Tag: Putin

  • Putin vows deeper ties with Vietnam in visit criticised by U.S.

    Putin vows deeper ties with Vietnam in visit criticised by U.S.

    The leaders of Vietnam and Russia have said they want to boost ties as the pair met in the Vietnamese capital of Hanoi.

    Vietnamese President To Lam was full of praise for his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, congratulating him on his recent re-election.

    Putin, in return, said strengthening a strategic partnership with the south-east Asian country was one of Russia’s priorities.

    His trip to Vietnam, which comes on the heels of his lavish visit to North Korea, is being interpreted as a demonstration of the diplomatic support Russia still enjoys in the region.

    “Congratulations to our comrade for receiving overwhelming support during the recent presidential election, underlining the confidence of the Russian people,” President Lam said after Putin was given a red carpet welcome.

    The United States has criticised the visit for giving a platform for President Putin to promote his war of aggression in Ukraine.

    Vietnam still values the historic ties it has with Russia even as it works to improve its relationship with Europe and the U.S.

    Read Also: Army receives two helicopters to fight terrorism, others

    Looming over a small park in Ba Dinh, Hanoi’s political quarter, a five-meter high statue of Lenin depicts the Russian revolutionary in heroic pose.

    On his birthday every year, a delegation of senior Vietnamese officials solemnly lay flowers and bow their heads before the statue, a gift from Russia when it was still the Soviet Union.

    Vietnam’s ties to Russia are close and go back many decades, to the vital military, economic and diplomatic support given by the Soviet Union to the new communist state in North Vietnam in the 1950s.

    Vietnam described their relationship as “filled with loyalty and gratitude”. After Vietnam invaded Cambodia in 1978 to throw out the murderous Khmer Rouge regime, it was isolated and sanctioned by China and the West, and depended heavily on Soviet assistance. Many older Vietnamese, including the powerful communist party secretary-general Nguyen Phu Trong, studied in Russia and learned the language.

  • Putin’s ‘peace’ deal examined

    Putin’s ‘peace’ deal examined

    • By Phillips P. OBrien

    There is a very strange double standard when it comes to the way any possible “peace” deal is discussed between Ukraine and Russia. Basically, nothing Putin says is to really to be taken seriously, while Ukraine is supposed to make concessions based on the fact that, regardless of what Putin does say – he is actually looking for a deal that will allow Ukraine to be a sovereign state.

    It’s worth noting the number of articles in the Western media which argue that Ukraine must somehow agree to a (non-existent) peace deal with Russia. This non-existent peace deal narrative is regularly pushed, most prominently I suppose by Samuel Charap and others.

    The New York Times Op-Ed page had a very strange argument on the matter just this week – here the onus on searching for a peace deal is entirely on Ukraine. Indeed, if you read the text, and the earlier text by Charap, Russia is out to reach a peace deal, but it’s the annoying Ukrainians (and their partners) seemingly unwilling to do the right thing.

    In the article – Russia is a true partner for peace, and the Putin regime is looking to reach a deal. As the article says explicitly – Russia wants to negotiate a deal, but Ukraine is not working hard enough to work one out.

    Russia has expressed willingness to negotiate, though it has not been invited to the conference because Ukraine suspects that Russia will just use the meeting for show.

    The fascinating example which the article uses to show how eager Putin is for peace, is the Russian dictator’s interview with Tucker Carlson

    Moreover, the deal imagined has Ukraine making all the major concessions and Russia being offered sweeteners to accept a deal. Thus, Ukraine will have to recognize that it cannot get the land occupied by Russia back – and moreover, Ukraine will have to accept that it cannot join NATO for now (or really any time) as there is no specific date given when this can be allowed.

    Here is the peace deal for territory section

    Yes, Ukraine is entirely in the right – but that doesn’t matter, it must cede its territory de facto and make no more attempts to regain it.

    Ukraine has pledged never to cede territory. This is supported by international law that forbids the seizure of territory by force, and Ukraine should not surrender its lawful claim to its land. But to secure a lasting cease-fire, it may need to recognize that Russia has control, though not sovereignty, over portions of four Ukrainian regions and Crimea – and halt its quest to seize back occupied areas by force.

    Here is the peace deal for NATO

    As part of a peace agreement, Ukraine may also have to pause its NATO application and promise not to join for a number of years, say five to 10. This is made easier because NATO members are still far from united on allowing a nation at war into the alliance, especially given fears that membership could result in a NATO war with nuclear-armed Russia. Still, it would be a major concession.

    Read Also: NATO boss dismisses Putin’s nuclear war threats

    But Ukraine can still sign bilateral treaties with individual NATO members for security support – something it has already started to do, for example, with France, Germany and Britain. Future security guarantees will need to include strong provisions for supplying weapons and intelligence to Ukraine, and help to prevent cyberattacks. That said, Ukraine’s allies would probably not be allowed to place military bases on its soil.

    Long story short – Ukraine gives up territory it legally possesses, gives up the prospect of NATO membership – and allows Putin time to rebuild his military.

    And what concessions will Russia make? Well, none it seems. Indeed, the author argues that Putin should be given sweeteners to accept this terrible deal for Ukraine – including the relaxing of sanctions and a return to buying Russian oil at market prices – in other words, a massive infusion of capital into Russia is also something that Ukraine will have to accept.

    To make a peace deal more acceptable to Russia, it could be offered sanctions relief, contingent on compliance with the agreement. Russia could then trade its oil and gas at market prices, though Western countries could institute mechanisms for the immediate reimposition – the so-called snapback – of sanctions if needed. Russia would regain access to its withheld gold and foreign currency reserves in the West.

