Tag: presidential

  • 2015: Where are the presidential candidates?

    2015: Where are the presidential candidates?

    Exactly 171 days to the 2015 presidential poll, candidates are yet to emerge, a development that means they won’t have ample time to mobilise across the nation and force voters into making hasty decisions, writes Sunday Oguntola

    Who are those contesting the February 14, 2015 as presidential candidates? When are the parties conducting their primaries to elect their candidates for the make-or-mar poll? Who will be flying their flags?

    These are the questions agitating the minds of political stakeholders and observers as the nation prepares for the crucial process of electing a president come 2015. To many observers, the absence of presidential aspirants, let alone candidates exactly 171 days to the poll is as worrisome as it is debilitating.

    Our investigation revealed that many aspirants are playing hide-and-seek because of the pervasive uncertainty hanging in the political space. Many of them confided that they are watching the tides to know how to jump into the moving train.

    “You know you have to be very careful these days. Fine, it’s good to be courageous and take risks but you have to realise that many things are yet to take shape. For example, the parties are not ready for primaries to pick their candidates. So, you have to watch first and know when to declare your intention,” an aspirant said last week.

    Many aspirants, who spoke under strict anonymity, said they cannot declare their intentions because the presidential primaries are yet to hold. “It is when the primaries are conducted and the candidates start emerging that we would know where to align. Until then, our aspirations have to remain ambitions,” an aspirant in the South-South region stated.

    Interestingly, the nation’s main political parties, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressives Congress (APC) appear to be sizing up each other before throwing out their presidential cards. While it is a taken fact that President Goodluck Jonathan will pick the ticket of the ruling PDP, the APC’s candidates are still slugging it out among themselves.

    For now, private speculators allege that leading aspirants in the party include Gen Muhammadu Buhari (Rtd.), Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, Senator Bukola Saraki and Kano State Governor, Rabiu Kwankwaso. Rumours abound that House of Representatives Speaker, Aminu Tambuwal, might also defect to the APC to contest the presidential race. There is also Mr. Sam Nda-Isaiah.

    To observers, the uncertainty on who will contest the presidential race is unhealthy for the polity. For one, the party primaries are not likely to hold until October or November. That effectively means the presidential candidates will only emerge a little more than three months before the poll.

    Political parties cannot commence electoral activities until notice is given, going by the Electoral Act 2006. The notice of election, according to the Act, can be given by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) “not later than 150 days before the day appointed for holding of an election”. This means primaries cannot hold until then.

    This development, according to observer, will make it possible for voters to assess their candidates and make informed decisions. The Executive Director of Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre, Auwal Musa Rafsanjani, believes that the situation will lead to hurrying voters to make hasty decisions and affect good governance at the end. He said: “We have been lamenting because what we have now means that the electorate will be ambushed by unprepared candidates to pick them at all costs.”

    He regretted that many candidates that will eventually emerge from the process without much time will be ill-prepared and ill-equipped for the onerous task of leading the nation. “We need quality leaders, especially at the presidency to really move this nation forward. But as it is now, that cannot happen. Those who will emerge will be unprepared because the parties are just not ready,” he stated.

    He stressed that the political recruitment process in the nation leaves much to be desired and works against national development. “I believe the parties do not want to be democratic about it; they just want to force candidates down our throat and we will have no choice than to pick from the many unprepared lots.”

    The absence of presidential candidates less than six months to the poll, he said, shows the lack of political maturity among parties. “They just want power at all costs without minding how it will affect us. At the end of the day, we are the losers for it,” the member of the just-concluded National Conference lamented.

    The President of the Centre for Democracy and Social Economic Rights (CDSER), Popoola Ajayi, said every well-meaning Nigerian should be concerned and alarmed that less than six months to a presidential poll, candidates have not emerged. “In most democracies, you will start seeing the candidates one year to the polls. But this is not so here and it shows we are not ready to move forward at all. The undemocratic nature of our parties is partly responsible for it,” he stated.

    He explained that since the candidates won’t emerge until three months before such a crucial election, they won’t have ample time to sell their programmes and candidacy. “Nigeria is a big, vast country. How can you criss-cross the length and breadth in just three months? How can they tell us what they offer if elected? How can we assess them and make informed decisions?”

    Ajayi blamed parties for the absence of aspirants, saying many of them are scared of throwing themselves into the race for fear of wasting time and resources. “They know that the eventual candidates might be imposed. So why waste time and resources on mobilisation when they might not make it?” he explained.

    A former President of Ijaw Youth Congress (IYC), Professor Kingsley Okoko, however disagreed that timing will not affect assessment of the candidates whenever they emerge. According to him: “It is strictly a party affair and quite frankly, I am not bothered. Whether it is a month or more is immaterial. When the candidates are ready, Nigerians will assess them based on their programmes.”

    Raphael James, an activist, believes political parties are deliberately slowing down the process of emergence of their candidates to frustrate informed voters. “This is how voter’s apathy begins. When we don’t have enough time to assess their candidates and consider their agendas, many will simply shrug and refuse to vote. Those who will vote will do it based on a sense of duty, not because they think they are making the needed changes.”

    Mindful of the Electoral Act provision that says candidates can only begin public campaigns only 90 days before the polls, Ajayi said parties should have concentrated on voters’ mobilisation and education to raise awareness. “The Act says you can’t campaign publicly but you can organise voter’s awareness and education seminar to market your programmes. That way, when the candidates emerge, the voters would have known your party and what you represent,” he explained.

    Rafsanjani couldn’t agree more. “If you can’t campaign you can have internal mobilisation and even do door-to-door mobilisation if you really mean business. To me, I think the parties are taking voters for granted that they will choose from their lesser evils, instead of empowering them to make the best choices,” he stressed.

