Tag: problem

  • ‘Blood shortage a huge problem in Nigeria’

    The founder of LifeBank, Mrs Temie Giwa-Tubosun has said blood shortage was still a major problem in Nigeria.

    She spoke during the Love Drive in Lagos.

    According to her, no fewer than 26,000 women lose their lives yearly due to blood shortage.

    She said: “Twenty thousand children under the age of five also lose their lives due lack of blood. One in four patients admitted in the hospital needs blood.”

    Moreover, the rate of blood donation in the country is low.

    “Most countries across the world have 100 per cent voluntary donors but the case is different in Nigeria with just 10 per cent.”

    Mrs Giwa-Tubosun called for more awareness on blood donating.

    She said: “Lifebank has been collecting blood for about four years and have collected over 3000 pints of blood since inception.

    “The firm has put up love drive for voluntary donors to donate blood  to save people’s lives.

    She said no fewer than 500 donors came for the exercise.

    “We work with the National Blood Transfusion Service (NBTS). But for the love drive, we are working with the Lagos State blood Transfusion Service (LSBTS),” she said.

    Giwa-Tubosun said there are numerous health benefits from donating blood, such as reducing the chances of having an heart attack and kidney diseases.

    The public, she advised, should donate blood because “You never know who you are saving when giving blood. The live you are saving might be yours”.

    She urged interested donors to register on the firm’s official website www.lifebank.ng.

    A donor, AbdulQadri Mumuni said patients will be in danger if people do not donate blood.

    “I am doing this to help replenish the blood bank, so that patients that need blood can get it on time,” he said.

    People should donate blood to save lives, Mumuni said.

    he founder of LifeBank, Mrs Temie Giwa-Tubosun has said blood shortage was still a major problem in Nigeria.

    She spoke during the Love Drive in Lagos.

    According to her, no fewer than 26,000 women lose their lives yearly due to blood shortage.

    She said: “Twenty thousand children under the age of five also lose their lives due lack of blood. One in four patients admitted in the hospital needs blood.”

    Moreover, the rate of blood donation in the country is low.

    “Most countries across the world have 100 per cent voluntary donors but the case is different in Nigeria with just 10 per cent.”

    Mrs Giwa-Tubosun called for more awareness on blood donating.

    She said: “Lifebank has been collecting blood for about four years and have collected over 3000 pints of blood since inception.

    “The firm has put up love drive for voluntary donors to donate blood  to save people’s lives.

    She said no fewer than 500 donors came for the exercise.

    “We work with the National Blood Transfusion Service (NBTS). But for the love drive, we are working with the Lagos State blood Transfusion Service (LSBTS),” she said.

    Giwa-Tubosun said there are numerous health benefits from donating blood, such as reducing the chances of having an heart attack and kidney diseases.

    The public, she advised, should donate blood because “You never know who you are saving when giving blood. The live you are saving might be yours”.

    She urged interested donors to register on the firm’s official website www.lifebank.ng.

    A donor, AbdulQadri Mumuni said patients will be in danger if people do not donate blood.

    “I am doing this to help replenish the blood bank, so that patients that need blood can get it on time,” he said.

    People should donate blood to save lives, Mumuni said.

  • The gap problem

    Not too long ago, Total Exploration & Production Nigeria Limited (TEPNG) hosted public and private secondary school pupils during its Open Day programme in Lagos.  It was a career awareness initiative to expose them to opportunities in the oil and gas sector as well as the firm.

    In the course of the programme, the pupils had to ask questions or respond to those asked by the facilitators.  I cringed in my seat each time a public school pupil stood up to speak.  I was afraid they would mess up and the private school pupils would laugh at them.  They did goof a few times; luckily, the private school pupils were civil enough not to laugh aloud.  But where I sat at the back, I could hear giggling and imagined them rolling their eyes as they whispered to one another.

    Sad but true: There is a gap between the quality of education private school pupils and their public school counterparts.  I do not know of a clear cut research that has compared whether pupils that attend private schools perform better than their public school counterpart – though if the examining bodies were to release private versus public school candidates’ performances in the Senior School Certificate Examination (SSCE), we would be able to do a comparison and reach a conclusion.

    However, a research of this nature was conducted by the Developing Effective Private Education in Nigeria (DEEPEN) but at the primary school level.  It found that pupils in private schools were performing better than their public school counterparts – though it added a caveat that the tests were done at different times – at the start of Primary Three for the private school pupils; and the end of primary two for the public school pupils.  The research did not also consider the influences of socio-economic factors on learning.  There are plans to do further research to give room for better comparisons.