    In summary, the narrative that has been given is that Putin really wants a deal, will get all the territory he now possesses, Ukraine will stop trying to regain its territory, Ukraine will give up any short-term prospect to join NATO, Russia will be made richer by the relaxation of sanctions, and Russia will be allowed to rebuild its military.

    It’s hard to think of a “peace” deal more perfectly constructed not to bring peace.

    Thankfully, Putin stepped in to reveal the nonsense built into such arguments. A few hours after that piece was published, Putin announced that we would indeed discuss a ceasefire – but Ukraine would have to cede far more territory, give up NATO permanently, etc. etc.

    First off – Putin starts with the basic position that he did not launch a war of conquest in 2022 (or 2014).

    “We didn’t start the war” Russia’s president said. “It was the Kyiv regime.”

    According to Putin, Ukraine would have to give up all the territory that Russia has illegally annexed (including a great deal that it does not occupy, such as the west bank of the Dnipro in Kherson oblast). And Ukraine would not only have to give up NATO wishes, it would have to pledge to limit its military in the future (leaving it at Russia’s mercy in the future). Here was one news story summary of his position.

    Putin insisted that Kyiv should withdraw from all four annexed regions entirely and essentially cede them to Moscow within their administrative borders. In Zaporizhzhia in the southeast, Russia still doesn’t control the region’s administrative capital with a pre-war population of about 700,000; in the neighboring Kherson region, Moscow withdrew from its biggest city and capital of the same name in November 2022.

    Thankfully Putin’s intervention should make two things clear. He does not really want “peace” at this point – he wants to illegally seize much of Ukraine, rebuild his military, and keep Ukraine out of NATO. He wants a situation where he can restart the war on his terms in the future. And second, that those arguing for such a deal have placed Ukraine in an impossible catch-22. Ukraine is expected to make all the concessions, while Russia gets all the benefits. Moreover, they are basing their arguments that Putin is willing to negotiate in good faith.

    Just this week Trump, once again, let it be known how little he cares for Ukraine.

    This seems bizarre. Putin is clearly willing to slaughter his own people in extraordinary numbers to capture strategically irrelevant farm fields. He has shown he is happy to bombard civilians across Ukraine, commit countless war crimes, and continues to deny Ukrainian nationhood. This is the reality of what we are seeing. Moreover, he is almost certainly waiting to see the results of the 2024 presidential election – which hold out to him the happy prospect of a Trump presidency. Just this week Trump, once again, let it be known how little he cares for Ukraine.

    In a meeting with GOP members of Congress this week, Trump stated he was opposed to the $60 billion aid bill for Ukraine and saw no benefit for the US if Ukraine does well in the war.

    Trump also criticized a $60 billion aid package for Ukraine that recently passed with Republican support, lawmakers said.

    “He’s like, if Ukraine wins, what will be the benefit?” Republican Representative Don Bacon told reporters.

    People always like to say they want peace. However, sometimes peace is not available, and a “peace” deal does not lead to peace. We are in such a situation now. Russia does not want peace on terms except for Ukrainian amputation and strategic degradation. All this would do is set up a situation for future war in Europe.

    As sad as it is, if Ukraine wishes to fight (and it does), it’s up to Ukraine’s supporters to give it the aid that it needs to fight and win the war. That is the best road to peace.

    • This article was first published in www.kyivpost.com
  • NATO boss dismisses Putin’s nuclear war threats

    NATO boss dismisses Putin’s nuclear war threats

    NATO chief Jens Stoltenberg has dismissed warnings by Russian President Vladimir Putin that allowing Kyiv to use Western weapons for strikes inside Russian territory might lead to an escalation.

    Speaking on the sidelines of a NATO foreign ministers’ meeting in the Czech capital Prague, Stoltenberg said the alliance had heard such warnings many times before.

    “This is nothing new. It has (…) been the case for a long time that every time NATO allies are providing support to Ukraine, President Putin is trying to threaten us to not do that,” he told reporters on Friday.

    “And an escalation – well, Russia has escalated by invading another country.”

    Putin on Tuesday warned NATO members against allowing Ukraine to fire their weapons into Russia and raised anew a risk of nuclear war after several allies lifted restrictions imposed on the use of weapons donated to Kyiv.

    In a marked policy shift, US President Joe Biden has also authorised Kyiv the limited use of US-supplied weapons inside Russia.

    Biden’s decision applies only to targets inside Russia near the border with the Kharkiv region, where an offensive launched by Moscow on May 10 has overrun some villages.

    The US is by far the largest arms donor to Kyiv.

    Read Also: Putin to visit China to underscore deepening partnership with Xi

    Kharkiv, Ukraine’s second-largest city, is 30km from the border with Russia.

    Stoltenberg said Ukraine had the right to strike legitimate military targets inside Russia, especially since the borderline and the frontline near Kharkiv were more or less the same, and it was not reasonable to assume Kyiv should not hit back.

    “Of course it makes it very hard for Ukraine to defend themselves if they are not allowed to use advanced weapons to repel those attacks,” he said.

    “Ukraine has the right for self-defence, we have the right to help Ukraine uphold the right for self-defence, and that does not make NATO allies a party to the conflict.

    “That was the case back in February 2022, that was the case last year, that remains the case.”

    In Berlin on Friday, a German government spokesman said Ukraine could use weapons supplied by Berlin to defend itself against attacks launched from just inside Russia against the Kharkiv border region, in accordance with international law.