    He believes  that if the intention is to make the poll issue-based, parties should have started the process of educating voters while preparing for the election. The hurried scenario that will emerge from the chaos, he said, means voters will have no choice but to consider non-essentials such as religion and ethnicity among presidential candidates.

  • Ripples over Kwakwanso’s presidential ambition

    Ripples over Kwakwanso’s presidential ambition

    Following Governor Rabiu Kwakwanso’s recent declaration of interest to contest the 2015 presidential election, Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan, reports that the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) is putting in place measures to counter the governor’s feared popularity

    It is no longer news that Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso of Kano State has declared his interest to vie for the presidential race in next year’s general elections on the platform of All Progressives Congress (APC), but to the leadership of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), his aspiration is something that must be nipped in the bud immediately.

    In spite of Kwankwaso’s proviso that he would only contest for the presidency if the leadership of his party finds him suitable to fly its flag, sources within the PDP say his declaration has unsettled the party’s leadership greatly.

    “There is great concern in the party over reports that Kwankwaso may enter the presidential race on the platform of the APC. To many of our leaders, this is not a good development as it has the possibility of further strengthening the opposition party across some states in the northern region.

    Before now, the PDP and the presidency had concentrated in the self-assigned task of reducing the importance of General Muhammadu Buhari in the eyes of the northerners. It is not going to be an easy task to combine whittling down the popularity of Buhari with that of a political giant like Kwankwaso in the north.

    “The more the northerners who present themselves to their people as possible presidential contenders against Jonathan, the more the party becomes attractive to the people of the troubled region. This will further turn the heat on the PDP and its candidate, President Goodluck Jonathan,” a female chieftain of the ruling party said on Thursday while revealing the worries within the party since Kwankwaso’s reported declaration.

    Kwankwaso, who spoke last Monday with journalists, affirmed his willingness to take up the task with all sense of responsibility to deliver good governance in the country.

    “Why not. I would not hesitate to pick up the presidential ticket under our party, APC, to vie for the number one seat. And if our party and the party leadership find me suitable for the seat, why not? I will take up the challenge,” the Kano governor noted.

    Kwankwaso, while accusing President Goodluck Jonathan of smuggling a new constitution into the just concluded National Conference, insisted that the divide and rule style of the president was geared towards his becoming a life President.

    Kwankwaso, stressed that it will be harmful for the country to extend the term of office of the President from the proposed single term to eight years by 2015 when the new constitution if endorsed will become operational.

    He further alleged that all the injustices perpetrated by the president were “deliberately targeted at the APC states just to destabilise us and so to achieve his inordinate ambition of becoming the life President.”

    “Nigerians are not fools. We are aware of the President’s new plans and agenda. The plan was to secure another fresh eight-year mandate in 2015, all in a bid to perpetrate himself in power and eventually achieve his life ambition.

    What Nigerians need now is positive change and not the kind of game being played by the President and with the way things are going, we would continue to pray that the President sails the ship to shore in 2015 and that the crisis in the country do not degenerate into religious war,” Kwankwaso added.

    Speaking on Kwankwaso’s declaration of interest, an associate of the Governor, Maliki Kaliya Umar, said he is well prepared for the job.

    “Of course, he deserves all the encouragement. I am sure he will perform extremely well. He is a very serious person, and is prudent. He has friends all over the country. I assure you that if he is given the chance and opportunity, he will perform extremely well.

    Umar, who is the Kano State Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice said Kano people are willing and ready to line up behind their governor if he decides to challenge President Jonathan in 2015.

    “We will all be proud of that. We will give him all the encouragement and pray for him. We are looking forward towards 2015,” Umar said.

    But sources within the PDP said the leadership of the party and the presidency are not taking the issue of Kwankwaso’s presidential ambition lying low. If anything, plans are on to take him to the cleaners as soon as possible to reduce his chances of getting the opportunity to challenge the president.

    “This is not being taken lightly by our party. Efforts are being made to take him up immediately. This is politics and Kwankwaso is not a small politician by any standard. His entrance into the presidential race, if not well handled by the PDP can create some serious backlash effect.

    As we speak, the presidency is working out modalities to respond appropriately to the development. The party too is closely studying the situation with a view to evolving the right approach to confront the Kano governor.

    “It is a serious threat and our response to it will show you how prepared we are for such dangerous attempts. PDP and Jonathan will leave no chance for anybody to create upsets. We will respond appropriately to all challenges,” a PDP chieftain said.

    Another chieftain of the party told The Nation that this would not be the first time Kwankwaso will be hinting of his presidential ambition. He also spoke of how President Jonathan and other party leaders took the fight straight to Kano shortly afterwards.

    “You will recall that earlier in the year, Kwankwaso, speaking in Maiduguri, Borno State, told journalists that he would declare his interest “at the right time. I think he then was speaking against the backdrop of insinuations that he intends to contest the presidency as he is not eligible to re-contest as Kano governor in 2015 having earlier ruled the state between 1999 and 2003.

    You will also remember that in April, at the Kano rally held to receive Shekarau into the PDP, President Jonathan and other party leaders virtually went for his throat.

    Jonathan even told the people that Kwankwaso never voted for him and Vice-President Namadi Sambo either at the party level or national level as the governor claimed.

    He reminded the crowd how Kwankwaso never liked him to win the presidency of the country, adding that Kwankwaso walked out angrily at the PDP convention when it became clear that he was going to win the party’s presidential ticket.

    “After that rally, not much was heard from the governor about his presidential aspiration again. These are the type of reactions you should expect from the PDP. We know Kwankwaso well. He was part of us and we know his strength. So, he is not one to catch us unawares,” the PDP chieftain said.

