Tag: quest

  • Kaduna ECWA leads quest for religious tolerance

    Kaduna ECWA leads quest for religious tolerance

    Since the eruption of what was tagged ‘Sharia crisis’ in Kaduna State in the year 2000 and the closely followed ‘Miss World crisis’ in 2002, Christians and Muslims have been living with mutual suspicion.

    The development did not only create tension, it also left residents of Kaduna to indirectly adopt segregated living, along religious lines.

    The two crises have equally forced people to move their worship places away from where their fellow worshippers are in minority to where they have people of their faith in majority. Where such worship places were left behind, they had often served as the first targets during crises.

    Mosques standing around the predominant Christian settlements of Sabo, Gonin Gora, Kakuri, Barnawa and the likes had often been razed during crises while churches around Tudun Wada, Tudun Nupawa and Ungwar Dosa suffer similar fates.

    It is against this backdrop that the Evangelical Church Winning All (ECWA) Gospel Church Tudun Nupawa in Kaduna South Local Government Area of Kaduna State last week donated assorted food stuffs to Muslims within its domain in the spirit of the holy month of Ramadan as part of efforts to foster peaceful religious coexistence.

    The gesture is not the first peace move by the church. It recently gathered Imams and Village/Districts Heads from its predominant Muslim host community to fellowship with them.

    The Imams were invited to the Sunday church service by the Senior Pastor of the Church, Reverend Yunusa Nmadu, not to change their faith but to worship with them and build love between Christians and Muslims.

    The Muslim religious leaders and the traditional rulers were in the church from the beginning of the Sunday service at 9am till 12:30pm. Even though, they could not join in the reading of the Bible and rendition of hymns, some of them gave offerings to the church.

    Speaking, during the special church service, Nmadu said even though the church had been burnt more than four times during crises, youths of the area once stood their ground and prevented the church from being burnt by hoodlums.

    He explained: “That is why we thought we should return what has been done to us with love. We have done something similar during the Ramadan period.

    “So, this is to cement the relationship between us and our neighbours because we believe we can live together in harmony, because we were all created in the image of God.

    “We invited you Muslim religious leaders and traditional rulers to see what we are doing here and fellowship together with us so that we can show you the love of Jesus Christ.”

    Responding, the Chief Imam of Salamat Central Mosque in Bachama area of Tudun Wada, Kaduna, Sheik Dahiru Adamu, said there was nothing as important as peace and peaceful co-existence in the world.

    He added that any Muslim or Christian that hurts another human being due to religious differences lacks understanding.

    According to him: “Prophet Muhammed taught us to love our neighbours, even if they are non-Muslims.

    “The Prophet said if we see a non-Muslim that is thirsty and about to die of thirst, we should give him water, even if the only water we have left is the one we want to perform ablution with we should save the life of the non-Muslim and perform our ablution with sand.”

    He urged Christians and Muslims to desist from spreading destructive rumour.

    “We should desist from a situation where somebody will send us message that they have killed one Muslim in Zonkwa, then we too have to kill one Christian in Tudun Wada. That is tantamount to taking laws into our own hands.”

    The Village Head of Tudun Nupawa, Dr. Yusuf Nadabo, said: “We have entered the church and worshipped with the congregation. It didn’t change anything about us and did not convert us to Christianity.”

    He said gestures like invitation to the church were lacking in the past, which led to distrust among Muslims and Christians.

    The church followed up with donation of assorted food stuffs to Muslims within its domain in the spirit of the holy month of Ramadan.

    Items donated to the beneficiaries numbering 150 families drawn from the Panteka market union and Tudun Nupawa community included rice, beans, maize, noodles, sugar and eggs, among others.

    Nmadu said: “The gesture by the church to provide food items to members of the host community during Ramadan is to demonstrate the Biblical injunction that we should love our neighbours as ourselves.

    “Apart from that, we have also embarked on this to show the world that peace is possible and that we are all peace makers by demonstrating it in practical terms.”

    Nmadu commended the reformation in the community, saying “Tudun-Wada/Tudun-Nupawa which used to be in the news for the wrong reasons has since begun on a new slate.”

