senators have been pledging to work with Senator Saraki.

    But the incident should not have caught anyone by surprise, unless we want to deceive ourselves. It was inevitable, whether in the long or the short run. The surprise element is that it came this early.  When you have political juggernauts and those who see themselves in that light in an alliance, there is bound to be problem. Remember too, the way and manner the APC was formed is another issue. It was not as if most of the people there are bound by any ideology; they just came together by happenstance. And that happenstance was the common enemy: former President Goodluck Jonathan. So, the only consideration that brought the different people from different backgrounds into the APC was the need to ease out the former president, probably for different reasons, too. It is now that that has been achieved that the centripetal tendency is now giving way to the centrifugal contradictions.

    But let me leave politics to politicians. After all, some of the APC senators who earlier said they would not accept the result of the senate election are reported to have resolved to work with Senator Saraki. These politicians, they work in mysterious ways, and that is why it is difficult to stick out one’s neck for them! I hear the reason for the volte face is to enable them be in the good books of Senator Saraki for consideration for juicy committee appointments!

    That, if true, is part of my fear for our politics. But my main worry is about Senator Saraki’s emergence as Senate President and the likely implications for the Buhari administration’s anti-corruption war. Even the uninitiated knows that President Buhari won the presidential elections because of his anti-corruption credentials. Indeed, I said in this column after the retired general emerged the presidential hopeful of the APC that the PDP was in trouble. Even the PDP knew; and that was why they resorted to hate campaign when they should be advertising their achievements.

    Mercifully, I am not alone in my fears that President Buhari’s anti-corruption war may soon enter into some troubled waters with the developments in the National Assembly; many other people share a similar sentiment.  Indeed, some of them called on Tuesday as the event unfolded to ask how the war would be won with Senator Saraki as the Number Three Citizen. Many of my colleagues received the same message either via personal calls or through text messages. Will Senator Saraki be comfortable when laws are to be made to make people who once grounded our banks pay for their crime? Will he be at home with laws or efforts to make those who exploited and are still exploiting Nigerians through fuel subsidy account for their actions? Or will he be at ease when the powers that are keeping Nigerians in perpetual darkness despite the humongous amounts of dollars we have spent on power projects are asked to vomit the public funds that they had swallowed? These and many more other questions went on simultaneously in my mind and made me uncomfortable throughout last Tuesday and even for the better part of Wednesday. I am just recovering from the stupor. Again, many people who sent similar messages of depression wondered aloud if this would not be a mere continuation of the business as usual in the Senate.

    It should be understood that there is nothing personal about my fears and Senator Saraki. It is just a matter of his antecedent and the antecedents of some of those behind him. I have no doubt Senator Saraki would be shocked if he conducts an independent opinion poll about what I am talking about. Of course I am not unaware that some people would want to ask whether some other people or persons are better than Senator Saraki when the issue is corruption. But that is beside the point. Those people are not the country’s Number One or Number Two citizen or even Number Three; even if they were, they had served in different periods, including when the government did not see any need to deal the corruption cankerworm a serious blow that would make all other things fall in place, because corruption is at the root of almost all our problems in the country.

    I have said it before. And I am restating it; that corruption is not the easiest thing to fight because it would always fight back. To put it bluntly, not a few persons saw Senator Saraki’s emergence as part of the plot by corruption to put a clog in the wheel of President Buhari’s anti-corruption battle, even if the ruling party itself contributed inadvertently or otherwise to the development. I can only hope this is a misplaced fear. I sincerely pray so. For now, however, I hold my peace.

  • Buhari departs for AU summit

    Buhari departs for AU summit

    President Muhammadu Buhari has departed Abuja for South Africa on Saturday to attend the 25th African Union Summit in Johannesburg, South Africa.

    The President is scheduled to undertake his first continental assignment since resuming office by chairing a meeting of the Peace and Security Committee of the African Union during the summit.

    In a press statement signed by Femi Adesina, Special Adviser to the President: Buhari is expected to hold bilateral talks with other African leaders on the sidelines of the summit to consolidate his ongoing drive to secure Nigeria and Neighbouring Countries from Boko Haram.

    “President Buhari is due back in Abuja on Tuesday at the conclusion of the summit which will focus mainly on continental peace and security,” Adesina noted.