    But it is doubtful if Kwankwaso would be easily cowed this time around as he again expressed his belief in the need for government at the federal level to be changed, during the week. Speaking on the state of the nation, the Kano governor  expressed fears that if the current political trend continues, only God knows what will happen in 2015.

    He alleged that lack of listening ears and other undemocratic activities by the presidency were some of the major problems bedevilling the country. He insisted that only changing of guard in Abuja can save the country from disaster.

  • Whither Nigeria’s presidential park

    The creation of gardens or recreational parks around the official residence and office buildings of presidents or prime ministers of most countries is fast becoming a common trend across the globe.

    Most of these parks are not only accessible by the ordinary citizens of the country, but foreigners duly cleared are also allowed on tourist visit to such parks.

    But the park at the Presidential Villa Abuja has been on the drawing board for a long time.

    It is not clear whether it has been abandoned due to lack of funds or not developed in order to keep unwanted visitors away due to the rising insecurity in the country.

    A white sign post standing by the undeveloped park adjacent the main gate to the Presidential Villa, Abuja reads ‘Park Development: Work-in-progress: FCT Parks and Recreation Department.’

    The Nigeria system of government is taylored after that of the United States of America (US). But the US, who has suffered more from terrorism has park land and gardens by the White House.

    The President’s Park surrounding the White House offers visitors, district residents, and even the President of the United States restorative green space, awe-inspiring memorials.

    A regular local or first time visitor to the President’s Park has opportunity to participate in numerous activities and special events in the park.

    The visitor can stop by the White House Visitor Center for maps and brochures or take a stroll through the park to enjoy the atmosphere.

    He or she can also pause for a moment and have his or her picture taken in front of the White House.

    While the grounds of the President’s Park are opened year-round, certain park areas may be closed at times on a temporary basis at the request of the US Secret Service to ensure necessary security and safety for the adjacent White House complex, its occupants, and the public.

    The Park also offers students and educators a number of opportunities to explore the political and cultural history of the United States of America. As a home, an office, and a showplace for American craftsmanship, the White House mirrors and magnifies broad social trends.

    It is also a popular location for individuals and causes to petition the government, a hallmark of the American democratic experiment.

    No entrance fees is charged any individuals or groups in order to access the President’s Park or the White House Visitor Center. But such request for access must be submitted through the visitor’s Member of Congress (as a citizen) or embassy (if a foreigner) within three weeks to six months in advance of the desired tour date.

    Each member of Congress has already established procedures by which to accept tour reservation requests.

    Before gaining entrance, all citizen visitors who are 18 years and above will be required to present a valid, government-issued photo identification while all foreign nationals must present their passports.

    Those without proper identification will not be allowed to go on the tour, while the forms of photo identification that are acceptable for presentation to Secret Service upon entry to the White House complex include valid government-issued United States identification card like drivers license, military ID and valid United States or other official government-issued passports.

    Photocopies and expired identification cards are not acceptable on such tour. Such a visitor is not also allowed to carry items including handbags, book bags, backpacks, purses, food and beverages of any kind, strollers, cameras, video recorders or any type of recording device.

    He or she will also not be allowed to carry tobacco products, personal grooming items (make-up, hair brush or comb, lip or hand lotions, etc.), any pointed objects (pens, knitting needles, etc.), aerosol containers, guns, ammunition, fireworks, electric stun guns, mace, martial arts weapons/devices, or knives of any size.

    But items like umbrellas, wallets, cell phones and car keys are permitted.

    All necessary medications belonging to the visitor must also be identified and screened by the Secret Service before the visitor can go in with them.

    The executive office and official residence of the President of the Republic of Korea, known as the Blue House has similar presidential park in Seoul.

    The Malacañang Palace, which is the official residence and principal workplace of the President of the Philippines, is not a different story.

    Malacañang Park, directly across the river from Malacañang Palace, boasts of a Recreation Hall, a small golf course and the guesthouse Bahay Pangarap.

    The Official Residence for the President of the Republic of South Africa in Pretoria, called Mahlamba Ndlopfu is surrounded by beautiful garden that have been declared as a national Heritage site.

    It will be a good thing if Nigeria can toe the line these nations have followed.

    The present insecurity situations in some part of the country and even the past bomb attacks at the Police Force Headquarters and the United Nations House in Abuja should not deter Nigeria from following the trend.

    All that needs to be done is to put in place proper security measures and do all the preliminary screening and checks before such visitors gain entrance.

     

  • What next after  dialogue panel’s report?

    What next after dialogue panel’s report?

    After months of sitting, the Presidential Committee on Dialogue and Peaceful Resolution of Security Challenges in the North has submitted its report. It was unable to reach the leadership of the Islamic sect, Boko Haram, which activities informed the raising of the panel, for talks. With the submission of its report, the panel’s job may be said to have been done, but can it be said to have achieved much?

    President Goodluck Jonathan set up the 26-man committee on the heels of Boko Haram’s attacks in which thousands of people died.

    At its inauguration in April, the president tasked the committee on the following:

    (i) Developing a framework for the granting of amnesty.

    (ii)  Setting up of a framework  through which disarmament could take place within a 60-day time frame.

    (iii) The development of a comprehensive victims’ support programme.

    (iv) The development of mechanisms to address the underlying causes of insurgencies that will help to prevent future occurrences.

    The Kabiru Turaki-led Committee admitted its failure to achieve a very important aspect of its terms of reference: reaching the Boko Haram leadership.

    Despite travelling round the North for seven months, the committee said the sect’s leadership refused to dialogue with it, despite its efforts.

    Turaki linked some of the problems the panel encountered to failure of past attempts at negotiations and resultant distrust by the insurgents.