    A research in this regard would help reveal the extent of the gap in learning between public and private schools and perhaps reveal ways of bridging it.  However, I do not expect the gap to be so wide.  The general poor performance in the West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE) is a pointer to the fact that most of the over one million candidates that fail the examination in both public and private schools do not achieve proficiency to the expected level by the time they complete their secondary education.  This year, only 38 per cent made credits in five subjects, including English and Mathematics.  The remaining 62 per cent that did not achieve the benchmark, which is the minimum needed for admission into tertiary institutions, attended both public and private schools.

    Nevertheless, while general performance is below standard, we still have the better performance coming from the private schools.  The government should endeavour to bridge this gap and improve the average performance generally.

    Like Prof Peter Okebukola, former Executive Secretary, National Universities Commission (NUC) mentioned in an interview, improving teacher education would go a long way to improve learning outcomes of pupils generally.  He said our teachers are poor in content knowledge.  If their content knowledge is shallow, it is no surprise that performance in public examinations is so poor.

     

  • I played under 6 coaches without problem – Enyeama

    I played under 6 coaches without problem – Enyeama

    Nigerian football international, Vincent Enyeama has taken to social media platform, Instagram to explain why he left Nigeria’s national team, the Super Eagles this week.

    Following a row with new Eagles coach, Sunday Oliseh, the erstwhile captain and goal keeper of the Eagles announced his retirement from the national team on Thursday. This announcement followed a confrontation with Oliseh over being stripped of the captainship of the Eagles.

    On Friday, Sunday Oliseh responded to the allegations levelled against him by Enyeama saying that Enyeama had a history of laceration with coaches, among other allegations.

    Enyeama posted a message which includes a prayer, some questions, and tells his fans he left the Super Eagles because he didn’t want to be the reason the team was divided, and he did what he did for the good of the team and the nation.

    “Though I walk through the valley of the shadow of whatsoever, I fear no evil for thou oh God Jehovah is with me. I didn’t have a problem with Chief Onibginde, Chukwu, Eguavon, Berti Vogts, Lars Lagerback, Keshi.”

    Under Berti Vogts,i was injured. It was a match against Ugandan that we won 1/0.The coach decided to stick to Austine Ejide after that match because Ejide had a great game. One question to everyone.

  • Saraki: When solution becomes the problem

    SIR: The establishment of the judiciary was necessitated by the desire of a nation to dispense justice to all manners of people. It is in manifestation of this lofty expectation that our courts through the instrumentality of the law have been equipped with powers in the exercise of their functions. It is therefore right to say that the existence of judiciary, nay court system, is predicated on the twin assumptions of justice and fairness.

    It is however a disappointing and strange development when the same court system become an instrument of manipulations and a readymade tool for the taking by the untouchables. The attempt to stall the trial of Senate President Bukola Saraki by the Code of Conduct Tribunal through an ex-parte application from the Federal High Court is to say least unfortunate and amounts to using the court to achieve inglorious ends.  Ex-parte applications have been employed by some lawyers to halt criminal trial in high profile cases and sadly the courts have continued to encourage this ugly jurisprudence in our land.

    Criminal trials do not by themselves translate to guilt of an accused. It is the proof of evidence that decides conviction or otherwise. And this is why we feel the Senate President should have demonstrated some modicum respect for the judiciary by appearing before the CCT to raise whatever defence he has rather than turning the courts against themselves. This may be politics to them; it is law to us! It stands logic on its head that a court would attempt to halt the proceedings of another court with coordinate jurisdiction. This is the level in which our court system has degenerated into. It is this type of practice that has confined our country to a banana republic and a clown in a comity of nation.

    It is a strange jurisprudence, not to mention shocking, for a lawyer to raise issue of jurisdiction on behalf of his client to attempt in another court other than the court/tribunal in which the accused is being tried.  It is hoped that the judiciary would halt the unfortunate drift to judicial precipice.

    AlatiseTaofeeq,

    Lagos.

  • Making a portrait a problem  

    It is laughable that the political opposition is opposed not only to President Muhammadu Buhari and his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), but also to his portrait. The pictorial hostility was first publicised by Olisa Metuh, National Publicity Secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He announced on September 8: “We will never hang his (Buhari) portrait in this office, because President Buhari is not known to our party. He is not a leader of our party and, therefore, we will never put his portrait here.”  Perhaps for the avoidance of doubt, Metuh added: “We are a political party, very partisan and therefore, we are not going to hide that.”