    Even though this community used to be a crisis-prone community, there has been a tremendous improvement over the years due to concerted efforts, guidance, counselling and proper leadership provided by the leaders and village heads.

    One of the beneficiaries, the Sarkin Dutse, Alhaji Shaibu Balarebe, commended the magnanimity of the ECWA church by assisting his people during the Ramadan fast in the past two years.

    Kadun State Governor, Mukhtar Yero, stressed the need for peaceful coexistence.

    Yero, who was represented by the Commissioner for Special Duties, Dr. Yari Everton, urged all to shun all forms of social vices.

  • Osun 2014: Quest for peaceful elections

    Osun 2014: Quest for peaceful elections

    In Osun State, the political atmosphere is tense but concerned stakeholders are exploring and advancing ways of ensuring a peaceful governorship election in the state, reports Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu, who felt the pulse of the people this week when he visited Osogbo, Osun State capital this week for a pre-election sensitization workshop 

    As the 19 participating political parties in the Osun State governorship election flag-off the last lap of their campaigns ahead the August 9, 2015 governorship election, stakeholders and concerned observers are worried over the tensed political atmosphere in the South-West state.

    This is because actions and the body language of the principal actors, especially that of the leading candidates, almost suggest preparedness for violence. But The Nation learnt in Oshogbo that elders, officials and other concerned stakeholders are working hard to ensure free, fair and violence-free election.

    Observers said the tension may be attributed to the large number of candidates and political parties angling to take over the  Government House in Oshogbo.

    As at this weekend, there are indications that not less than 19 governorship candidates have been cleared to contest the August 9, 2014, Osun governorship election.

    Some of the candidates include, Governor Rauf Aregbesola of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Iyiola Omisore of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Alhaji Fatai Akinbade of the Labour Party (LP), Mr. Olusegun Akinwusi of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), Niyi Owolade of Accord Party (A), Adeoye Adeyinka of AA, Senator Sunday Olawale Fajinmi of AD, Prof. Akintunde Adebimpe Adetunji of APGA, Alhaji Rafiu Shehu Anifowoshe of CPP, Ganiyu Abiodun Lawal of PPA, Adeoti Ibrahim Abiodun of UPN amongst others.

    “Though we all expected issue-based campaign, given the large number and the quality of the aspirants, we are worried because what we are seeing today are more of character assassination and tendency to be violent,” said Muyiwa Olatunde, a teacher and social analyst in Oshogbo. Olatunde said “as a result of what we are seeing, we are afraid of what will happen during the forthcoming election.”

    So, as at Thursday, July 17, 2014, when the office of the Special Adviser to the President on Inter-Party Affairs organised a well attended Osun State Governorship Election Sensitisation Workshop at Leisure Spring Hotel, Oshogbo, some of the governorship candidates present, while pledging their willingness to ensure peaceful election in August, accused the two leading candidates, Governor Rauf Aregbesola of APC and Senator Iyiola Omisore PDP, who were personally absent, of being responsible for most of the reported cases of violence so far.

    They accused the top candidates of deploying armed thugs, sharing money to buy support and making reckless utterances calculated to heat up the polity.

    As would be expected, the major speakers at the seminar highlighted the evils of violence in the polity and advised all to eschew violence in the interest of the state and the people.

    The convener, Senior Adviser to the President on Inter-Party Affairs (SAP-IPA), Senator Ben Obi, emphasised the fact that all well-meaning Nigerians should be the most concerned when the electoral environment is over-heated by aggressive and provocative language, threats and other forms of intimidation. He concluded by saying, “Osun State, all eyes are on you to address the tense political atmosphere and eschew political infamy.”

    The chairman of the workshop, Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu (Rtd), in his speech read on his behalf by a representative, observed that “a country cannot be truly democratic until its citizens have opportunity to choose their representatives through elections that are free and fair but we are all aware that the public expectations are on the low side as they are wary of political parties and politicians.

    In his key-note address, the Vice President of Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Comrade Issa Aremu, called on Nigerian politicians to de-emphasize personalities and elevate ideas, adding, “Let’s have a healthy debate about fixing electricity, reviving the railways and repositioning our foreign policies instead of throwing missiles at each other.”