    Many of the key members of the sect in detention, he said, responded to contacts and accepted dialogue as an option in resolving the security crisis.

    Among others, the committee observed that the proliferation of small arms and light weapons exacerbate conflicts and violence in the country.

    It also found that there is “palpable impunity” in committing crimes and other acts of violence due to the absence of deterrent measures taken to punish perpetrators.

    Turaki  claimed that there is an absence of effective early warning and early response mechanism for anticipating and preventing violent conflicts.

    Traditional rulers, he said, were not fully involved in security management, resulting in avoidable security lapses.

    The committee made a number of recommendations to the government, namely:

    •Set  up  a Victims Support Fund for victims of insurgency to be administered by a new agency established specifically to assist the victims

    •Set up  an advisory committee on continuous dialogue that will have powers to advise the president on all matters related to resolution of crises.

    •The need to improve their condition of service, equipment and training of security agencies.

    While receiving the report, President Jonathan ruled out compensation for terror victims. He also said that the report would be subjected to review by another committee.

    But are the recommendation of the committee enough to prevent acts of terror if implemented?

    Some analysts are worried about the decision of the government not to compensate the victims who suffered loses due to no fault of theirs.

    Although President Jonathan has  said the government was to dialogue, how feasible is this?

    Lawyers are divided on whether victims should be compensated.

    A Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) Chief Felix Fagboungbe said terror victims have not been well treated. For him, the victims should be adequately compensated by the government.

    He noted that the committee could not initiate process for dialogue because the Boko Haram  members  are evasive.

    On issue of disarmament, Fagbohungbe said: “The committee could not do anything about this because people did not come out to tell government what could assist them in this area. Since none of the sect members came out to lay down weapons, the issue of disarmament would not arise.

    “If they had come out to tell the committee what they need, there would have been the consideration of surrendering their weapons but that is not the situation in this case.”

    Lagos lawyer and rights activist Mr Theophilus Akanwa, however, said no new agency should be created in the name of compensating terror victims.

    Doing so, he said, would only create room for corruption in country where there is no transparency.

    “I do not agree that there should be a Victims Support Fund for victims of insurgency to be administered by a new agency established specifically to assist the victims. So much unaccountable money have been mapped out on security votes.

    “Whatever support is needed for victims should be drawn from the security votes. No new agency should be created because we have enough agencies already in existence that should take charge of such incidence. Why create an agency if I may ask? This report tends to tilt towards the inability of the military to subdue the Boko Harram.

    “There is absolutely no need for the creation of agencies. Rather, we should have reduction of agencies as most of them seem to be moribund while the tax payers money is expended on them. The cost of running government should be reduced.

    “I support the fact that there is need to improve the condition of service, equipment and training of security agencies/agents. But this is long overdue and government knows this. Government cannot dialogue with invisible people and I don’t think the US approach to insurgency is dialogue. The military must subdue the boko harram.”

    The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) issued an urgent appeal to President Goodluck Jonathan urging him to “reverse the recently announced policy of zero compensation for victims of Boko Haram attacks.”

    The group said that the government should “within 14 days of the publication of this appeal announce compensation and reparation policies for victims of attacks by Boko Haram, and begin a process of establishing mechanisms for the effective and transparent implementation of such policies.”

    The group in the Urgent Appeal dated November 7 and signed by its executive director Adetokunbo Mumuni threatened to take “all necessary legal actions nationally and internationally to compel the government to fulfil its international human rights obligations and commitments,” if the government does not comply with its appeal.

    The group said: “In the wake of the devastation by Boko Haram, compensation and reparation programmes are absolutely essential to deliver justice to the victims of human rights abuses precipitated by the group. Paying compensation and reparation to victims of human rights abuses by Boko Haram is a matter of rights and not charity. Refusing or failing to pay adequate compensation and reparation to victims is to buy impunity for perpetrators.”

    ”SERAP is seriously concerned about the policy of your government that there will be no compensation paid to victims of Boko Haram attacks. This policy is a clear violation of the country’s international human rights obligations and commitments to provide effective remedies, including compensation and reparation to victims of serious human rights abuses such as those perpetrated by Boko Haram,” the group also stated.

    According to the group, “The attacks against innocent citizens by the Boko Haram constitute gross violations of international human rights law, having being systematically perpetrated, and affecting in qualitative and quantitative terms, the most basic rights of human beings, notably the right to life and the right to physical and moral integrity of the human person. These serious human rights abuses have in turn contributed to deliberate and systematic deprivation of basic necessities of life such as essential foodstuffs, access to education for many Nigerian children, essential health care or basic shelter and housing.”

    “In the first place, it is the primary duty of any government to guarantee the security of the population, and the absence of concrete measures has contributed to the continuation of violence.  The government’s failure on internal security is also a serious breach of the government’s human rights obligations and commitments, including under the Nigerian Constitution and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights to which Nigeria is a state party,” the organisation further said.

    The group said therefore that, “victims of violence and crimes must have effective access to legal and health services, and should have access to an effective remedy, including compensation and reparation.”

    According to the group, “The fundamental principles of compensation for human rights abuses are well grounded in international human rights treaties and standards to which this country has subscribed. In particular, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the UN Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law require governments to protect and promote human rights through action to combat impunity.”

    The group also quoted the Permanent Court of International Justice as stating in the Chorzow Factory case that “It is a principle of international law that the breach of an engagement involves an obligation to make a reparation in an adequate form.”

    “Under international law, compensation should be provided for any economically assessable damage, and proportional to the gravity of the violation and the circumstances of each case, resulting from gross violations of international human rights law, such as loss of lives, lost opportunities, loss of earnings and moral damage,” the group added.