    Like copycats, two other parties adopted the PDP’s position. According to the National Chairman of the Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA), Peter Ameh, “…the APC did not have Jonathan’s portrait in the party’s national secretariat. Everything is about precedent. Throughout Jonathan’s tenure, the APC didn’t have his photograph; so, maybe other political parties are also learning from the precedent set by the APC. “

    The Labour Party (LP) was guided, or misguided, by the same logic, or illogic. It’s National Chairman, Abdulkadir Abdulsalam, said: “We don’t have the photograph of President Buhari in our secretariat because the APC never had the photograph of ex-President Jonathan in their offices.”

    It is a settled issue that display of the President’s portrait is a discretionary convention, which is why the seeming fuss by the opposition betrays desperation to score cheap political points. However, it could be realistically argued that Jonathan’s emergence as president lacked the incontestable clarity and popularity that defined Buhari’s election as president.

    If the antagonistic parties intended to generate a controversy by their rationalisation, they only succeeded in drawing public attention to their post-election crisis of adjustment. Importantly, Metuh, Ameh and Abdulsalam referred to Buhari as “President”.  So, it would appear that they may not have a problem with Buhari’s official status, only with the portrait that illustrates his status.

    It must be said that although exhibiting the President’s portrait is volitional, in a proper democratic culture such exhibition should be beyond unprogressive partisanship. In other words, hanging the President’s portrait should not be influenced by his membership of a particular party, or, in Buhari’s specific case, his non-membership of a particular party.

    To use the words of a constitutional lawyer, Fred Agbaje, quoted in a report: “Even if it is not part of our constitution, it is part of our civic duty under the constitution that all public places should display the portrait as a mark of respect for constituted authority.”

    In a fundamental sense, therefore, the attitude of the antagonists can be described as disrespectful, not to call it rebellious.

  • Buhari must initiate process for dealing with Nigeria’s fundamental problem

    I applaud President Buhari’s courageous and focused assault on the hideous evil of corruption. I believe that if he succeeds with it, he would give our country some moral strength and a fair chance to return to the path of socio-economic progress.

    But that is not all that our country needs. Our country’s most important need is to find ways to be a stable country – to find ways to make our hundreds of nationalities live together in reasonable harmony as members of one country. It can be done. Many multi-nation countries like ours – such as India, Switzerland, Britain in its own way, and others – have done it or are doing it with reasonable degrees of success. Without finding a reasonably broadly acceptable solution to this problem, we are not likely ever to make Nigeria a stable country; in fact, we doom our country to continued instability, conflicts and probable ultimate break-up. President Buhari is the President of Change and Hope that Nigeria has long needed and desired. He must not continue to appear to be unaware of, or to be ignoring, or to be evading, this fundamental problem.

    This fundamental problem is not peculiar to Nigeria; it is common to virtually all Black African countries. And it is because no Black African country has found a broadly acceptable solution to it that virtually all Black African countries are forever going through turmoil and conflicts. And the reason no African country has found a solution to it is that African leaders, in general, do not accept fact as fact concerning this problem and deal with it as reasonable humans should.

    The root of this fundamental problem is that Black Africa is peculiarly a land of mostly small nationalities. After its three largest nationalities (the Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani and Igbo of Nigeria) and a few sizeable ones, the remaining thousands of Black Africa’s nationalities are very small – many not more than a few hundreds of thousands, or even only tens of thousands, in population.

    With this minute ethno-linguistic fragmentation of the Black African sub-continent, virtually every Black African country of our times comprises tens of nationalities. Nigeria, the largest in population, with some 170 million people, has over 300 nationalities – of which the three largest share about 130 million.  Clearly, over 100 of Nigerian nationalities have populations of only a few hundred thousand or even less each. The small Republic of Benin next door, with a population of about eight million, is home to about 40 nationalities. Tanzania, with a population of about 38 million people, has about 120 nationalities.