    The Guest Speaker, Prof. Kayode Soremekun of the Department of Political Science and International Relations, Covenant University, Ota, in a paper entitled, “From Maigad to Megida: Violence as the Nemesis of Electoral Politics in Nigeria,” observed that “it seems as if violence as a weapon of political redress against electoral fraud is becoming a cataclysm in Nigeria politics.” He therefore said: “One of the ingredients of development is the existence of an acceptable means of leadership succession. Indeed, the perception of political competition as a zero-sum game is an evidence of underdevelopment.”

    In his contribution, Dr. Yunuso Tanko, the Chairman of Inter-Party Advisory Council identified three issues he described as fundamental to the achievement of peaceful election. First, “if you want peace, make sure you give peace. The second is that our political leaders must learn to consult widely to carry the people along and finally, “please, do not be greedy.”

    Other speakers, who spoke in the same fashion include: INEC Chairman, Prof. Attahiru Jega, and Head of Political section of the European Union, Paul Edwards. While Jega, in a speech read by his representative, said if candidates, parties and their agents abide by existing electoral rules, elections would be free, fair and violence-free, Edwards said “democracy is a journey, a journey that never ends,” adding that “Osun election will be another step in this journey.” The diplomat however warned that in Osun election, whoever gets into power, the winner must be the people, for in democracy power belongs to the people.”

    Part of the 8-point resolutions of the workshop, according to a communiqué, signed by all the political parties include: That pre-election sensitisation workshops have continued to be veritable platforms for inter-party interactions, concretizing the ideals of democracy and achieving the objectives of free and fair elections in Nigeria; that politicians and public office seekers should know that in any election, the people should be the ultimate winner and so the gubernatorial election in Osun State should demonstrate that forthcoming election should advance the process of democratic process; that there is the need to avoid over-heating of the political atmosphere by shunning aggressive and provocative language, threats and other forms of intimidation; that ideas, not just personalities should reign supreme in political discourse in Osun State; that adequate security be provided during the election period to prevent election mal-practices and ensure that voters exercise their civic duty without let or hindrance….”

    Even before the July 17 workshop, elders, agencies and other stakeholders, who had expressed concern over the signals that all may go awry have called on all the candidates and the participating political parties to exercise caution and ensure peaceful election.

    For example, shortly after the recent violent attacks between individuals alleged to be APC and PDP supporters in Ile-Ife, the Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, called a press conference in his palace where he handed down stern warning to all political actors in the forthcoming election “to eschew acts capable of breaching the peace of the ancient town.”

    At the conference, Oba Sijuwade, who spoke through the Obalufe of Ife, Oba S. F Omisakin, said “the attention of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, has been drawn to the recent waves of violence orchestrated by politicians in some areas in Ile-Ife”.

    According to him, “landlords and tenants, residing in Ile-Ife and its environs, are hereby enjoined to embrace peace in the conduct of their political activities. Political parties concerned are advised to refrain from violence and play politics in the most peaceful style of Chief Obafemi Awolowo of the blessed memory”.

    The royal father also said:”Ooni remains committed to Ife sons and daughters, who have been contributing both in cash and kind to the progress and development of Ile-Ife, but says capital NO to violence, political thuggery as miscreants, lawless and political thugs shall be handed over to the law enforcement agencies”.

    He added: “Senator Iyiola Omisore, Rauf Aregbesola, Fatai Akinbade, Segun Akinwusi and others contesting the governorship election are all my sons,” adding, “I have no preferred candidate among all the candidates’ they are all my children. There is none of them that would emerge as the winner that can neglect Ile-Ife, this is because they are all from the source”, he said.

    Other stakeholders and the actors have spoken in similar fashion. For example, the All Progressives Congress (APC) recently said it would do everything to ensure a peaceful conduct of the Aug. 9 governorship election in Osun.

    Sen. Chris Ngige, APC chieftain and former governor of Anambra, who made the statement on behalf of his party told newsmen after a meeting of the party’s leaders at Government House, Osogbo that the meeting was centred on how to ensure that peace prevail before, during and after the election.