    “If victims of arbitrary detention could collectively receive compensation and reparation in countries like Argentina, there is no moral or legal basis for the government not to do the same for the victims of Boko Haram that have suffered greater level of human rights abuses. Even in Turkey the government established compensation and reparation schemes for the victims of internal displacement. Brazil established compensation and reparation schemes for the victims of disappearance and death of non-natural causes in police or similar premises. And Chile and Morocco did the same for the victims of deadly political violence, political executions and disappearance while in detention. There are other examples too numerous to mention here,” the group also argued.

    The group concluded that, “The right to compensation and reparation imposes on this government the duty to provide redress for harm suffered by victims of Boko Haram, in the form of restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction and, as the case may be, guarantees of non-repetition. This right also imposes a duty on the government to provide effective domestic remedies.”

    Lagos lawyer Ikechukwu Ikeji said the recommendation of the committee is a reality check that goes to show that the government is a long way from resolving the challenges of insurgency. Some of the recommendations are clearly good in themselves but also show that there was no need to jump the gun initially to set up the committee.

    “ In my view, the recommendations do not reassure me that they can help in preventing a reoccurrence of boko haram. It is important to look at the underlying causes, which includes injustice in the system and level of poverty, which touch on good governance”, he said.

    On the decision of the government to subject the report of the committee to review by another committee, Ikeji said it is unfortunate that the government has come to be  known as a government of committees, which gulp tax payers money and end up achieving little or nothing.

    Following the admittance of the committee’s failure to open dialogue with the leaders of the sect, he argued that the way forward for the country, if it must rid herself of the activities of the  sect is for the government to invite direct foreign assistance and report the case to the International Criminal Court for further investigation and prosecution.

     

     

     

  • Presidential media chat holds today

    President Goodluck Jonathan is to appear on Presidential Media Chat today at 7pm.

    A statement by the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity, Dr Reuben Abati, said the president would in the course of the programme, answer questions from a panel of journalists.

    He said the president would answer questions on current national issues and events as well as policies and actions of his administration.

    The programme would be broadcast live on the network services of the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) and the Voice of Nigeria (VON).

     

  • Rivers flood victims await presidential touch

    Rivers flood victims await presidential touch

    It badly ravaged the four local government areas of Rivers State. To the thousands of families and individuals displaced by last year’s floods in Ahoada East, Ahoada West, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni and Abua/Odual local government areas, they are eagerly awaiting presidential touch.

    They said they have not felt the touch of the Presidential Committee on Flood Relief and Rehabilitation (PCFRR) headed by the business mogul, Alhaji Aliko Dangote and human rights activist, Olisa Agbakoba, which at a dinner organised to raise funds for those displaced by the last year’s flood across the country got pledges of N11.35 billion.

    Some of the victims, who were camped in various locations by the state government during the disaster have since December returned to what is left of their homes; others are now squatters with relatives following the winding up of the camps.

    From the accounts of some of the victims who spoke with Niger Delta Report at the various communities, it has been pain and sorrow.

    Kingsley Clifford Eleyan, who was camped at Erema Model Primary School in ONELGA with his family after his house in Ogbogu was completely destroyed by the flood, said: “So far we have not been paid anything. If they give us anything, we would have told you.”

    Eleyan, a scaffolder, now takes refuge in a relative’s home because he has not been able to raise funds to rebuild his house.

    He said: “We were asked to fill forms to enable them reach us, but till now, nobody from any government or agency has come to give us anything. But I must say that we were fairly treated while we were camping.”

    Chief Morgan Ugorji, 78, a farmer from Akabuka in ONELGA, who lost his house, said he was given papers to fill, adding: “Till now, no money or material has been given to us from the local government, state, Federal Government or even the National Emergency Management Agency) We are still expecting them as they promised, if at all they will come.”

    Uzoma Johnson, 18, from Akabuka said his mother walked away from his father, who died before the flood, leaving him and his three younger ones in the care of their grandmother.

    During the disaster, he moved his grandmother to a relative’s place and they stayed there till the flood receded. His grandmother died without receiving the relief promised the victims.

    Mr Sunny Eze of New Elf Road, Ogbugo, who lost his house, now lives in Port Harcourt with a relative. His concern is “that people in power will use their power to manoeuvre things and collect all the money”.

    Communities worst hit in ONELGA are Oboboru, Idu, Ohali, Obagi, Akabuka and Ogbogu.

    Ahoada-West was submerged during the flooding; about 13 villages in Ahoada- East were also over-flooded.

    They are:Ula-kpata, Ochigba, Ihuike, Okpogaudhor, Ikata, Ozochi, Obumeze, Okpowo, Odiabidi, Ogbo, Ekpena, Ihugbuluko, Abarikpo and Odieke-Akoho.

    Mr Gideon Samuel of Ogbo in Ahoada-East was the Assistant Coordinator at St Peter’s State School Camp in his village, which was home to about 42 villages. “The number of campers there that time was about 3,852 according to the register we submitted to NEMA and the Ministry of Special Duties.”

    Samuel admitted that they were fairly treated while in the camp but he alleged that the committee set up by the local government nearly messed up the state government’s efforts as they were diverting some of the relief materials sent to them.

    “Since we returned, there has been no compensation from anywhere despite the promise that they would do something. Up till now, nothing has been given to us.”

    Mrs Justina Justice, from Ekpeye, said she used to trade before the flood, adding that she ran for safety with her seven children to her sister’s place in Anwunugbokor road in Ogbo community.

    Justice said the flood has put her in difficulty because her belongings were washed away by the ravaging flood and lamented that the much needed relief has failed to materialise.

    Chief James Epele of Abarikpo in Ahoada-East may have already given up hope of getting anything. “The money or relief materials they are talking about is for big men. The flood was for their good and not for us the victims.”