  • Buhari hails June 12 heroes

    Buhari hails June 12 heroes

    President Muhammadu Buhari on Friday hailed the heroes of the June 12 1993 struggle.

    The President made this statement through the social media platform verified for the Federal Government.

    “The events of June 12, 1993, laid the foundation for the democracy we enjoy today. May we never forget those who made sacrifices for it,” Buhari said.

    Kindly find the tweet below:

     

  • Tears as Buhari, wife meet Chibok women

    Tears as Buhari, wife meet Chibok women

    • Buhari’s wife, two Chibok women weep over Chibok girls at Defence House

    The wife of the President, Aisha Buhari on Friday wept at the Defence House as she received two mothers of the over 200 Chibok school girls who were abducted by Boko Haram in April 2014

    The two women, who also met with President Muhammadu Buhari, were weeping as they walked out from the meeting venue.

    Vice President’s wife, Mrs Dolapo Osinbajo was also at the closed-door meeting.

    Speaking with journalists at the end of the meeting, Mrs. Osinbajo said: “Hajia Aisha Buhari had for many months, wanted to visit Chibok.

    “She also wanted to meet with the mothers. Today, we had an opportunity for them to meet face to face.

    “We had two of the mothers who still have their daughters missing after a year. Hajia being a mother met with them, held them and they cried, everybody cried.CHIBOK Girls

    “What only a mother will do is to say wait, I want you to see your father and see what your father will do. We were all extremely overwhelmed, that at this time when the President is so busy, he had time to meet with the women from Chibok.

    “He spoke to them in English and Hausa. He explained to them how he keeps telling everybody to put themselves in their place.

    “So, today, we have had the opportunity for the President and Hajia to show that they are our father and mother, for that we are glad.” She stated.

  • Buhari vows to end insurgency in short time

    Buhari vows to end insurgency in short time

    Receives pledges from France, Canada, Germany

    President Muhammadu Buhari on Monday reaffirmed his administration’s total commitment to ending Boko Haram’s insurgency in the shortest possible time.

    He spoke at a meeting with President Francois Hollande of France after his participation in Monday’s G-7 Outreach Programme in Germany.

    Buhari, according to a statement issued by his Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Mal. Garba Shehu, said Nigeria will welcome greater support and cooperation from France and other friendly nations for its ongoing efforts to overcome Boko Haram and restore full security and normalcy to areas affected by the group’s atrocities.

    He said his administration was already taking concrete action to build a more efficient and effective coalition of Nigeria and neighbouring countries against Boko Haram.

    Nigeria, the President said, would appreciate more intelligence on the terrorist group’s links with Islamic State, movements, training and sources of its arms and ammunition to facilitate the perfection of fresh tactics and strategies being evolved to overcome terrorism and insurgency within the country and the sub-region.

    President Buhari reiterated at the talks with his French counterpart that there was absolutely no link between religion and the atrocities of Boko Haram.

    He said: “There is clearly no religious basis for the actions of the group. Their atrocities show that members of the group either do not know God at all or they don’t believe in Him.”

    In his remarks at the meeting, President Hollande commended President Buhari’s concerted efforts to galvanize Nigeria’s armed forces, security agencies and neighouring countries for more decisive action to eradicate Boko Haram.

    The French leader assured Buhari that France will  give Nigeria and its coalition partners greater support against terrorism and insecurity, including military and intelligence cooperation, to help them overcome the security challenge posed by Boko Haram and its global terrorist allies  as quickly as possible.

    He also called for greater bilateral cooperation between Nigeria and France in other areas including trade, economic and cultural relations.

    President Buhari also received similar pledges of enhanced support from Prime Minister Stephen Harper of Canada and Chancellor Angela Merkel who he also conferred with before departing from the venue of the G-7 2015 Summit.

    Buhari is due back in Abuja early Tuesday.

  • Debating Buhari’s speed

    Debating Buhari’s speed

    Barely one week into President Muhammadu Buhari’s presidency, Nigerians have become embroiled in a debate over whether he is cautiously forging ahead or making haste slowly.  They want to see action, plenty of it, perhaps reminiscent of military regimes, the kind that came in those sentimental and impressionable days with ‘immediate effect and automatic alacrity.’ They want, by now, to see his list of ministers ready, even if it would not be presented for screening. They wanted to see his principal staff in place a day after he was sworn in, kicking and puffing with activities and thundering the resolve of a president high on energy and brimful with ideas. They want to see everyone, security agents and civilians alike, shaping up or preparing to ship out. Alas, barely one week into his presidency, the renewed and reinvented President Buhari has only managed to announce a few appointments, one of which even sounded like duplication.