    Following Putin’s warning, the US decision on weapons prompted senior Russian security official Dmitry Medvedev to say Moscow was not bluffing when it spoke of the possibility of using tactical nuclear weapons against Ukraine and that its conflict with the West could escalate into an all-out war.

    Newsnow

  • Putin to visit China to underscore deepening partnership with Xi

    Putin to visit China to underscore deepening partnership with Xi

    Russian President Vladimir Putin will visit China on May 16-17, the Kremlin said on Tuesday, using the first foreign trip of his new six-year term to underscore the deepening partnership with China’s Xi Jinping.

    China and Russia declared a “no limits” partnership in February 2022 when Putin visited Beijing just days before he sent tens of thousands of troops into Ukraine, triggering the deadliest land war in Europe since World War Two.

    “At the invitation of Chinese President Xi Jinping, Vladimir Putin will pay a state visit to China on May 16-17 as his first foreign trip after taking office,” the Kremlin said.

    Putin, 71, and Xi, 70, will take part in a gala evening celebrating 75 years since the Soviet Union recognized the People’s Republic of China which was declared by Mao Zedong in 1949.

    Reuters reported exclusively in March that Putin would travel to China in May.

    The United States casts China as its biggest competitor and Russia as its biggest nation-state threat while U.S. President Joe Biden argues that this century will be defined by an existential contest between democracies and autocracies.

    Putin and Xi share a broad world view, which sees the West as decadent and in decline just as China challenges U.S. supremacy in everything from quantum computing and synthetic biology to espionage and hard military power.

    During the visit, Putin will meet Chinese Premier Li Qiang to discuss trade and economic co-operation. Putin will also visit Harbin, a city with strong ties to Russia.

    Read Also: Victory Day: Russia won’t let anyone threaten it, says Putin

    Putin pivoted strongly to China after the United States and its allies tried to isolate Russia as punishment for the war in Ukraine.

    China-Russian trade hit a record of $240.1-billion in 2023, up 26.3 per cent from a year earlier, Chinese customs data shows.

    China has strengthened its trade and military ties with Russia as the United States and its allies imposed sanctions against both countries. Russia has become China’s top crude supplier, with its oil shipments to China jumping more than 24 per cent in 2023 despite Western sanctions.

    Putin and Xi “will discuss in detail the entire range of issues of the comprehensive partnership and strategic co-operation,” the Kremlin said.

    They will “identify key areas for further development of Russian-Chinese practical co-operation, and exchange views in detail on the most pressing international and regional issues.”

    The Kremlin said the two leaders would sign a joint statement after the meeting.

    Newsnow

  • Putin warns of global clash as Russia marks victory in World War II

    Putin warns of global clash as Russia marks victory in World War II

    Russian President Vladimir Putin accused the West on Thursday of risking a global conflict and said no one would be allowed to threaten the world’s biggest nuclear power as Russia marked the Soviet Union’s victory over Nazi Germany in World War II.

    As Russian troops advance against Ukraine’s Western-backed forces, Putin accused “arrogant” Western elites of forgetting the decisive role played by the Soviet Union in defeating Nazi Germany, and of stoking conflicts across the world.

    “We know what the exorbitance of such ambitions leads to. Russia will do everything to prevent a global clash,” Putin said on Red Square after Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu reviewed troops lined up in a rare May blizzard.

    “But at the same time, we will not allow anyone to threaten us. Our strategic forces are always in a state of combat readiness.”

    Putin, who sent his army into Ukraine in 2022, casts the war as part of a struggle with the West, which he says humiliated Russia after the Berlin Wall fell in 1989 by encroaching on what he considers Moscow’s sphere of influence.

    Ukraine and the West say Putin is engaged in an imperial-style land grab. They have vowed to defeat Russia, which currently controls about 18% of Ukraine, including Crimea, and parts of four regions in eastern Ukraine. Russia says the lands, once part of the Russian empire, are now again part of Russia.

    The Soviet Union lost 27 million people in World War II, including many millions in Ukraine, but eventually pushed Nazi forces back to Berlin, where Hitler committed suicide and the red Soviet Victory Banner was raised over the Reichstag in 1945.

    “In the West, they would like to forget the lessons of the Second World War,” Putin said, adding that Russia honored all the allies involved in the defeat of Nazi Germany. He mentioned the Chinese people’s fight against Japanese militarism.

    Read Also: Vladimir Putin starts fifth term as Russian president

    “But we remember that the fate of mankind was decided in the grand battles near Moscow and Leningrad, Rzhev, Stalingrad, Kursk and Kharkiv, near Minsk, Smolensk and Kyiv, in heavy, bloody battles from Murmansk to the Caucasus and Crimea.”

    Nazi Germany’s unconditional surrender came into force at 11:01 p.m. on May 8, 1945, marked as “Victory in Europe Day” by France, Britain and the United States. In Moscow it was already May 9, which became the Soviet Union’s “Victory Day” in what Russians call the Great Patriotic War of 1941-45.

    In a much pared-down parade indicating the strains of war, Russia showed off just one T-34 tank. Fighters flew past streaming the Russian tricolor.

    The parade also featured Russia’s Yars intercontinental strategic missile which a TV announcer said has “a guaranteed capability to strike a target on any point of the globe”

    There were no leaders from the West.

    Present were the leaders of Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Cuba, Laos and Guinea-Bissau.

    Russian officials warn that the Ukraine war is entering the most dangerous phase to date — Putin has repeatedly warned of the risk of a much broader war involving the world’s biggest nuclear powers.