    The Commissioner for Special Duties , Mr Dickson Umunakwe, who was contacted, said he was unaware that the PCFRR has reached out to anybody affected by the in the state.

    Umunakwe said: “As a matter of fact, I once represented the state in that committee and these issues were canvassed. Even during one of the sub-committees’ meetings what we were informed by the chairman of that sub-committee is that by April this year, that they would start distributing relief materials and finances. But from what we estimated in things we lost in terms of infrastructure and other material losses, it is about N20 billion which we submitted to the committee.

    “So, they looked at the estimates and the losses and they said that by April, they would start distributing but till now, we have not heard anything from them, either in terms of materials or finances.”

    On the compensation for victims, the commissioner, who assumed office in January this year, said: “I have not come across the fact that the victims were promised compensation because I have not heard of that.

    “But, what we did as a matter of fact was that when they cried out through the four Local Government Areas that were affected that most of them were peasant farmers, they needed to go back to the farms, they requested for seedlings like cassava stem, plantain suckers, banana suckers and even yam, we made provision for that and they were well distributed. These were the post-flood relief materials we distributed to the victims.”

    Umunakwe admitted that the state government received N300 million from the Federal Government for the victims.

    Reacting to the claim of the PCFRR, the Zonal Coordinator of NEMA, Mr Emenike Umesi told The Nation that “I am not aware of that. It does not concern us. They are operating separately. We don’t know their inner workings.”

    It was not possible to speak with the spokesperson of the Red Cross Society in Port Harcourt. This reporters was told that the Coordinator was not available. This reporter was asked to drop a phone number through which she would be contacted. Till the time of this report, nothing was heard from the society.

     

     

  • Inside the presidential fight

    Inside the presidential fight

    Opponents – within and outside the ruling party – are undercutting President Jonathan’s authority as he prepares for the 2015 elections

    Two factors – rampant factionalism in the governing People’s Democratic Party and a coherent opposition alliance are changing the calculus in Nigerian politics. For the first time in 14 years, the PDP could lose power at the centre in credible national elections. The PDP has never been a solid structure. Formed as an alliance of convenience by some leading politicians and their patronage networks in 1998, the party nearly broke apart in 2007 and was fractured badly before the 2003 and 2011 elections. However, on each occasion, party bosses corralled the squabbling politicians with a mixture of coercion and co-option – and delivered a victory, boosted by the party’s control of state security and attendant vote-rigging.

    Successive presidents have used their access to oil export earnings of nearly US$100 billion a year, combined with the threat of highly selective anti-corruption investigations and prosecutions, to reimpose the party’s political dominance. Divided opposition parties have also helped the PDP tremendously.

    Various reincarnations of the historic Lagos-based and Yoruba-dominated left-of-centre parties with their roots in the anti-colonial struggle have vied for control of the south-west, steadily strengthening their grip. Northern-dominated parties have taken a few states in the north-east or the north-west but in total, opposition parties have struggled to win more than a third of the total 36 states.

    That has changed with the opposition party merger under the flag of the All Progressives’ Congress. At the same time, President Goodluck Jonathan looks increasingly vulnerable within the PDP, where he faces an all-out rebellion by the powerful state governors, who control local politics and whose cooperation is vital to win a presidential poll. Much of the dissension comes from the President’s undeclared plan to run for re-election in 2015.

    Jonathan, from the Niger Delta, took office after President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, a northerner, died in 2010. Since the constitution says an individual can twice be elected president for four-year terms, Jonathan’s allies insist that he is still eligible to run in 2015. Yet that would give him an unprecedented decade in office because he served out President Yar’Adua’s last two years as well.

    The cheated north

    Northern factions in the party already felt cheated out of office after Yar’Adua’s untimely death and pushed hard to have Jonathan stand aside in 2011. Under the PDP’s regional principle, the major offices are supposed to rotate between north and south. However, Jonathan broke this rule in the 2011 election and the prospect of his running for a second term in 2015 has further angered northern leaders.

    If Jonathan has foes in his own party, his popularity with the general public has also declined. The growing middle class in the main towns and cities combined with the youth vote to help him win the last election. Indeed, he could have won in a straight vote, even without the widespread rigging in PDP strongholds.

    Since then, frustration has grown about the President’s unwillingness or inability to tackle political and business corruption. The turning point came quickly in January 2012 when his government ended the fuel subsidies, regarded as one of the few mass benefits of oil production.

    The cut sparked nationwide protests under the banner of Occupy Nigeria. For two weeks, professionals, civil activists, trades unionists, students, musicians and even civil servants held mass protests and brought the country to a standstill. A planned strike by oil workers finally forced Jonathan to reinstate about half of the subsidy.

    To the protestors, the government had revealed itself as weak and vacillating in the face of organised opposition. Activists also began to pick open the corrupt rackets and their links to political sponsors that were part of the subsidy. It emerged that the arrears on subsidy payments owed to fuel importers in 2011 amounted to $18 bn. or more than half of the federal budget of $28 bn. Given that 2011 was an election year, activists quickly linked the largesse to the country’s biggest fuel importers and party campaign contributions.

    Initially, the legislators in the National Assembly fared best from the fuel-subsidy crisis.

    They summoned the leading fuel trading companies to the House of Representatives Ad Hoc Committee on Fuel Subsidy Management to explain who was benefiting from the subsidy system and how. Then the credibility of the members of parliament nose-dived when it emerged that Committee Chairman Farouk Lawan had been caught in a sting operation, demanding bribes from billionaire fuel importer Femi Otedola.