    Therefore, no matter how Black Africa had organised itself into new modern countries at the beginning of the last century, this fundamental problem would have been indeed a difficult reality to handle – since almost all countries would have needed to contain many nationalities. But, in fact, and unfortunately, Black Africa’s organisation into our modern countries actually happened in the worst way imaginable. It happened through conquest, control and direction by European imperialists who had no respect whatsoever for Black African peoples. In the process, these European imperialists compounded and confounded Black Africa’s fundamental problem. They twisted and mangled this problem, and now it is a tenacious nightmare for all the countries, and all the peoples, of Black Africa. Approaching African peoples with deep disrespect, the European creators of our modern countries simply trampled down our various nationalities, cut boundaries through the homelands of countless nationalities, and created new countries in such ways as to make room for little or no likelihood of cohesion or stability ever.

    To convey some picture of this sordid disrespect, let’s quote statements of two participants in the creation of our countries. In 1884-5, representatives of leading European countries met in Berlin in Germany to share Africa among them. One of those representatives later wrote: “We have been engaged in drawing lines on maps where no white man’s foot has ever trod; we have been giving away mountains and rivers and lakes to each other, only hindered by the small impediment that we have never known where the rivers and lakes and mountains were”. One British official who took part in creating the eastern boundaries of Nigeria wrote later: “In those days, we just took a blue pencil and ruler, and we put it down at Old Calabar, and drew that blue line to Yola. I recollect thinking when I was sitting having an audience with the Emir (of Yola) surrounded by his tribe, that it was a very good thing that he did not know that I, with a blue pencil, had drawn a line through his territory”.

    That is the ignorant, disrespectful and shoddy manner in which our country, Nigeria, was created – and in which all other countries of Black Africa were created. That is also the ignorant and disrespectful manner in which the internal boundaries of our Nigeria were created. When we feel like making noises about our Nigeria or about our North, or whatever, we need to remind ourselves of these sorry pictures. Starkly put, our country and its international and internal colonial boundaries are one package of ignorant and presumptuous errors. They are a package of wounds that still pain many of our nationalities.

    This does not mean, of course, that Nigeria is impossible to keep together and to build into a successful country. What it does mean, however, is that those who manage the affairs of Nigeria must keep consciously aware of the fundamental realities of the country we call Nigeria. It means that we must consciously nurture a culture of respect for every nationality, large or small. It means that we must be committed to a true federation, and to a federal structure and order based on respect for our nationalities. With these, we can make success of Nigeria; without them, we cannot. President Buhari needs to show that he knows these things.

    President Buhari must show that he knows what is known by a total foreigner like Elliot P. Skinner who wrote, “African countries will continue to be racked by conflicts unless leaders agree about how to govern their multi-faceted nation-states and how to distribute their economic resources equitably. Without compromise that would ensure “ethnic justice”, neither so-called “liberal democracy” nor any other species of government will succeed in Africa”.

    In short, no matter what else we do, no matter how successfully we suppress corruption under Buhari’s leadership, we still must provide a broadly acceptable solution to the fundamental problem created by the fact that our country is a country of hundreds of different ancient nationalities. To make a success of Nigeria at all, we must provide solutions acceptable to our various nationalities.

    Some of our most prominent citizens think that the answer to this enormous problem is to keep asking us Nigerians to think of ourselves only as Nigerians and cease thinking of ourselves as Yoruba, Ijaw, Hausa-Fulani, Ibibio, Igbo, Kanuri, etc. Some think it is something worthy of pride to keep telling us that they see themselves as Nigerian leaders only and detest being seen as leaders among their own nationalities. It does not amount to a solution.

  • Nigeria’s fundamental problem

    I cannot help returning repeatedly to the fundamental problem of Nigeria. The reason is that without finding a reasonably broadly acceptable solution to it, we are not likely ever to make Nigeria a stable country. This fundamental problem is not peculiar to Nigeria; it is common to virtually all Black African countries. And it is because no Black African country has found a broadly acceptable solution to it that virtually all Black African countries are forever going through turmoil and conflicts. And the reason no African country has found a solution to it is that African leaders, in general, do not accept fact as fact concerning this problem and deal with it as reasonable humans.

    This fundamental problem is that Black Africa is peculiarly a land of mostly very small nationalities. Even at today’s population levels (after a century of rapid population growths), almost all of the sub-continent of Black Africa is still home to very small nationalities.  Its largest nationalities are the three that live in the West Africa sub-region, namely the three giants of Nigeria (Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani and Igbo, each of which is estimated at about between 35 and 50 million).