    The crisis has deepened in recent weeks: President Joe Biden signed off on $61 billion in aid to Ukraine; Britain said that Ukraine had the right to strike Russia with British weapons; and French President Emmanuel Macron has refused to rule out sending French troops to fight Russian forces.

    Russia responded on Monday by announcing it would practice the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons as part of a military exercise after what the Moscow said were threats from France, Britain and the United States.

    NewsNow

  • Vladimir Putin starts fifth term as Russian president

    Vladimir Putin starts fifth term as Russian president

    Vladimir Putin begins his fifth term as Russian president in an opulent Kremlin inauguration on Tuesday, after launching a devastating war in Ukraine and consolidating all power in his hands.

    Already in office for nearly a quarter-century and the longest-serving Kremlin leader since Josef Stalin, Putin’s new term doesn’t expire until 2030, when he is constitutionally eligible to run for another six years.

    He has transformed Russia. Following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine that has become Europe’s biggest conflict since World War II, Russia has been heavily sanctioned by the West and is turning to other regimes like China, Iran and North Korea for support.

    The question now is what the 71-year-old Putin will do over the course of another six years, both at home and abroad.

    Russian forces are gaining ground in Ukraine, deploying scorched-earth tactics as Kyiv grapples with shortages of men and ammunition. Both sides are taking heavy casualties.

    Ukraine has brought the battle to Russian soil through drone and missile attacks, especially in border regions. In a speech in February, Putin vowed to fulfil Moscow’s goals in Ukraine, and do what is needed to “defend our sovereignty and security of our citizens.”

    Shortly after his orchestrated reelection in March, Putin suggested that a confrontation between NATO and Russia is possible, and he declared he wanted to carve out a buffer zone in Ukraine to protect his country from cross-border attacks.

    At home, Putin’s popularity is closely tied to improving living standards for ordinary Russians.

    He began his term in 2018 by promising to get Russia into the top five global economies, vowing it should be “modern and dynamic.” Instead, Russia’s economy has pivoted to a war footing, and authorities are spending record amounts on defense.

    Analysts say now that Putin has secured another six years in power, the government could raise taxes to fund the war and pressure more men to join the military.

    At the start of a new term, the Russian government is routinely dissolved so that Putin can name a new prime minister and Cabinet.

    One key area to watch is the Defence Ministry.

    Read Also: Putin, the angry man of Europe’

    Last year, Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu came under pressure over his conduct of the war, with mercenary leader Yevgeny Prigozhin launching withering criticism against him for shortages of ammunition for his private contractors fighting in Ukraine. Prigozhin’s brief uprising in June against the Defense Ministry represented the biggest threat to Putin’s rule.

    After Prigozhin was killed two months later in a mysterious plane crash, Shoigu appeared to have survived the infighting. But last month, his protege, Deputy Defense Minister Timur Ivanov, was detained on charges of bribery amid reports of rampant corruption.

    Some analysts have suggested Shoigu could become a victim of the government reshuffle but that would be a bold move as the war is still raging in Ukraine.

    His adversary, opposition leader Alexei Navalny, died in an Arctic penal colony in February.

    NEWSNOW

  • Putin’s irrational power politics

    Putin’s irrational power politics

    It has been more than two years since Russian president Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine in order to achieve the goal of Greater Russia. Helped by Western powers, Ukraine has beaten back the invasion and largely stalemated the war. Its chances of holding out indefinitely, in the absence of a negotiated settlement, are, however, farfetched. It was in the midst of this increasingly interminable war that Mr Putin has orchestrated a fifth electoral landslide against his mimic opponents. He will be in office for another six years, his health and safety permitting. By standing for this election and leaving nothing to chance, the Russian president has clearly indicated that he is unwilling to leave office alive. Mr Putin will be 77 by the next election, much younger than the United States president Joe Biden who, should he win the November poll, will be 85 at the end of his second term.

    Read Also: Putin, the angry man of Europe’

    No one knows exactly how the Russo-Ukrainian war will end. Should military assistance from the US resume, the end of the war may still be some way off. If not, it could end quicker than many people fear. But whether Russia wins or not, Russo-Ukrainian relations have been damaged severely. However, every rational interpretation of the war suggests that it is a vain, rather than strategic, war for Russia. Should it win, it will nevertheless be unable to keep the trophy for too long. Occupation will be costly, not only in the short term, but also in the long term. Victory will also not deter NATO, as Mr Putin expects. Five or six of its neighbours are NATO members, and some three more are pro-West. It cannot conceivably fight and conquer them all.

  • Putin, the angry man of Europe’

    Putin, the angry man of Europe’

    • By Olabode Lucas

    Since the Russian revolution of 1917 toppled the Romanov dynasty and installed the communist rule, Russia has over the years, had many fascinating leaders. Notable among them were Vladimir Lenin, 1917-1924, Joseph Stalin who ruled with iron fist from 1924 -1953 and led Russia successfully during the Second World War, and Nikita Khrushchev referred to as Mr. K, by the western press as he was the cantankerous Russian face at the height of cold war. However, the two Russian leaders that have had a profound effect on world affairs in recent times are the late Mikhail Gorbachev who was in charge of the Soviet Union and Russia between 1985 and 1991 and Vladimir Putin who since 1999 has been the effective ruler of Russia.