    The problem, it seems, is that during the campaigns, most of the voters, many of whom reached voting age long after President Buhari had ceased to be military head of state, did not actually know him. The voters took to heart the piffle dished out by PDP propagandists, some of whom, like Femi Fani-Kayode, Governor Ayo Fayose and Olisa Metuh, simply invented the APC candidate of their notorious fantasy. They sold him to the electorate as an ogre, brutal and impetuous, abrasive and unreflecting, and hasty, bigoted and inflexible. If he were all of these, those who voted for him in the northern part of the country couldn’t care less. They did not dispute the propagandists’ impressions, but they were unmoved by the extreme pejorative dismissal of a man they trust and had become instinctively attached to. Elsewhere, the propaganda was rather effective, with the Southwest voting for him by a close margin on account of their double-mindedness over his attributes; and the Southeast and South-South embracing his opponent, former president Goodluck Jonathan, to the hilt.

    Otherwise, the real President Buhari is fundamentally different from the picture of him painted by the PDP during electioneering, a picture quite at variance with his personality and attributes. As head of state, he was never impulsive; he was instead methodical, unhurried, even long-suffering, reserved, surprisingly trusting, and eager to delegate responsibilities. Nothing said he was infallible in those days, and in fact made his fair share of mistakes. But he was then, and still now is, a man who quietly made up his mind and stuck with it for a considerable length of time. Nor did he suffer from any complex, a fact that made him indifferent to analysts describing his first coming contrapuntally as the Buhari/Idiagbon government. More importantly, those very close to him argue that the picture of him painted by his detractors is so far off the mark that it is difficult to redeem.

    It is, therefore, unlikely that President Buhari can be moulded into someone he is not in a matter of few weeks or years simply because he had been invested with the mantle of leadership. From the look of things, given his reactions to the germane politics of his party, including last year’s primaries and keen jousting for influence and dominance in the APC, he will proceed more with the deliberateness the public can’t seem to recognise or appreciate than seek to please them. He will build a careful continental, and if need be, international, coalition against Boko Haram, examine all conceivable battle scenarios, assemble the troops and materials needed to wage an effective war, no matter how long, and then launch determinedly into the campaign. He is inflexible as his opponents say, but it seems more like the kind of inflexibility that makes him committed to a task for as long as it takes, notwithstanding the reverses.

    It has also been suggested that he had all of six weeks to plan his first few actions once sworn in. Instead, it is said, he opened himself to interminable queues of visitors and well-wishers, while failing to pay attention to the exigent issues of the day. But notwithstanding the transition committees set up to make the handover seamless, President Buhari did not receive the Jonathan government’s handover notes until a day before inauguration. In a democracy, he needed to exercise more caution than in a military regime. Nor could he have ignored the stream of well-wishers to whom he owed his election, if not his present and future support. Five years of the Jonathan presidency might have hurt the country unbearably, but it is no excuse for expecting that in one week, the Buhari presidency would begin, without reflection or study, to launch recklessly into popular schemes and programmes.

    It is expected that he will assemble a great team, reappraise his campaign promises and party manifesto in accordance with current reality , and after a few prefatory steps and troubleshooting measures, will in the many months ahead plan and execute uplifting and soaring projects. It is not clear how he will relate with the National Assembly, but he has his party and leading party strategists to help him navigate the warrens that both legislative chambers have become. He will in addition need to sharpen his wit and reflexes, for he will be confronted now and again by many urgent and debilitating national issues. In many instances, the opposition will attempt to blackmail him even as they enact and execute policies and programmes that undermine the rule of law and constitution. Ekiti and Rivers are examples.