    After these three, the few that are next in population size are much smaller, ranging roughly between 11 million and 18 million. These include the Nguni of the Union of South Africa (consisting of many small loosely related linguistic groups), the Ijaw of the Nigerian Niger Delta (also consisting of many small loosely related linguistic groups), the Bakongo of the Congo basin (now split between Congo Kinshasa, Angola, Central African Republic and Congo Brazzaville), the Akhan  (in the Republic of Ghana) , the Fula spread thinly over much of the West African Sudan and Sahel,  the Shona of Zimbabwe, the Somali of the Horn of Africa, and the Amhara and Oromo of Ethiopia.

    The next ones below these are also few and much smaller.  Each of them is estimated at between five and nine million in population.  They include the Sotho of the Union of South Africa, the Kikuyu of Kenya, the Ewe of Ghana, the Kanuri and related peoples, as well as the Edo and related peoples, of Nigeria.

    The rest of the sub-continent is shared among thousands of very small nationalities. Some have populations in the range of a couple of millions. Of the overwhelming majority, each has much less than that – many having populations of only a few tens of thousands.

    With this minute ethno-linguistic fragmentation of the Black African sub-continent, every Black African country of our times, including the two (Liberia and Ethiopia) that are not creations of modern European colonialism, comprises tens of nationalities. Nigeria, the largest in population, with some 170 million people, has over 300 nationalities – of which the three largest share about 130 million.  Clearly over 100 of Nigerian nationalities have populations of only a few hundred thousand or less each. Nigeria’s immediate western neighbor, the small Republic of Benin with a population of about eight million, is home to about 40 nationalities – a condition about typical of most Black African countries.  Tanzania, with a population of about 38 million people, has about 120 ethnic groups.

    Therefore, no matter what form Black Africa’s entry into the world of the 20th century  would have taken, this fundamental problem would have been indeed a difficult reality to handle – since most countries would have needed to contain many nationalities. But, in fact, and unfortunately, Black Africa’s entry into the world of the 20th century actually took perhaps the worst form imaginable in the circumstance. It took the form of conquest, control and direction by European imperialists who had no respect whatsoever for Black African peoples. In the process, the European imperialists compounded and confounded Black Africa’s fundamental problem.They twisted and mangled this problem so much that it became a hideous monster, which, after independence in Africa, has been generating a massive and tenacious nightmare for all countries, and all peoples, of Black Africa. Approaching African peoples with deep disrespect, the European creators of our modern countries simply trampled down our various nationalities, cut boundaries through the homelands of countless nationalities, and created new countries in such ways as to make room for little or no likelihood of cohesion or stability immediately or in any future.

    To convey some picture of the sordid disrespect with which Europeans created our countries, I hereby quote two passages from those who created our countries. In 1884-5, representatives of leading European countries met in Berlin in Germany to share Africa among them. One of those representatives wrote later: “We have been engaged in drawing lines on maps where no white man’s foot has ever trod; we have been giving away mountains and rivers and lakes to each other, only hindered by the small impediment that we have never known where the rivers and lakes and mountains were”. One British official who took part in creating the boundaries of Nigeria wrote later:”In those days, we just took a blue pencil and ruler, and we put it down at Old Calabar, and drew that blue line to Yola. I recollect thinking when I was sitting having an audience with the Emir (of Yola) surrounded by his tribe, that it was a very good thing that he did not know that I, with a blue pencil, had drawn a line through his territory”.

    That is the ignorant, disrespectful and shoddy manner in which our country, Nigeria, was created – and in which all other countries of Black Africa were created. That is the ignorant and disrespectful manner in which the internal boundaries of our Nigeria were created. When we feel like making noises about our Nigeria or about our North, or whatever, we needto remind ourselves of these sorry pictures. Starkly put, our country and its colonial internal boundaries are one package of ignorant and presumptuous errors. They are a package of wounds that still pain many of our nationalities.

    This does not mean, of course, that Nigeria is impossible to keep together and to build into a successful country. What it does mean, however, is that those who manage the affairs of Nigeria must keep consciously aware of the fundamental realities of the country we call Nigeria. It means that we must consciously nurture a culture of respect of every nationality, large or small. It means that we must be committed to a true federation, and to a federal structure and order based on respect for our nationalities. With these, we can make success of Nigeria; without them, we cannot.

    This is the wisdom that Elliot P. Skinner imparted when he wrote, “African countries will continue to be racked by conflicts unless leaders agree about how to govern their multi-faceted nation-states and how to distribute their economic resources equitably. Without compromise that would ensure “ethnic justice”, neither so-called “liberal democracy” nor any other species of government will succeed in Africa”.