    Mikhail Gorbachev was the last leader of the Soviet Union and he was brought up as a dyed-in-the-wool communist. However, on getting to power, he introduced the policy of ‘glasnost’ (openness) which allowed freedom of speech and free press. He also introduced ‘perestroika’ (restructuring), which in essence meant decentralization of economic decisions. This policy aimed at improving the efficiency of the economy in a system known for its opaqueness and central control. Gorbachev’s policies also undermined the one-party state through his democratization of election into congress of the people deputy. Gorbachev also refused to intervene militarily when various Warsaw pact countries abandoned Marxist-Leninist government in 1989. This was in sharp contrast to what Khrushchev did in Hungary in 1956 and what Brezhnev did in Czechoslovakia in 1968.

    Under Gorbachev, there were agitations for democratic reforms in the constituent republics in the Soviet Union. The fall of the Berlin wall occurred in November 1989 during the peaceful revolution which was one of the series of events that led to the collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe. These events also led to the end of cold war and eventual disintegration of the Soviet Union in December 1996. This was the unintended result of Gorbachev policies which he later regretted. However, for his policies that eventually led to democratic reforms in Eastern Europe and for ending the cold war between East and West, Gorbachev was given the Nobel Prize for peace in 1990.

    In contrast to Mikhail Gorbachev, Vladimir Putin who took over power in Russia in 2012 from the unserious and often inebriated Boris Yeltsin came to power as an angry and aggrieved man. Putin who was a former intelligence officer in KGB with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel was an ardent Russian nationalist. He resented the manner by which the Soviet Union collapsed with the attendant loss of influence by Russia on the world stage. He described the collapse of Soviet Union and the dissolution of Warsaw pact as the greatest calamity of the 20th century. He was particularly irked by the taunt from the West that with the collapse of Soviet Union, Russia was just like a third world country with nuclear missiles. Putin was equally frustrated by the fact that many of those countries in the defunct Warsaw Pact like Poland and Hungary opted to join NATO and European Union. Putin never forgave Gorbachev for the collapse of the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact. He had extreme disdain for his actions and consequently he made sure that Gorbachev was given very low-keyed burial ceremony when he died in 2022.

    Although Putin knew that he could not bring back the glory of the Soviet Union with Russian dominance, he decided to embark on draconian measures both at home and at international level aimed at asserting that Russia is still a force to be reckoned with in world affairs. At home and abroad, he dealt brutally with his political opponents. He started first by destroying, without mercy, the Chechnya terrorists in the North Caucasus. Some of Putin’s political opponents outside Russia were injected with poison by Russian agents while those at home were sent to prison for trumped up charges where many of them died. A well-known case was that of Alexei Navalny, an anti -corruption crusader, who recently died in Siberia prison.

    On the international scene, Putin interfered brazenly in the Syrian civil war where he changed the tempo of the war in favour of Syrian beleaguered president, Bashar-al- Assad.  In Europe, Putin’s actions have been bewildering to Russian neighbours such as Latvia, Lithuania, Finland and Sweden which are rushing to join NATO and European Union for protection against possible Russian aggression on them.

    The latest misadventure of Russia under Putin and which has serious implications for world peace is his unprovoked unilateral invasion of Ukraine, a sovereign state recognized by the United Nations and many countries in the world. Russia started this misadventure in Ukraine 2014 with the annexation of Crimea, a region in Ukraine with majority of ethnic Russians. Putin followed this up, with a full invasion of the country in 2022. This unholy war by Russia under Putin has been bloody and has caused thousands of Ukrainian casualties. As of now, Russia is occupying 20% of Ukrainian territory and a lot of Ukrainian infrastructure has been destroyed. Despite the setback suffered by Ukraine, the country under the resilient Volodymyr Zelenskyy has not given up and it has carried the war to Russia also and on many occasions, Russia has been given a bloodied nose.

    Ukraine could have done better in this war if NATO countries have been consistent in giving necessary ammunitions to Ukraine to fight this Russian aggression. As of now, the USA congress under the control of the Republican Party has refused to approve the request of the Biden government to send necessary arms and ammunitions to Ukraine.  Russian aggression in Ukraine has been condemned by the United Nations and many countries all over the world but this has not deterred Putin.

    The war being waged by Russia in Ukraine has made Putin very unpopular around the world and he has even been declared a war criminal by the International Criminal Court in 2003 for unlawful deportation of children from the occupied Ukrainian territory to Russia. There are few countries he can visit without risking being arrested. Russia is only supported in Europe by inconsequential Belarus, whose president is sustained in power by Russian troops and Hungary under the unpredictable Viktor Mihály Orbán who is causing a lot of problems for the European Union. Putin unfortunately has not ruled out the use of nuclear weapons in his Ukraine adventure.

    Apart from his belief as a Russian nationalist, that Ukraine historically should be part of Russia, Putin’s grouse against Ukraine was Ukraine’s decision to be closer to the West through membership of European Union and NATO. Putin felt uncomfortable to have Ukraine which is a member of these organizations at his country’s doorstep. Putin has a point here, but this was not a sufficient reason for him to go to war with Ukraine because Ukraine as a sovereign nation has the right to join any organization of its choice. However, many people including Henry Kissinger felt the issue should have been resolved through negotiations to make sure that Russian security is not breached when Ukraine joins these two organizations.

    Read Also: Putin failing in energy market, says US

    The Soviet Union led by Russia was very friendly to most African countries during the independence struggle in the continent. The Soviet Union as a block with China helped in the liberation struggle against colonialism and apartheid in the seventies and eighties. They supplied arms and ammunition for the struggle and training facilities for the liberation fighters. Russia was also the main backer of Nigeria during the civil war in the country. Russia supplied the federal side with ammunitions with abandon when many western countries were dragging their feet and giving covert diplomatic support to the secessionist Biafra. 