    Much more than what speed he is on, his main challenges will concern how to calibrate intelligent reactions to the selfish manoeuvring of the opposition, whether in Ekiti or elsewhere. Rather than re-programme their party scientifically as a sound alternative to the APC, the PDP seems to be confecting and perfecting a series of measures to blackmail the president and the rest of the country using the constitution and all other sentimental buncombe. All President Buhari needs to do is ensure great fidelity to the constitution. He should confront political chicanery firmly, promptly and courageously. He urgently needs to set the tone for the country, a tone that was neither in his campaign promises nor in his party manifesto. That tone will determine to a large extent whether he will be feared and respected like great world leaders, and therefore be successful, or he will be ignored and exploited like former president Goodluck Jonathan. President Buhari needs a disciplined, focused and ambitious country; only he can set the tone in the direction. This has nothing to do, at least so far, with the speed of his actions. It has instead everything to do with the brilliance and prescience of his actions.

    Nigeria has the population, economy, skilled manpower, a dangerous mix of problems and challenges, as well as exists in very interesting times. All that is required to drag her out of stagnation and decay and turn her into a roaring success is an intuitive and courageous leader, one imbued with sound judgement and deep intellect. Will President Buhari be that man? Nothing guarantees he will be a success, or that he has all the qualities to make the difference. But there is nothing in him that predisposes him to failure either.

  • Putting an end to  the Ekiti conundrum

    Putting an end to the Ekiti conundrum

     But he should need no telling now that President Muhammadu Buhari is no Goodluck Jonathan nor can the police and the security services, who were his real bulwark,  any longer play deaf and dumb to his illegalities

    Now that the possibility of the G19 impeaching Governor Ayo Fayose has receded into history, despite his serial illegalities, it should be time to revisit my article of April 19, 2015.  Titled: ‘Ayo Fayose –Before it is too late’ – it was the culmination of an introspection into the decade plus political crisis that has engulfed the state and made nonsense of its development. The result is that Ekiti has regressed even more than some parts of the country where guns had been booming for years. We have had an emergency administration declared, had a one day governor, just as there had been murders and attempted murders, linked to politics. On the positive side, we have had citizens, and others from outside the state who, in the relatively saner intervals, invested billions, especially in the hotels and tourism sub-sector. Today, they must be ruing the day they decided to invest in Ekiti as clients have drained out as a result of the rolling crisis. When I wrote the article, there was no way I could have thought things would get so bad ten individuals could be kidnapped in Ekiti in years, not to talk of within a space of two weeks, as we saw recently.

    I did not stop at just writing the article  but went ahead to contact, not less than 15 highly regarded Ekiti  leaders  and distinguished  individuals , whose names I need not mention here, to help in facilitating peace between the warring parties for the sake of  our people, and the development of the state.  One direct result of these contacts was the joint meeting, called by Chief Deji Fasuan, of the Ekiti Elders Committee and the rump of the Committee for the creation of Ekiti state. Aare Afe Babalola who I did not contact, later called another Elders meeting which, unfortunately  got stalemated.  From that point on, the pugilists were left to their own devices but with the swearing in of the new PDP controlled House of Assembly this past week, impeaching Ayo Fayose by the G19 has now become an obvious impossibility.

    But it will be the very height of illusion to think that our problems are over. In the article under reference, I reminded Governor Ayo Fayose of the fate that became President Taylor of Liberia and went on to say that given the Supreme Court decision, I will candidly advise that a consensus be reached that governor Fayose should run his term. I suggested  he should, in turn, climb down from his high horse and apologise  to Ekiti people for his serial illegalities and, henceforth,  rule Ekiti in a civilized manner. I said he should do everything to return peace to Ekiti and that on the other hand, the G.19 should drop the impeachment process in the full knowledge that four years is not a life time. I went on to say, among other things, that for genuine peace, the governor should pay the G19’s outstanding salaries and allowances, ensure that normalcy promptly returns to the state House of Assembly as well as pay the outstanding salaries of the officials of the previous administration. I then concluded by saying that the governor should not make the mistake of seeing himself as a sole administrator but should rather, let Ekiti take centre stage in all he does. I did not fail to add that though I have been his constant critic, the time has come, to put a closure to all that for the sake of Ekiti. It is time for the two parties to sheath their swords, I pleaded.

    We are now at an opportune time for Fayose to seek the path of peace since any  fear of his impeachment has evaporated. Both now, and at his first coming, one of his biggest mistakes, which led to disastrous consequences at his first coming, was his undue reliance on federal authorities, especially Presidents who were themselves, masters of impunity. With that umbilical cord, he perpetrated, and got away with too many things. But he should need no telling now that President Muhammadu Buhari is no Goodluck Jonathan nor can the police and the security services, who were his real bulwark,  any longer play deaf and dumb to his illegalities. He now has to play by the rules and should constantly remember that it was a PDP controlled House of Assembly that impeached him at his first coming. He  must now, willy nilly, play according to the dictates of the Nigerian constitution. Governor Fayose must now begin genuine governance which has been in total abeyance since he became governor. And in this, he already has his job cut out.