    “Peace is what we have been talking about because we need peace to conduct election but sometimes to achieve peace, we have to make extra efforts,’’ he said.

    Mr Segun Oni, a former governor of Ekiti, also confirmed that resolve when he said the ruling party would do everything possible to ensure that Osun election was credible, free and fair.

    In his own reaction, the National Publicity Secretary of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Alhaji Lai Muhammed, warned the powers that be against rigging the governorship election in Osun State under whatever guise, saying that it will be “foolhardy for anybody to attempt to rig election in Osun state.”

    The PDP has also pledged to ensure a violence-free Osun election. Earlier in the week, it was no less a PDP leader than the Vice President, Namadi Sambo, that gave the assurance.

    According to him, “Mr. President has assured that there will be free and fair election and we must put back our strength and strategies that Osun State people are given another opportunity to decide their mandate.

    “The ruling party comprises of respected elders, traditional rulers, the youth, women and everybody, who would not do anything to cause trouble.

    “We are a peaceful party and we are looking forward to have a peaceful election in Osun State,” he said.

    The umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), is also not left out.

    Recently, the state’s Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC), Segun Agbaje, said his commission is aware of the political tension in Osun and will do everything within its powers to be on top of the situation during the elections.

    According to him: “There will be improved security deployment. I cannot say the level of security deployment in Osun will be less than that of Ekiti. This is because of the utterances of the political leaders and the heavy threat of violence.”

    The assurances notwithstanding, people who spoke to The Nation in Oshogbo during the week, expressed fear. “From what we see on daily bases here in Oshogbo and in other parts of the state, I think it will only take innovative strategies to stop the supporters of the desperate candidates from fomenting trouble on the day of election. That is why we are worried,” said Mrs. Gbemi Odukoya, a nurse in Oshogbo.

    Is INEC ready?

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has assured Nigerians that it is prepared for the August 9, 2014 governorship election in Osun State.

    Osun State Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC), Segun Agbaje, gave this assurance recently at an event tagged “Nigerian Civil Society Situation Room,” a platform organised by the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC) for civil society organistions to assess the level of INEC’s preparedness for the Osun election.

    The REC explained that of the 1,407,222 total registered voters in the state, INEC has distributed permanent voter cards (PVC) to 63 percent, translating to 792,200 of the registered voters, adding that 1,250,569 of such PVC were received from the INEC headquarters before July 11.

    According to him, his commission will engage in its final phase of PVC distribution on July 26 and 27.

    Other materials for the Osun election include about 7,000 mats, which according to the REC have been “ordered to complement available bedding facilities provided in all the Registration Areas Centres (RACs) to afford INEC officials the minimum comfort preparatory to their deployment to the field.”

    On the security of the supplied electoral materials, Agbaje however said only non-sensitive electoral materials have so far been deployed and that the commission will wait until August 6, before it will allow the release of more sensitive materials from the state’s branch of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).

    The electoral umpire said INEC has done all it can to ensure that the Osun election would end up as an improvement on the Ekiti election.

    “The Anambra case was not as bad as being portrayed.  If Ekiti is said to have been an improvement, we want to build on that improvement with the Osun election to ensure that we have the best in 2015,” he said.

    Agbaje, who confirmed that 19 candidates have been cleared to contest the election, warned that no voter will be allowed to cast ballot without PVC.

  • Nweke’s quest for Enugu East Senatorial seat

    SIR:  As 2015 general elections draw nearer, all manners of Dick and Harry are jostling for various elective positions without stating who they are, where are they coming from and what they can do for the people and the country at large.

    It is of utmost important that the track record of aspirants be properly scrutinised before supporting such people in the elections. The political parties should see themselves as channels for good governance that owe the nation a duty of producing the best materials for the good of the people.

    This is major task before political parties and the people of Enugu East senatorial district as the countdown to 2015 elections begin in earnest. The cacophony of voices among aspirants in Enugu East senatorial district are becoming louder by the day. Among them is the outgoing Director General, Nigeria Economic Summit Group, (NESG) and former minister for information, Frank Nweke (Jnr).