    Reform trio

    Although the fuel-subsidy crisis deeply undermined the government, some resolute optimists still put faith in the credentials of its reform trio: Coordinating Minister of the Economy Ngozi Okonjo- Iweala, Agriculture Minister Akinwumi Adesina and Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor Sanusi Lamido Aminu Sanusi. Former colleagues at the World Bank (where many had backed her last year to become its president) say that Okonjo-Iweala has pushed through detailed technical reforms in public finance management which will make grand corruption and the diversion of state revenue much more difficult. She complains that these important changes have gone largely unrecognised by the local and international media.

    Yet sceptics say that even the redoubtable Okonjo-Iweala has made little progress in securing greater accountability over the oil revenue managed by the Department of Petroleum Resources under the aegis of the Minister, Diezani Alison-Madueke, a key ally of Jonathan. Although Adesina is widely praised for boosting farm productivity, crop storage and transport, in addition to rationalising seed and fertiliser distribution, there are periodic reports that he will be reshuffled. Adesina and his colleagues see the rapid development of agriculture as the next main economic focus; in terms of Nigeria’s market share, it could outpace oil and gas. There is, too, a wave of new interest in farming from investors, whom Adesina has wooed assiduously on the conference circuit.

    The term of the much feted CBN Governor Sanusi ends next year and he has made it clear he will not seek a second one. Sanusi is best known for his bold reform of the financial sector and pioneering financial support for agricultural development schemes, his departure could significantly weaken the reformists.

    Powerful merger

    The biggest development shaking the political system is the merger of four opposition parties into the APC. In the past four elections, opposition parties joined only ad hoc alliances that had often unravelled by election day. The APC, however, is a credible merger into a single party, formed from the south-west’s Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN); the small northern-based All Nigeria People’s Party; the leading party in the south-east, the All Progressives’ Grand Alliance; and Major General Muhammadu Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change. The APC controls 13 governorships and could seriously challenge the PDP across the country.

    The key architects of the APC have been Buhari and the ACN leader, former Lagos Governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He has rebuilt the old Yoruba political machine after it was reduced to holding only one state in 2003. By 2011, the ACN controlled nearly the entire south-west and one Niger Delta state.

    Tinubu and Buhari tried to form an alliance in 2011 but the arrangement collapsed over their inability to agree on who would occupy the top of the ticket. This year, however, the two reached a compromise that forms the foundation of the APC. The exact terms of the agreement have not been made public but one aspect is clear: Tinubu has agreed that the presidential candidate will be a northerner and that he will not be the vice-presidential choice.

    Less clear, however, is Buhari’s future in the APC. He lacks a strong political organisation but he is tremendously popular on the streets of the north – and among some southerners – for his anti-corruption credentials. Buhari is without doubt one of the most popular politicians but big questions arise about his role in an opposition organisation.

    Under the terms of the APC merger, Buhari appeared to have agreed to stand down in 2015, leaving himself and Tinubu as kingmakers. Now, Buhari says he plans to run again. He might again withdraw. At the same time, members of the Tinubu camp say that they could work with Buhari as their candidate if they could play the leading role in developing the new opposition coalition. In any event, they may have to. Buhari has name recognition and grassroots popularity but he has no viable political organisation, even in the north.

    The APC’s prospects for 2015 also depend upon whether or not a significant number of the northern PDP governors can be convinced to cross the floor. The current tally suggests that six to nine PDP governors, most but not all in the north, are considering decamping to the APC.

    Sokoto imbroglio

    The Jonathan-controlled PDP leadership has suspended the party’s governor in Sokoto and is threatening others (the governor’s suspension has since been lifted). Open warfare has broken out between Jonathan’s camp and Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi, the PDP Governor of Rivers State, over control of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum. Amaechi has faced down Jonathan’s efforts to oust him as Chairman and has won strong backing from all the opposition governors and several from Jonathan’s party. An articulate and lively advocate of political change, Amaechi is due to address London’s Royal Institute of International Affairs this month.

    By contrast, Buhari cuts a more sombre figure. He also frightens most of the political establishment, particularly those involved in corruption. Previously, he has talked of the need to gaol many from the political class as a way of cleansing the system.

    Uncharacteristically, he has made quiet overtures in recent months, suggesting that he might be willing to overlook past corruption if it stops when he takes office. Indeed, Buhari’s alliance with Tinubu and his patronage machine suggests that he is open to more pragmatic tactics. Many leaders – even retired military officers such as Ibrahim Babangida and Aliyu Mohammed Gusau – who have crossed Buhari, worry that they would still remain targets.A mass exodus to the APC is unlikely right away, perhaps not until mid-2014. The northern governors will continue to undermine Jonathan within the PDP at first, working with former President Obasanjo and other disaffected members to win control of its machinery.

    The third way

    Their chances of success are slight, given the massive resource advantage of the presidency and their fears of an APC led by Buhari. The northern PDP governors are now discussing a ‘third way’ option of forming their own party. Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar and other senior politicians have entertained similar notions. Such developments would be a major blow to the PDP but would also present the APC with some difficult choices. For now, it looks the least likely route for the northern governors, if only because it would require a solidarity among them that they have yet to demonstrate.

     

    The APC’s fortunes depend above all on its presidential candidate. Although Buhari dominates discussion at the moment, other strong candidates are quietly testing the waters, some of whom have reformist credentials. If the APC can produce a presidential flagbearer who is sufficiently credible to attract both elite and wider electoral attention, as well as encapsulating the frustrations of the north, the party could gain a good number of PDP governors and supporters as well as tap into the vast well of public exhaustion with corrupt PDP rule.