    He must set out, post haste, to cashier his teeming thugs,  local as well as the alleged elements of the Niger Delta Volunteer Force, retrieve all the guns he generously gave them, and turn into the gutters the drums of concentrated acid with which they were armed. He must ensure that these characters are fully paid, lest he creates another version of Boko Haram that will make life unbearable for both state and country as we have seen in the North Eastern part of the country. He must handle this task with maximum dispatch if we want to rid Ekiti of kidnapping and armed robbery which the present circumstances have birthed and encouraged. Ekiti can ill afford any of these crimes. He must equally turn attention to his army of adulating young men/women for whom he must now provide productive jobs as  the devil finds jobs for idle hands.

    He must fully realise that the hard task of governance beckons. If he has any developmental blue print for the state, this will be the time to bring it out as the  omnibus ‘stomach infrastructure’ camouflage, for which he created a directorate, will  suffice only for festivities but certainly not sufficient to answer the critical questions of development or of  a decent daily survival.  He cannot leave our elderly to their own devices,  forever claiming there is no money. We all knew that his predecessor, out of the same paucity of funds, was paying N5, 000 monthly stipend to about 20, 000 elderly citizens which he cancelled on assumption of office. There must be something to replace this welfare scheme just as development must be seen in other sectors of the state economy – education, health, agriculture, etc.

    For the APC, it is time for us  to also sit back, and clinically interrogate, our problems with a view to arriving at  a rapprochement. It is not strange having two or more competing groups within the same party. Though dysfunctional, as we  have seen , time and again,  in  the  Lagos PDP,  the  key thing is we must not relate like enemies. The more popular group will always emerge victorious at state congresses and that should, ideally, settle the matter. Political contestation, inter as well as intra party, is a constant feature of democracy. I have said it before, and it can still bear a repetition: APC’s problems in Ekiti are only skin deep and will be resolved to everybody’s satisfaction.

    Our politicians, across board, should in view of what Ekiti has lost and suffered, honestly moderate their antagonistic relationships. If truly the interest of Ekiti is our focus, there is no reason our personal interests should predominate and I do not think any of us can  claim to love Ekiti more than the other.

    In conclusion, for all round  peace and harmony to endure in Ekiti, our elders must tread the narrow path, be  always objective and not be timid or afraid to talk truth to power.  Failure to do these has been our nemesis. They must be peace facilitators, not partisans. This they can do by ensuring that those in authority are not allowed to become demi gods just as the opposition should be kept on a leach to ensure that their activities are kept strictly within democratic limits. That we need peace in Ekiti, after a decade of self-inflicted crises, is self evident. Let us all work towards it.

  • 10 most expensive wrist watches Nigerians may have

    10 most expensive wrist watches Nigerians may have

    How expensive can wrist watches be?

    First Lady, Aishat Buhari allegedly wore a N10million Cartier Baignoire Folle 18-Carat White Gold wrist watch which cost £34,500 (estimated at N10,453,000) during the inauguration of her husband  President Muhammadu Buhari.

    Neither the presidency nor Mrs. Buhari have refuted the claims, but there are indications that what Mrs Buhari had on was not the reported costly brand.

    Although cased in “18K rhodiumized white gold set with brilliant-cut diamonds, octagonal crown set with a diamond, sapphire crystal, Roman numerals, silvered satin-finished dial, 2 motifs lacquered and set with brilliant-cut diamonds, blued-steel sword-shaped hands”, the first lady’s watch was  not a Cartier Baignoire Folle 18-Carat White Gold wrist watch.

    Instead  the one she had on was  a Cartier Baignoire Folle Manual Watch priced at $129 (approximately N26,832 when converted at the rate of $1 to N208). Its strap is mainly a black semi-matt alligator-skin strap and an interchangeable “toile brossée” fabric strapwhich is opposed to the Cartier Baignoire Folle 18-Carat White Gold’s fabric strap.

    On Friday, June 5, it was reported that former Minister of External Affairs, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi’s  N11m  Rolex wrist watch was stolen by his houseboy.