    In short, no matter what else we do, we must provide a broadly acceptable solution to the fundamental problems of our ethnic national diversity – a solution acceptable to our various nationalities – before we can make a success of Nigeria. Asking us Nigerians to think of ourselves as Nigerians only and cease thinking of ourselves as Yoruba, Ijaw, Hausa, Ibibio, Igbo, Kanuri, etc, is no more than a piece of ridiculous childishness. We are what we are. Wisdom demands that we should make our country harmonize with that.

  • Problem beyond the polls

    Two days after the country’s presidential poll, the  immortal lines from Shakespeare’s Macbeth are relevant : “When the hurlyburly’s done – When the battle’s lost and won.”  Against the background of the continuing anti-terror battle, the hurly-burly is certainly not done.

    News of the latest garland for Boko Haram, the Islamist guerilla force that has terrorised the country since 2009, deserves attention.  The group’s insurgency was the fourth deadliest conflict in the world in 2014 and was responsible for 11, 529 deaths, according to a release by an international think tank, the Project for the Study of the 21st Century. It is noteworthy that the think tank said the figure of fatalities could be underestimated.

    However, the estimation of the human suffering resulting from the destructive imagination and vision of the insurgents is more accurate. “We are seeing tremendous suffering,” UN Assistant Secretary General Robert Piper was quoted as saying. He continued: “We estimate that only about 20 percent of agricultural land in Borno State (the hardest-hit area) was harvested last season.” Piper, the coordinator of the UN’s humanitarian work in Africa’s Sahel region, pointed out that the situation “leaves a massive deficit.”

    Also, Piper noted that there were “dramatic rates of acute malnutrition” among the displaced children in Nigeria. In statistical terms, he highlighted a recent survey of displaced children around Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, which showed that over 35 percent of them were malnourished. “That is very, very high,” he was quoted as saying.

    This picture of disturbing death and dying demonstrates that the hurly-burly is not done and the battle has not been lost and won.  Shockingly, what many internally displaced persons have gone through, especially those uprooted by Boko Haram, came to light via a statement by the Director of Information, The Catholic Church Diocese of Maiduguri, Rev. Fr. Gideon Obasogie. He said: “A good number of those trapped around the Cameroonian borders are gradually finding their way into Maiduguri. Counting their ordeals, some will tell you how they fed on grass and insects. A group from Pulka community alone buried over 80 children, who took ill in the bush and died.”  Over 90, 000 Catholics have been uprooted by the developing tragedy, Obasogie noted, adding that the church has spent over N3 million on internal refugees at different locations in Maiduguri, Borno State.

    Relevant to this appalling picture is the information by the Director-General, National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), Mr. Sani Sidi, at last year’s opening of its annual consultative meeting with the heads of States Emergency Management Agencies. Sidi said about 734,062 persons were internally displaced by conflicts and disasters in various parts of the country; 676, 975 of them were displaced by conflicts and 66,087 by natural disasters. It is significant that he pointed out: “Disaster occurrences and the number of affected people have risen significantly in recent years.”

    It is not clear how NEMA arrived at these figures, and it is worth mentioning that they are a far cry from the statistics publicised by the 2014 Report of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre and the Norwegian Refugee Council, which indicate that out of 33 million internal refugees across the world, about 3.3 million Nigerians are internally displaced because of the Boko Haram insurgency in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states.  The yawning gap between the positions of the two bodies concerning the number of dislodged victims of the six-year-old violent campaign by Islamist terrorists in the affected areas is a cause for concern because it suggests that the scale of the problem may not have been captured and is likely to be beyond the range of the available figures.

    How devastating and disruptive Boko Haram has become is clear from its influence on the controversial rescheduling of the general elections.  To properly grasp the group’s role, it is useful to quote the February 7 statement by the Chairman, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof Attahiru Jega, on why the elections were postponed a week to the first vote. According to Jega, “Last Wednesday, which was a day before the Council of State meeting, the office of the National Security Adviser (NSA) wrote a letter to the Commission, drawing attention to recent developments in four Northeast states of Borno, Yobe, Adamawa and Gombe currently experiencing the challenge of insurgency. The letter stated that security could not be guaranteed during the proposed period in February for the general elections.”

    Jega continued: “This advisory was reinforced at the Council of State meeting on Thursday where the NSA and all the Armed Services and Intelligence Chiefs unanimously reiterated that the safety and security of our operations cannot be guaranteed, and that the Security Services needed at least six weeks within which to conclude a major military operation against the insurgency in the Northeast; and that during this operation, the military will be concentrating its attention in the theatre of operations such that they may not be able to provide the traditional support they render to the Police and other agencies during elections.”