    Ever since Nweke declared interest to run for the position, councillors from the area who saw him as the right man for the job and paid him solidarity visit have been suspended by those that see him as a threat to their ambitions. Even men of yesterday who have lost relevance and are constant visitors to the courts of justice for fraud, mismanagement and other heinous crimes are still intolerant of a new order as exemplified by Nweke.

    Interestingly, Enugu east senatorial district is comprised of six local government councils made up of three Enugu metropolitan councils, and three rural council areas. Winning elections in the senatorial district could be as challenging as interesting because the urban population is mainly non-natives. It is also remarkable that since 1999, no Senator has represented the zone twice in quick successions.

    Nweke Jnr stands out distinctly as a technocrat. He is said to be the new kid on the block, without blemish and with confidence. As one who had wealth of experience in public and private sector, he is expected to do well in legislation that will drive growth in government.

    It is even said in some quarters that stakeholders in and outside the zone wanted him for governorship in 2007, but that he declined to pursue further studies that has now equipped him better for a national assignment. In 2011 also he was tipped for Senatorial seat, but for

    some arguments then that he did not want to engulf himself in the fray, he stayed away.

    Within and outside the zone, Nweke jnr is dear to the hearts of progressives and the grassroots. Many see his foray in the contest for the senatorial seat as a paradigm shift from the old order of godfatherism. His youthful exposition, exposure and intellectual prowess speaks for him.

    At the moment, he seems to be the man of that will effectively represent Nkanu land. He is not among those who see senatorial seat as retirement benefit or consolidation of a captured territory. He is viewed as a detribalised Nigerian who has always got it right with whatever he sets out to do.

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) delegates in Enugu east senatorial zone who will be electing candidate for the Senatorial position should live above boards to decipher that they will not be electing just a Senator for the zone, but a national player who has criss-crossed the divides of the country. One of such men is no other person than Frank Nweke Jnr.

    • Ikechukwu Ogbodo,

    Enugu

  • Nigeria begins quest for honours

    Nigeria begins quest for honours

    Team Nigeria will today begin the quest for honours against Indonesia and India in the men and women events of the 2014 World Team Table Tennis Championship in Tokyo, Japan.

    More than 200 countries are participating inthe competition.

    Having failed to gain promotion to the championship division in 2012, the Segun Toriola-captained side will taste action today in Group E when they take on the Asia side in the first match of the preliminary round at the Yoyogi Gymnasium in Tokyo.

    Indonesia is rated below Nigeria and table tennis buffs believe the Asian side should not pose a threat to Nigeria’s ambition in the competition.

    But on Tuesday, April 29, Nigeria will confront the two tough teams in the group – Czech Republic and Belgium.

    On Wednesday, April 30, the team will take on Bosnia-Herzegovina while its last group match on May 1 will be against Canada.

    Also on Monday, the women team led by German-based Funke Oshonaike will face their Commonwealth perennial foe, India in the first match of Group G.

    On Tuesday, April 29, the team will battle Bulgaria and Italy, while on Wednesday, April 30, it will clash against Portugal. The team’s last group match is against Turkey on May 1.

    The top teams from each group will advance to the quarter final stage with the last four teams gaining promotion to the championship division in 2016.

    In 2010 and 2012, Nigeria’s male team made significant efforts to progress to the elite division but their efforts were not enough to secure a place for the team.

    In the men’s seeding of Group E, Czech Republic is the top seeded team in division two and the team and Belgium are rated above Nigeria in the group.

    However, the female team has not been impressive since 2008 in Guangzhou, China while at the 2012 edition in Dortmund, Germany, the team managed to escape relegation to division three. In this year’s edition, the trio of India, Italy and Turkey are seeded ahead of Nigeria while Portugal and Bulgaria are lower than Nigeria in the rating.

    In the championship division, defending champion – China has been drawn in Group A alongside Austria, Russia, Brazil, Poland and Serbia, while Germany is in Group B with Hong Kong, Croatia, Singapore, Denmark and Ukraine.