    The houseboy also allegedly stole other luxury accessories valued at N9 m.

    Here is the world’s 10 most expensive wrist watches, some of which are more expensive than a Ferrari, which some Nigerians may have.

    1. The A. Lange & Söhne Grand Complication is from the German luxury watch brand A. Lange & Söhne Priced at approximately $2,497,000, this grand complication features a grand sonnerie and petit sonnerie in addition to a minute repeater, a monopusher chronograph with a split-seconds function and jumping seconds, and a perpetual calendar with a moon-phase display. According to WatchTime magazine, “it is the most expensive watch we’ve come across in recent years”.

    A. LANGE & SONHE Grand Complication  1
    A. LANGE & SONHE Grand Complication 1

    2. Richard Mille Tourbillon RM 56-02 Sapphire, combines a tripartite sapphire case with  the Richard Mille’srevolutionary “cabled movement” design, the Tourbillon Sapphire costs $2,020,000.

    Richard Mille Tourbillon-RM56-02 Sapphire
    Richard Mille Tourbillon-RM56-02 Sapphire

    3. Richard Mille RM 56-01,  features a distinctive, all-sapphire glass case, and is priced at $1.85 million.

    Richard Mille RM 56-01
    Richard Mille RM 56-01

    4. The Greubel Forsey Art Piece 1 is priced at approximately $1.6 million. It’s stand out feature is the nanosculpture by artist Willard Wigan in the crown. It also has an inclined tourbillon.

    Greubel Forsey Art Piece 1
    Greubel Forsey Art Piece 1

    5. Vacheron Constantin’s Tour de I’Ile was produced as a limited edition of only seven pieces to celebrate the brand’s 250th anniversary.  It has two faces (on the front and back) to make room for its many displays, including a second time zone, perpetual calendar, and sunset time indicator, among others. Priced at $1,538,160, it may be the most complicated serial timepiece on the list of watches over $1 million.

    Vacheron Constantin Tour de I’Ile
    Vacheron Constantin Tour de I’Ile

     

    6. Jaeger-LeCoulture Hybris Mechanica à Grande Sonnerie is retailed at $ 1,474,070. The watch boasts 1,300 parts, which make it capable of playing the entire Big Ben chiming sequence. According to WatchTime it was released in 2009 as part of the Hybris Mechanica 55 trilogy, a trio of very expensive watches that comprised 55 complications altogether.

    Jaeger-LeCoulture Hybris Mechanica à Grande Sonnerie
    Jaeger-LeCoulture Hybris Mechanica à Grande Sonnerie

    7. The Roger Dubuis’ Excalibur Quatuor. Its case is made entirely of silicon, and a material with half the weight of titanium and four times the hardness. The Excalibur Quatour equipped with the RD101 movement, is notable for its four sprung balances, which work in pairs to compensate for the effects of gravity much faster than a tourbillon would, resulting in a more accurate watch. It is priced at approximately $1,125,000.

    Roger Dubuis Excalibur Quatuor
    Roger Dubuis Excalibur Quatuor

     

    8. The Hublot Classic Fusion Haute Joaillerie “$1 Million,” is limited to only eight pieces. Its $1 million price tag comes with the 1,185 baguette diamonds covering every surface of the watch, from the case and bracelet to the open-worked dial. For the case alone, a 15-person team had to perform 1,800 hours of cutting and 200 hours of dimensional checking and quality control.

    Hublot Classic Fusion Haute Joaillerie “$1 Million
    Hublot Classic Fusion Haute Joaillerie “$1 Million

    9. Patek Philippe REF 5016P costs $762,000. Rounding out the Patek trinity is the Ref 5016P (where the P stands for platinum). This watch is the second most complicated that Patek has produced. The problem with watches of this caliber is the need for adjustments, but Patek has an app for that. If you keep this moon-phase, perpetual calendar, retrograde behemoth running continuously it won’t need adjusting until 2100.  Cool Material thinks it is something that your children’s children’s children will most certainly appreciate.

    Patek Philippe REF 5016P
    Patek Philippe REF 5016P

     

    10. The AP Royal Oak Grande Complication is priced at $560,000. Audemars Piquet (AP) grande complication has a perpetual calendar accurate until long after you will no longer be alive.  It has a lot of the same complications as the other watches (minute repeater, split seconds chronograph, aforementioned perpetual calendar) but presents them in a way that doesn’t require a thousand page instruction manual just to read.