    It is not surprising that the magical and illogical six-week time frame set for the conquest of insurgents who have carried out terroristic activities since 2009 has passed with Boko Haram still threatening and frightening. Optimism won’t win the terror war, no matter how well-dressed.  The naked pessimism of the people is unmistakable.

    The reports of recaptured territories by the country’s troops in a regional collaboration with four neighbouring nations, Benin, Cameroon, Chad and Niger, have been captivating largely because the people never knew exactly what had been captured. Reports said the contributions to the multi-national force total 8, 700 individuals and its objective is to “foster a safe and secure environment in the impacted regions.”

    With the eventual adoption of a frontal attack, it is comical that National Security Adviser Col Sambo Dasuki (retd) last year introduced a simplistic angle to the anti-terror campaign.  Dasuki’s amazing “Roll out of Nigeria’s Soft Approach to Counter Terrorism”, whatever its theoretical merits, represented an ill-defined all-inclusive method. According to him, “The soft approach provides us with a frame-work that identifies the roles and responsibilities of every segment of our society: the governors, local council chairmen, national and state assembly members, political parties, trade unions, the private sector, traditional institutions, ministers and other government officials, academics, in fact, a ‘whole-of-society’ approach that involves everyone vertically and horizontally to confront violent extremism.”  It was a mystifying approach and an exaggerated perspective that glossed over the fundamental point, which is, confronting and crushing terrorism with the logic of superior sovereignty.

  • Accommodation is our major problem, says VC

    Despite the N2 billion 2014/2015 NEEDS Assessment fund released by the Federal Government for hostel intervention, the Federal University of Technology, Minna (FUTMinna) is yet to address accommodation challenges, said its Vice Chancellor, Prof Musbau Akanji.

    Akanji spoke after the matriculation of 4,250 students admitted for the 2014/2015 academic session at the Gidan Kwano campus of the institution.

    He, however, said the university would be tackling the hostel deficiency through a Public Private Partnership (PPP) approach  with private developers to construct halls of residence under the Build, Occupy and Transfer (BOT).

    Akanji said only 2,250 students out of the population of 15,000 are accommodated in the available halls of residence in the institution with the remaining 12, 750 living off campus.

    “We are hoping that, if this programme works out, it will substantially address the issue of accommodation of students. We have about 15, 000 students, but currently, we are only able to accommodate 2,250 students,” he said.

    He called for more funds for university education to enable the various institutions increase their intake.

    About 25 per cent of the 1.6 million applicants that applied through the Joint Admission Marticulation Board (JAMB) for 2014/2015 academic session were given admission by various public and private universities.

    “With increased funding from the government, more number of students can be admitted by universities,” Akanji said.

    The VC said out of the 10, 000 that applied for admission for 2014/2015 session , 6,650 sat for the Post-UTME. 4,743 were offered admission among whom 4,250 students finally scaled through.

    He urged the students to shun all acts contrary to the rules and regulations of the institution, such as examination malpractice, frauds of all kinds, financial racketeering, cultism, fighting, theft, assault, rumour mongering and illicit drug dealing.

    Against this backdrop, he said a Commitee Against Anti-Social Activities (CASA) has been put in place to counsel and monitor students’ activities on the university’s two campuses; Bosso and Gidan Kwano, where they could seek guidance.

     

  • Is Jonathan Nigeria’s problem?

    The buck, we are told, stops at the table of the leader. That said, a country turns out to be great only when the people in it elect to make it so. I have observed with keen interest the condemnation President Jonathan gets from Nigerians these days – and he has had a measure from me as well, but I am baffled at some criticisms which I figure are not envisioned to campaign for social justice especially since some of these decriers fail to take zealotry (religion) out of their schisms.

    His lacklustre performance so far notwithstanding, I refuse to believe that he alone is responsible for the state of affairs of our country as it is at the moment. We are all as guilty as this president.

    Compare his advisers to that of developed climes and you will wonder if they truly have the interest of Nigeria at heart. Most political analysts see them as people only interested in feeding fat from the national cake, particularly with the combative way in which they engage the opposition.