    Even now, Russia is now helping countries like Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger after these countries have booted out oppressive France, their former colonial master. Many African countries remember all these assistances given by Russian to them at the time of need and that is why many of them are reluctant to criticize Russia for its aggression in Ukraine. However, this cannot remove the fact that Putin of Russia with his present angry and bellicose posture poses a serious threat to world peace.

    • Professor Lucas writes from Old Bodija, Ibadan.
  • Putin failing in energy market, says US

    Putin failing in energy market, says US

    Geoffrey Pyatt is the Assistant Secretary of the State Department’s Bureau of Energy Resources.  Pyatt speaks on America’s global energy priorities at a briefing organised by the Washington Foreign Press Center. United States Bureau Chief OLUKOREDE YISHAU attended. Excerpts: 

    CERAWeek

    Last week I spent four days in Houston, Texas at CERAWeek, which is the world’s largest energy conference.  And it was a particularly opportune moment, both to do a lot of the kind of intensive energy-focused coordination that ENR does all the time, but also, I think, to take the temperature of the international energy community at a moment of profound transformation. 

    For me, there were two key takeaways from the CERAWeek discussion, and then an area of future focus.  The two takeaways were both the continued acceleration of the global energy transition, and the especially important American leadership in that regard.  The Inflation Reduction Act in particular is clearly changing the conversation here domestically, but also internationally, about the opportunities around new clean energy technologies, ranging from carbon sequestration to clean hydrogen to advanced battery storage technologies.

    And the – all of the issues around the acceleration of the electrification of our energy systems – transportation, lots and lots of focus in Houston on artificial intelligence and the huge growth in demand for power that is going to create for cloud computing centers here in the United States and internationally; but also, and I think as an American energy diplomat, a particular point of pride, how American companies are leading the charge in this regard, leveraging the opportunities that the Inflation Reduction Act is creating, the degree to which the IRA has really supercharged an energy transition that was already well underway. 

    The other framing aspect of the conversations in Houston actually built on what I did the Friday before traveling to Houston, which was the annual U.S.-EU Energy Council.  We were very pleased to have Commissioner Kadri Simson and Director General Ditte Jorgensen both at the State Department for the annual Energy Council.  This year in particular was a celebration of the tremendous progress that we have made in our transatlantic energy relationship, the degree to which Europe has exceeded expectations in de-risking its exposure to Russian energy coercion –   dramatically reducing Europe’s dependence on Russian oil, gas, coal, and looking to the future, nuclear fuel – but also the very strong alignment between U.S. and European objectives as we seek to navigate the disruption of global markets that Putin’s invasion of Ukraine and the weaponization of Russia’s energy resources has prompted. 

    And then the area of future focus – and I think we’ll see more on this in the weeks ahead – are the issues around critical minerals, which is an issue where ENR has led the State Department’s work internationally, including through our flagship initiative, the Mineral Security Partnership, which seeks to bring together likeminded countries around the world to mobilize resources and mobilize our private sectors to reduce our dependence on a single country as the principal supplier of the energy minerals that are so important to our transition.  As some of my European colleagues put it in Houston, we have to work very, very hard to ensure that an era of European dependence on Russian oil and gas is not followed by an era of collective dependence on China for all of these processing and extraction of critical minerals. 

    In that regard, there were some really interesting conversations, especially with our private sector companies, looking at what the State Department is doing through MSP, through MINVEST, our private sector partnership; with SAFE, the energy security NGO here in Washington.  And as I said to Dan Yergin at one point, I think in some ways the conversation around critical minerals is a little bit like where the conversation around oil was in the 1970s after the oil shocks and the creation of the International Energy Agency. 

    Critical minerals 

    We are starting to think about these critical minerals not just as a commodity issue but as a question of national security.  And it’s in that spirit that we approach this issue, and it’s in that spirit that we are working with the 15 countries and economies that are part of the MSP coalition, significantly now representing more than half of global GDP.  You will see a bit more on this, I think, next week when Secretary Blinken will be back in Europe.  But you’ve also seen the statements from Under Secretary Fernandez, including around the SAFE Summit two weeks ago, and all of the work that we are doing in the MSP context to mobilize partners, to mobilize resources, to leverage what the White House has done through the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, and to, as I said, approach these questions not just as an issue of industrial policy or as a commodity question but as a matter of national security. 

    Recent Russian attacks on the Ukrainian energy infrastructure

     So let me begin by just saying my heart goes out to the millions of Ukrainians who’ve been affected by the latest wave of Russian attacks that began on Friday, the biggest single series of air strikes against energy infrastructure since the start of the war.  This is a focus of tremendous attention across the administration, including Secretary Blinken.  We are working very closely with allies and partners around the world.  

    I also want to note just our tremendous, tremendous admiration for the Ukrainian energy workers who are responding to this situation.  Just this morning I had a long discussion with the Volodymyr Kudrytskyi, the CEO of Ukrenergo, the national grid operator.  Volodymyr described to me the recovery efforts that are being made in Kharkiv, in Burshtyn, in Krivyi Rih, in Dnipro, in Odesa.  We have seen a complex set of tactics by Putin – who spent, by the way, hundreds of millions of dollars in munitions in these series of attacks.  There has been tremendous progress over the past few days in recovery, but there has also been great damage. 

    I will note some of the good news, which is that the passive protection measures that the United States and our European allies have been helping to support – did prove its utility at a number of sites.  But Putin was able to inflict significant damage as well.  And I just want to underline how outrageous it is that the Kremlin continues to target these civilian objects with no military objective, simply to cause pain and suffering among Ukrainian citizens.  And we will respond.  