    Additional information gotten from:

    WatchTime magazine

    Cool Material

    Cartier

    KoWatches

  • Flashback: Jonathan’s special advisers and portfolios

    Flashback: Jonathan’s special advisers and portfolios

    As Nigerians await the official release of President Muhammadu Buhari’s list of Special Advisers, it is uncertain who the appointees will be. Only Mr. Femi Adesina, a former Managing Director of The Sun Newspaper has been be assigned the role of Special Adviser on Media and Publicity.

    President Buhari had on Monday sent a letter to the National Assembly, requesting the outgoing lawmakers to approve his plan to appoint 15 aides.

    Former President Goodluck Jonathan picked 18 special advisers for his administration and assigned them different portfolios.

    Here are Jonathan’s special advisers and the positions they occupied:

     

    – Eng. Mohammed Kachalla Abubakar – Deputy Chief of Staff to the President

    – Hassan Tukur – Principal Secretary to the President,

    – Dr. Tunji Olagunju – Special Adviser to the President on NEPAD,

    – Mr. Oronto Douglas – Special Adviser to the President on Research and Strategy

    – Hon. Kingsley Kuku – Special Adviser to the President on Niger Delta Affairs.

    – Prof. Abubakar Sambo – Special Adviser to the President on Energy,

    – Mrs. Sarah Akuben Pane – Special Adviser to the President on Social Development

    – Mrs. Sarah Jibril – Special Adviser to the President on Ethics and Values

    – Senator Joy Emordi – Special Adviser to the President on National Assembly Matters

    -Pius Olakunle Osunyikanmi – Special Adviser to the President on International Relations.

    – Prof. Dan Adebiyi – Special Adviser to the President on Special Duties

    – Dr. Reuben Abati – Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity

    – Mrs. Asma’u Abdulkadir – Special Adviser to the President on Gender Issues

    – Nze Sullivan Akachukwu Nwakpo – Special Adviser to the President on Technical Matters

    – Yakubu Abdullahi – Special Adviser to the President on Political Matters (Office of the Vice President)

    – Barr. Bashir Sufyan – Special Adviser to the President on Legal Matters (Office of the Vice President)

    – Senator Isaiah Ballat – Special Adviser to the President for Special Duties (Office of the Vice President).

  • Buhari’s businesslike speech

    Buhari’s businesslike speech

    As far as speeches go, President Muhammadu Buhari’s inaugural speech was not his most creative or inspiring. And even though quite remarkably he delivered it much better than he had done in recent years, and addressed many salient and troubling national issues, it hardly proceeded beyond the serious ordinary, a businesslike speech from a man and politician more obsessed with reflecting reality than climbing the esoteric heights of rhetoric. He seemed to serve notice, by the barely 2,000-word speech, that his government would emphasise substance over the meretricious. In his first coming as a military head of state, when his elocution was much more endearing than it is now, when the invincibility of youth pushed him to brinkmanship and great daring, he felt the encumbrances of age and military rule less than his cautious, slower and more reflective inaugural speech exuded.

    In 1984-85, his style led many to believe he was an inflexible ruler, disdainful of consensus. But his speech last Friday, minus the influence of his 72 years age, gave the wholesome impression he was misunderstood or misread during his first tour. He learns, he builds consensus, and he is not a reed unwisely refusing to bend before the wind, especially when that wind has nothing to do with the great and noble elements of life, such as principles and other political virtues. President Buhari says he has changed. This is not the whole picture. What has changed about the man, as his speech conjured, is not the essential Buhari, to wit, his fidelity to honesty, his wholesome embrace of truth, his quaint philosophy of family, and his fanatical admiration for values and virtues that ennoble and differentiate a person. What has changed is his understanding, not his person, of some of politics’ and life’s eternal verities in accordance with global standards and shifting mores.