    In contrast, during the Richard Nixon Watergate scandal, two of his principal presidential aid and defence lawyers Fred Buzhardt and Leonard Garment did what no persons had done before that moment: they asked President Nixon to resign due to the overwhelming evidence against him over the Watergate scandal. Can any of President Jonathan’s advisers show the same courage to tell him to his face that he has underachieved?

    Why is it that we hear that the resignation of top individuals from a party leaves the party ruined without a structure, needing the persona of other individuals to help bring it to life? Isn’t it outrageous and pathetic that our parties are centered on individuals and may not last beyond these individuals? How is President Jonathan responsible for the politics of anointment by states’ chief executives that have seen many of these endorsing wives and kinfolks to seek elective offices without grooming and recruiting capable candidates with widely-held support?

    I watched a CNN feature interview directed by Nick Robertson recently where soldiers recounted the distressing experiences they face in the fight against insurgency. They even have to buy their kits as revealed, but that is not news. Most Nigerians know that the armed forces are underfunded. What is stupefying is why no high-ranking senior officer has had the guts to spill the beans and step down, on moral and ethical principles. I recall with nostalgia the spat between General Victor Malu and President Olusegun Obasanjo over the latter’s directive that a US intelligence unit should have unrestricted access to our intelligence facility but that General refused, leading to his ousting from the army as reported at the time. Do we still have officers with guts and have they chosen to be political or apolitical?

    Whatever happened to our civil society groups after the end of military rule? Do they still passionately charge leaders to deliver electoral undertakings to the people and also stir up the youths from their state of disinterest for national growth?

    Isn’t it true that Nigeria is quickly becoming a place where people hide under the cloak of religion to promote hatred and the condemnation of people of other faiths? Instead of religious leaders to campaign for concerns that will be beneficial to their members, they now either prophecy that candidates will win or lose. How such predictions help our body politic remains an open question.

    The world woke up recently to the shocking news that 17 lives were lost in France to terrorist acts. It was really sad news for people who truly value life and humanity. What I found interesting was the bi-partisan meeting that was held immediately by President Francois Hollande and former President Nicolas Sarkozy who is now a leading opposition figure.

    There was no trading of blame, brickbats and bedlam like we have here with our political class that have all failed to rise above partisanship for the growth of Nigeria. You could see two great statesmen who care for their nation rousing citizens to stay united and not be cowed by terrorism and to fight against it in their homeland and also to stay alert. But in Nigeria, it took our president forever and a day to visit Maiduguri, leading many to assume that people who die in the northeast regrettably are lowlifes who do not matter. Little wonder Odumegwu Ojukwu said, Nigerians “suffer from selective amnesia,” and when they chose to remember, suffer from “selective myopia”. If not, how come the members representing these constituencies in the Senate and House of Representatives have not resigned their offices to protest the government’s grotesque abandonment of their people who fall prey to the killing machine of the ‘Haramists.’? Have we ever heard of resignations in those houses to protest the maladministration of this regime?

    Didn’t we read in the press that the ACF has chosen to endorse General Buhari because it is the policy of the outfit to endorse northerners for election even when concessions and merger made this development possible? And given our country’s need for a reawakening, should we still be encouraging regional prejudices to fester?

    The debates in the House of Commons entices youths in the United Kingdom to be politicians and to play an active role in that country’s national life but ours has been unexciting and mind-numbing at the national level, while some state assemblies remain closed, others have their members hounded out of the state and our office-bearers are yet to groom young people to be good citizens by their own good conduct.

    Did the elders from the Niger Delta not play politics with the carrying off of the Chibok girls by misleading this president that there was never an abduction which made him to act 21 days after when it was too late? And even after videotapes revealed that they were abducted, some of them still hold this deceptive viewpoint.

    Many years into democratic rule, most states do not have active developmental plans, technocrats are not employed but acquaintances, and the government remains the highest employer of labour instead of the private sector and machineries of state have been used to stifle opposition that is relevant in a democracy. How is the President responsible for all of these contradictions?

    It would require a long epistle to describe the tumble-down federal civil service where the practice of engaging people to boards of government organizations without recourse to national experience and age is widespread which till now is responsible for the lack of the development and implementation of rolling plans in the country.

    Why are the DSS and the Police not able to prevent ill-feelings before they aggravate? Why haven’t they been able to prevent gun-running so unparalleled in our history that youths now dare to kill as often as reported in the press these days?

    We are as guilty as this president for the decay Nigeria finds herself in and it is binding on all of us to rebuild her.

     

    •  Abah writes from Port Harcourt, Rivers State