    Host – Japan has been pitched against Portugal, France, Greece, Romania and Hungary in Group C, while South Korea will tackle the likes of Chinese Taipei, Sweden, Belarus, Spain and North Korea in Group D.

    Meanwhile, the duo of Oshonaike and Aruna Quadri believe the world rating of Italy and Czech Republic cannot intimidate Nigeria when they confront these European sides in Tokyo.

  • Nigeria begins quest for honours

    Nigeria begins quest for honours

    Team Nigeria will today begin the quest for honours against Indonesia and India in the men and women events of the 2014 World Team Table Tennis Championship in Tokyo, Japan.

    More than 200 countries are participating inthe competition.

    Having failed to gain promotion to the championship division in 2012, the Segun Toriola-captained side will taste action today in Group E when they take on the Asia side in the first match of the preliminary round at the Yoyogi Gymnasium in Tokyo.

    Indonesia is rated below Nigeria and table tennis buffs believe the Asian side should not pose a threat to Nigeria’s ambition in the competition.

    But on Tuesday, April 29, Nigeria will confront the two tough teams in the group – Czech Republic and Belgium.

    On Wednesday, April 30, the team will take on Bosnia-Herzegovina while its last group match on May 1 will be against Canada.

    Also on Monday, the women team led by German-based Funke Oshonaike will face their Commonwealth perennial foe, India in the first match of Group G.

    On Tuesday, April 29, the team will battle Bulgaria and Italy, while on Wednesday, April 30, it will clash against Portugal. The team’s last group match is against Turkey on May 1.

    The top teams from each group will advance to the quarter final stage with the last four teams gaining promotion to the championship division in 2016.

    In 2010 and 2012, Nigeria’s male team made significant efforts to progress to the elite division but their efforts were not enough to secure a place for the team.

    In the men’s seeding of Group E, Czech Republic is the top seeded team in division two and the team and Belgium are rated above Nigeria in the group.

    However, the female team has not been impressive since 2008 in Guangzhou, China while at the 2012 edition in Dortmund, Germany, the team managed to escape relegation to division three. In this year’s edition, the trio of India, Italy and Turkey are seeded ahead of Nigeria while Portugal and Bulgaria are lower than Nigeria in the rating.

    In the championship division, defending champion – China has been drawn in Group A alongside Austria, Russia, Brazil, Poland and Serbia, while Germany is in Group B with Hong Kong, Croatia, Singapore, Denmark and Ukraine.

    Host – Japan has been pitched against Portugal, France, Greece, Romania and Hungary in Group C, while South Korea will tackle the likes of Chinese Taipei, Sweden, Belarus, Spain and North Korea in Group D.

    Meanwhile, the duo of Oshonaike and Aruna Quadri believe the world rating of Italy and Czech Republic cannot intimidate Nigeria when they confront these European sides in Tokyo.

  • Quest for credible elections

    The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has devised a plan to identify for prosecution electoral crimes and their perpetrators between 2007 and 2011. But experts say the job should be that of the National Assembly. Eric IkhilaE  reports

     

    MANY believe that the conduct of a credible election,societal peace and socio-economic growth are interwined.

    Where there are credible elections, which ensure the upholding of electoral choices, development is assured.

    But, where elections are manipulated, uncertainty pervades the land; the struggle for political space becomes heightened and development takes a back seat.

    The latter has been the case with the Nigeria since the return of democracy in 1999. A perverted process, that supplants the people’s electoral wishes with individuals’ aspirations, is creating a struggle for power while socio-economic development the perpetrators and societal peace suffer.

    Observers argue that until viable structures are put in place to discourage election manipulation, by sufficiently punishing those involved in rigging and allied crimes, attaining a transparent process will remain a mirage. Despite this realisation, no serious efforts have been made in the past to erect barriers against election manipulation by providing a process that subjects those indicted for election offences to appropriate punishment. The most the National Assembly had done is to criminalise certain offences in the Electoral Act, and impose weak sentences of between 12 and 24 months.

    Another provision in the law that the tenure of the winner of a rerun election begins when he/she first took the oath of office is insufficient to deter election criminals.