    I will host tomorrow another in the series of G7+ energy sector support videos that the United States helped to organize, at the time jointly with our German allies, starting in October of 2022.  This will be one of the most important of these calls that we’ve done.  We will have Minister Galushchenko from Kyiv, but also Mr. Kudrytskyi and other Ukrainian officials, to present their damage assessment and also their immediate requirements.  

    We need to do several things at the same time.  We will be seeking to mobilize immediate assistance, as we have been doing since October of ’22 when these energy sector attacks began.  We will also be continuing our work to focus on Ukraine’s long-term objective of building a future energy system that is cleaner, greener, and fully aligned with European standards.

    But I want to emphasize also that Putin is failing.  This is – we are now at the end of the third winter of Russia’s war against the people of Ukraine.  Ukraine has demonstrated tremendous resilience, thanks in large part to the courage of energy workers from companies like Ukrenergo and DTEK.  The lights have stayed on.  Putin has failed in that effort.  He has lost Europe as an energy market.  And we are committed to ensuring that that failure continues.

    I think – you asked about future resources.  Last June, at the London Ukraine Recovery Conference, Secretary of State Blinken announced $522 million in energy sector assistance to tackle those two challenges that I talked about, both the immediate reconstruction and recovery, but also the long-term resilience and Europeanization of Ukraine’s energy system.  That remains our guiding objective.  We are working very, very hard and hope very much that Congress will approve the President’s national security supplemental as soon as they come back from the Easter recess.  I think the attacks of the past few days make that action even more urgent.  I know that the White House is optimistic that we will get a positive outcome from Congress, and that’s certainly what I hear from members of Congress when I speak to them.

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    So we will assess where we are in terms of requirements.  We will coordinate with our allies, who are carrying a significant amount of the burden.  And then we will begin our work looking towards the next Ukraine Recovery Conference, which will be hosted by Germany in Berlin at the middle of June.

    Preventing potential disaster

    So we see a consistent pattern of irresponsible Russian actions.  You mentioned the attack on the Dnipro hydropower plant.  Last night I saw in Ukrainska Pravda the photographs of the destroyed Kharkiv central heating plant and thermal power plant.  DTEK has shared with me the pictures of destruction at Burshtyn.  Again, Putin’s actions have crossed every line in terms of his military tactics and the destruction that he is inflicting with no military objective on the people of Ukraine and Ukraine’s infrastructure.  President von der Leyen and all of our European allies have made clear that Putin and Russia has to be held accountable for those actions, and that, as President von der Leyen has put it, the aggressor will pay.  So there is a cost attached to this.  

    But in the meantime, we are going to do everything in our power to ensure that Putin’s war continues to be a strategic failure for the Kremlin, and that the Ukrainians have the resources and the wherewithal they need to prevail and to continue to sustain the extraordinary resilience that they’ve demonstrated up until now.

     Iraq and Iran 

     I had the honor of joining yesterday’s meeting between my boss, Secretary of State Blinken, and the deputy prime minister, foreign minister of Iraq, Fuad Hussein.  These issues were front and center in those conversations, as they will be front and center when the Iraqi prime minister comes here to the United States.  I’ve been working with the Iraqi ambassador on that visit, including opportunities for engagement with American energy companies, because of the central role that in particular the oil and gas industry plays in the Iraqi economy, but also because of the issue that you referred to, which is the vulnerability created by Iraq’s requirement for energy imports, both gas and power, from Iraq.

    I will note a couple – there are a couple of different issues that are wrapped around this.  One is the waiver, and I think they – the department’s actions on that issue speaks for itself.  This is a topic on which I regularly engage with members of Congress.  Another is the work that we continue to do with officials in Baghdad, with officials in Ankara, and with the KRG on the reopening of the ITP pipeline, which is an energy asset that the United States very much wishes to see brought back online because of the critical role that that provides in helping to sustain the energy economy of the KRG region, but also because of the product, the crude oil that that pipeline delivers to global and especially European markets that are hungry for non-Russian sources of supply.

    I am – I will be part of the discussions during the Iraqi prime minister’s visit, in particular the work of the HCC.  And we talked a little bit about that with the deputy prime minister yesterday.  And in that HCC context, it’s very clear that ENR issues around energy – energy security, gas, electricity, oil, decarbonization – will be front and center.  We also have been very supportive of the work that Iraq has been doing with global energy companies, including American companies like Baker Hughes, which has projects to capture some of the gas which is currently vented and flared from Iraqi oil fields.  

    We’ve also been very supportive of the work that Total has been doing, the multi-billion-dollar investment that Total has made for a similar gas capture and energy initiative.  This is a critical part of helping to build Iraq’s own energy security and to achieve what the prime minister has stated is his goal of ending dependence on Iranian energy within the next three or four years.  

    In that regard, I also look forward to traveling myself to Iraq hopefully later this spring to advance the work that will be done during the prime minister’s visit, and in particular to advance our agenda around supporting Iraq’s energy security.

    The U.S. and Iraq 

    I don’t want to put myself in the middle of the commercial negotiations between our companies that are active in KRG and the government in Baghdad.  But what I will underline is I know that the Iraqi Government is interested in attracting more foreign investment to its energy sector, and in particular to modernize that energy sector, to make it cleaner, to maximize the availability of energy for Iraqi citizens.  