    If the APC is able to construct a sufficiently national organisation to challenge the PDP in most of the 36 states, two additional factors will work in the opposition’s favour. Firstly, the large coalition of civil society groups that came together under Occupy Nigeria remains fairly organised and could throw its weight behind the opposition. That would help election monitoring and street protests if the 2015 elections are close. Trades union leaders, however, have long relationships with the PDP that will make their role uncertain.

    Secondly, the Independent National Electoral Commission is headed by a reformer, Professor Attahiru Jega, who has been battling to break the grip of the politicians on the election system. Unfortunately, the INEC is structured so that that he does not control its state or local offices, so that the local political machines were able to alter many results in 2011 after the results left the polling stations and before they reached the federal level. Jega is considering several ways to get the actual polling station results directly to the INEC leadership and to the public, but he faces strong resistance from political networks.

    Recipe for an APC win

    APC leaders express private doubts about whether Jega is really independent. Nevertheless, his efforts at INEC, combined with civil society support, could provide the required ingredients for an APC victory if the party gains backing from the northern governors to give it the national organisation it needs.

    Yet the hurdles are high. First and foremost stands the remarkable ability of the PDP to reinstall a modicum of party discipline, typically fuelled by the deep pockets of the presidency. Jonathan still has time to reach out to northern leaders and negotiate a new deal with enough governors, although that could be difficult. PDP organisers could take advantage of the heavy military presence in the north-east to interfere with election outcomes there.

    All this focussing on the presidential election, however, obscures other issues for the APC and its countrywide reach. The opposition now has enough organisations in many of the states to contemplate a more comprehensive strategy. If it does not employ all its energy on winning the presidency, the APC could prepare a Plan B in case Jonathan outmanoeuvres it in 2015. It might add more state governorships and reach 18 or 19 states. That would give it a powerful base from which to take the presidency in 2019.

    Such advance planning would be untypical of senior politicians but if they can stitch together a viable opposition, they will need a far more strategic approach from now on.

    Culled from Africa Confidential

  • Presidential aide launches MDGs, TAF empowerment project

    The Senior Special Assistant to the President on Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), Dr. Precious Kalamba Gbeneol, has launched the Albino Foundation in Abuja to cater for the interest of the less-privileged.

    It is designed to be of social and economic benefit to the vulnerable.

    Three hundred and seventy Nigerians, including women and youths, are expected to be empowered with the requisite entrepreneurial skill acquisition and vocational knowledge to engage in productive ventures at the first phase of the project.

    Dr. Gbeneol said his office has been working with the TAF Albinos to make the project a reality.

    “My office formally entered into a collaborative working arrangement to develop and implement special empowerment interventions designed to engage and address the specific socio-economic challenges of poverty and lack of relevant skills for productive engagement prevalent among the nation’s identified vulnerable groups.

    “Let me recognise the efforts of the Albino Foundation for being in the forefront of the Albinism cause. I hail its commitment to the fight to address the dynamic challenges of the millions of persons with albinism in Nigeria in addition to its advocacy efforts aimed at changing the negative mindset and socio-cultural stereotypes about albinism in Nigeria.”

    Dr. Gbenoel added: “Three hundred and seventy Nigerians including women and youths would have been empowered with the requisite entrepreneurial and vocational knowledge to engage in productive ventures. By this time, funding would have been provided for equipment and start-up capital for the beneficiaries of the project.”

     

  • Presidential aide happy with port decongestion

    Presidential aide happy with port decongestion

    THE Senior Special Assistant to the President on Maritime Matters, Mr Olugbenga Leke Oyewole, yesterday hailed the Association of Maritime Trucks Owners (AMATO) for starting a scheme that would reduce transport chaos in the Lagos maritime environment.

    Oyewole spoke in Lagos after inspecting facilities at the International Trade Fair Complex on the Lagos-Badagry Expressway. The facilities were provided by a consortium of private sector operators, including AMATO, the National Association of Road Transport Owners (NARTO) and the Road Transport Employers Association (RETRAN).

    He described the scheme as a classical example of President Goodluck Jonathan’s Transformation Agenda, which he said would reduce congestion at the nation’s seaports and boost businesses in Nigeria.

    The presidential aide noted that the initiative would provide logistics for port operations, reduce corruption and enhance security in the maritime industry.

    According to him, the human element in transactions at the ports will also be eliminated.

    Oyewole urged the administrators of the scheme to develop a synergy with the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) and other stakeholders to enable them achieve the objectives of the scheme.

    The Managing Director of Multi-Aulic Limited, the concessionaire, who is also piloting the scheme, Alhaji Alhassan Dantata, said his company’s participation in the scheme is to enable it contribute to the growth of the economy through the private sector.

    He said the complex, which has four terminals, will each have a recreation centre, eateries, toilets and other facilities, when it becomes fully operational.

    Dantata said up to 5,000 trucks would be accommodated within the complex.

    According to him, one of the advantages of the centre is its proximity to the ports.

    The businessman said the 10-lane Lagos-Badagry Road, currently under construction, will boost the operations of the centre.

     

  • Presidential hammer looms over Eagles

    Presidential hammer looms over Eagles

    Sources close to the Presidency in Abuja have hinted futaa.com on the possibility of seeing members of the Super Eagles squad being reprimanded for the way they went about their bonus row which ended painting Nigeria in bad light in the face of the comity of nations.

    It is expected that the Presidency who before now had showered both players and officials of the national teams with cash and kind gifts would now probe the cause of the recent row and mete out the appropriate disciplinary action to whoever erred and caused the country unwarranted embarrassments.

    The Super Eagles had refused to board plane to South Africa enroute Brazil after they rejected the 2500 dollars paid them for playing a draw with Namibia insisting that they would only accept 5000 dollars which was what they normally get for a draw.

    This made them miss their flight and only arrived in Brazil only Sunday after monies were got across to the players.