    During electioneering, he had been compelled by the electorate to admit his wife into the campaign trail. For so ascetic a man as the former army general, voters were pleasantly surprised to discover he had not only a beautiful wife, but also a beautiful family. By compelling him, voters humanised him rather than limited or diminished him, and they even raised him to an unusual if inadvertent aesthete of culture and fashion, and a purveyor of grace and goodness. But he was, and apparently still is, also a traditional man, with a distinct and decent streak of religiosity. And despite his accomplishments in military and politics, he is still at bottom a shy man. As he alighted from his vehicle at the inauguration ground, he went many brisk paces ahead of his wife, as if he felt the discomfort of many faces harshly focused on how this intensely private man would relate with his wife in public. When he was gently admonished by former president Olusegun Obasanjo to go round the VIP Box to acknowledge the presence of the many dignitaries who graced the occasion, he imperceptibly restrained his wife from following him as he made his way up the stand.

    President Buhari has come a long way, both in maturity of view and in social graces. He is no longer the starry-eyed military officer of some 30 years ago, nor will 21st century Nigeria with its feral social media and intrepid orthodox media allow him the privacy he covets. He has managed to secure a beautiful wife and family; the world will scrutinise how he relates with them. Without doubt, it seems obvious that even in this awkward area of his life, he will also learn and mature much faster than anyone will give him credit. They may not be able to get him to kiss his wife in public, for that will be the day, but they will get him to match his brisk pace with her dainty pace. And his daughters, who have shown independent and admirable personalities of their own, will be hard to restrain in living their now very public lives, especially considering how well in the past they had comported themselves.

    Like sportsmen and musicians, politicians and especially leaders are in fact leading celebrities. But it was not just as celebrity that the crowd that thronged Eagle Square on Friday wanted to assess President Buhari. Yes they would have loved the president, the vice president and their wives and children not to be too far apart, and they would have loved, after the president took his oath, to have the first and second families stand together on the platform where they were sworn in. For, attending inauguration, wherever it is done, is the perfect symbolism and embodiment of politics as entertainment. But much more, the crowd also wanted to hear the president speak, and for that speech to grab them with all the literary and psychological ornaments of fine words, great statements, fiery promises or threats as the case may be, and any other thing deemed efficacious in arresting and entertaining the crowd.

    In his perfectly synchronised but sedate speech, President Buhari neither inflamed the crowd nor alarmed the elite. Probably the most alarming thing he said was his poetic declaration that he belonged to everybody and to nobody. It was the perfect statement indeed for everybody who feared that the president could be a hostage to one religion or ethnic group or the other. Perhaps it also assured the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and any other political party fretting in dark and obscure corners, that the president could be less schizoid about other parties. And probably the most stirring part of his speech was when he remarked about Nigeria’s founding fathers in the opening paragraphs, and assured that the people would not regret voting him into office. He also reminded his audience of their proud heritage, of the empires that had dignified their parts of the country.

    Other than these few inspiring statements and assurances, there was little else in the speech but normal reiteration of promises made during electioneering. He would tackle Boko Haram by relocating Army headquarters to Maiduguri. But former president Jonathan did that too, if a little unsuccessfully. He would take more than a passing interest in what is happening in the other tiers of government, especially the local government. Perhaps he can; but he will navigate testy legal and political grounds to do that successfully. He will continue to support the amnesty programme, which he reminded the country would end in December, and will redirect efforts to developing the blighted oil rivers. Well said, and an indication of his comprehension of the weaknesses of the programme.

    It is difficult not to go away with the impression that President Buhari deliberately refused to inflame or alarm the people with his tempered speech. He had made greater speeches and statements before, even during electioneering. He was never as tedious as his predecessor, nor as burdensome and ponderous as Chief Obasanjo. In fact his austere phrases, not to say the overall terseness of his speeches, have their own invaluable appeal. Last Friday, his speech was businesslike, to the point, achieved brevity and conciseness, and conformed to the image of a leader whose bona fides Nigerians have grown to appreciate and trust. It will be a rare thing indeed that President Buhari can be tutored to write or deliver better speeches than he has done so far.

    What will not be in doubt is that he will act with far better acuity and purpose than he has spoken. The reasons are his inimitable intuition, hard work, honesty of purpose, and patriotism. He will respect democratic values, as he has promised, but he will nonetheless hit malfeasance and sloppiness as hard as he has become accustomed to. He may lack depth in certain  areas of modern economics, but he will make up for that with his indisputable eclecticism, and reliance on trusted and brilliant aides. He talked of immense goodwill following Nigerians and himself to Friday’s presidential inauguration. It is hard not to get the feeling that time and the elements appear to be combining to favour him and the country he is trying to salvage.