    That will be much more difficult as long as the issues around the ITP remain unresolved.  This is also an issue that I’ve had regularly on my agenda with Turkish Energy Minister Bayraktar, and it’s a regular topic of conversation, not just in the U.S.-Iraq context but also in the U.S.-Türkiye context.  So I hope very much that we will be able to see progress on this issue in the run-up to and around the prime minister’s visit.  But that ultimately is going to depend on what’s really a three-sided conversation between Baghdad, Erbil, and Ankara, and then also the commercial negotiations with our companies that are on the ground.

    Energy partnership with Türkiye 

    So let me say a couple of things here.  One is just to underline my personal focus on our energy partnership with Türkiye and the importance that we place on making continued progress.  I have had the opportunity to meet with Energy Minister Bayraktar on three different continents, I think, as we’ve all traveled around the world.  I last saw him in Riyadh when we were together there in January.  And then last month, I was very pleased also to see Minister Bayraktar’s deputy when we were together at the IEA 50th anniversary in Paris.  So we are maintaining a regular tempo of engagement, both between Washington and the energy ministry and authorities in Ankara, but also with the foreign ministry.  And I am very glad to have a really strong relationship with my counterpart in the Turkish foreign ministry as well.

    I think as we look to the future, the next step, we hope very much to be able to welcome Minister Bayraktar here to Washington in the weeks ahead over the course of the spring.  The ball is really in his court in terms of figuring out when we can manage that.  But we have a very rich agenda of work to do together following the discussions between Secretary Blinken and Minister Fidan in the context of the strategic mechanism.  We see this both on European energy security, and Türkiye has played a very important role as the host of the Southern Gas Corridor, in helping to diversify European energy supplies and European gas supplies away from dependence on Russia; as the host of multiple LNG liquefaction facilities, which have received a lot of American LNG over the past two years since the beginning of the war in Ukraine.  

    You may have seen a speech that I gave to a forum in Alexandropolis about two weeks ago.  It’s on the State Department website.  But I described there our support for the Vertical Corridor, which is designed to bring non-Russian gas up into Central Europe, including to markets like Hungary, Austria, and Slovakia that remain dependent on Russian gas.  This will be especially important in the context of what we expect will be the end of transit through Ukraine at the end of this year when the transit contract expires.  So there’s an important potential role for Türkiye there as well as an entry point for non-Russian gas into that Vertical Corridor, which would go up through Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, and Ukraine, leveraging the gas storage that Ukraine has available in western Ukraine.  

    And then there are all the issues around energy transition, and I think I’ve shared the story before.  I will always remember from my time as ambassador in Athens a visit that I made to Rhodes in I think it was August of 2021, which is when the terrible fires were happening across southwestern Türkiye.  The sky was bright orange over the island of Rhodes.  It was all the smoke and the flames that were coming from Türkiye, and it was a reminder that, much like my home state of California, much like Greece, Türkiye is extremely vulnerable to the effects of climate change.  The fact that the Mediterranean has seen some of the most severe sea temperature change of any region of the world and the risks of more extreme fire events, but we are also conscious of the leadership that Türkiye has played in deploying wind and solar and the potential to do much more in this area. 

    And then finally, one of the follow-ups from the strategic mechanism that I will look forward to discussing with Minister Bayraktar when he comes to Washington is critical minerals, where Türkiye has literally thousands of years of history in mining and the potential to be an important part of our effort to diversify global supply chains for the critical minerals that we need to power the energy transition.

  • Landslide Putin

    Landslide Putin

    Russian President Vladimir Putin won a record landslide in his country’s election early last week, cementing his already tight grip on power in a poll that was more a message to his external foes than an internal exercise in democracy. He polled more than 87 percent of the votes to win a fifth term that will make him the longest serving Russian leader since the monarchies of the 18th century.

    At 71 years, the strongman will be ruling his country for more than 30 years by the time he concludes his fresh term – a record that will see him overtake Josef Stalin to become Russia’s longest-serving leader for more than 200 years. But his victory was never in doubt before the poll. He stood against token opposition, while formidable challengers were either in exile or in prison. Russia’s Central Election Commission reported that nearly 76 million voters cast their ballots for Putin in a record voter-turnout of 74.22 percent out of the country’s 114 million voters.

    Putin has been at loggerheads with the West since he despatched Russian troops into Ukraine two years ago. This included his being warranted for arrest by the International Criminal Court. But he is hugely popular with his countryfolk, and made clear in his post-poll victory address that the result should send a message to the West that its leaders will have to reckon with an emboldened Russia, whether in war or peace, for many more years to come. “We have many tasks ahead. But when we are consolidated – no matter who wants to intimidate us, suppress us – nobody has ever succeeded in history, they have not succeeded now and they will not succeed ever in the future,” the Russian leader told supporters who chanted “Putin, Putin, Putin” when he appeared on stage, and “Russia, Russia, Russia” after he had delivered his speech.

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    Not that there was no dissenting voice. Supporters of opposition leader Alexei Navalny, who died in an Arctic prison last month, protested against Putin at polling stations inside Russia and its embassies abroad. But the Russian leader told reporters he regarded the poll as democratic, and that the Navalny-inspired protest had no effect on the poll outcome. Asked by a United States Tv network whether his re-election was democratic, Putin lambasted U.S. political and judicial systems, saying: “The whole world is laughing at what is happening (in the U.S.). This is a disaster, not a democracy” He added in apparent reference to Republican candidate Donald Trump: “Is it democratic to use administrative resources to attack one of the candidates for the presidency, using the judiciary among other things?”

    Western powers have been in overdrive to rule out the Russian poll as incorrigibly flawed. But they have the reality of Putin’s victory to live with, because the poll was a national survival project for Russians and they treated it no less.