    Today, what obtains are only tribunals, with the sole mandate of determining winners and losers of elections. Even where, in the course of its proceedings, perpetrators of electoral crimes are identified, the tribunal lacks the powers to prosecute them.

    This, therefore, calls for the creation of structures, in the form of Electoral Offences Commission and Tribunals specifically charged to deal with electoral crimes so as to curb rigging and put the perpetrators out of business.

    It is in this light that an initiative by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) is commendable.

    Tagged: A research project on fair trial and the right to effective participation in government, the project will electoral crimes between 2007 and 2011 (in the first instance) with a view to ensuring that those indicted are prosecuted.

    Chairman, NHRC, Prof Chidi Odinkalu said the initiative is intended to combat electoral impunity and ensure that culprits are held accountable.

    “In addressing impunity for electoral crimes, we are trying to remedy the problem of accountability, for why the will of the people was subverted.

    “Those are crimes under the Electoral Act. At the moment, no body pays any price for such crimes. We want to ensure that people begin to pay for this because, if people do not pay a price, it will continue to happen,” he said.

    The NHRC has constituted a seven-man team to execute this project.

    Its members include Prof Nsongurua Udombana, Faculty of Law, University of Uyo (as Project Chairman); Prof Mohammed Mustapha Akanbi of the Faculty of Law, University of Illorin; Prof Oluyemi Bamgbose, Faculty of Law, University of Ibadan and Prof Ifeoma Pamela Enemo, Faculty of Law, University of Nigeria.

    Others are Prof Tawfiq Ladan, Faculty of Law, Ahmadu Bello University; Dr. Abubakar Muazu, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Maiduguri and Dr. Solomon Ukhuegbe of the Department of Public Law, University of Benin.

    Udombana said the initiative seeks to focus on an aspect of the nation’s democracy that has not been properly documented, let alone implemented.

    He noted that cases exist where persons, some in high places or institutions and groups have been indicted for engaging in electoral frauds; for infracting electoral laws; for violating fair trial norms in relation to pre or post election petitions, or electoral panel members indicted by appellate courts in connection with unethical dealings in electoral petition cases.

    “What we have not heard or read of is when and how such indicted persons were made to account for their infractions.

    “Over the years, no one dared or cared enough to demand accountability for these infractions. We believe that no rule of law can germinate from such a barren posture,”Udombana said.

    He explained that the project, which will cover 2007 and 2011 will undertake independent review of evidence of crimes in the election petition processes in the country within the period; document the cases of criminality and make it public, through the NHRC, for “possible prosecution, advocacy and mobilisation.”

    As laudable as this initiative seems, observers are agitated by issues that could undermine the realisation of the its core objective.

    This mostly revolves around the issue of legitimacy: Does the NHRC has such mandate under its Establishment Act? Does the Electoral Act sufficiently criminalised electoral offences and define acts constituting electoral offences?

    How can those involved in electoral offences be successfully prosecuted in view of the inadequacies inherent in the nation’s criminal justice system and the non-existence of a prosecutory body?

    Experts are, however, of the view that although there is no express provision empowering the NHRC to investigate and prosecute electoral offenders, the commission could find legitimacy in the fact that, having been empowered to take steps to protect citizens’ human right, this project also seeks to protect the people’s right to electoral choices; to vote and have their votes count.

    They urged the National Assembly to work towards providing the necessary structures to allow for electoral accountability.

    This, they said, could be achieved if the National Assembly make laws empowering the Executive to establish an Electoral Offences Tribunal; sufficiently criminalising electoral offences and imposing stiff penalties of even, life imprisonment.

    Lawyers, including Ahmed Raji (SAN), Dr. Timothy Olukotun, Ikechukwu Ikeji and the Second Vice Chairman, Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Steven Abbah, spoke in the vein.

    Raji said having an Electoral Offences Tribunal as recommended by the Justice Mohammed Uwais- led panel on electoral reform would solve the problem.

    On how to ensure prompt and effective prosecution, he cited the case of the Federal High Court that has amended its Rules to fast- track criminal trials and suggested that other courts take a cue from this.

    He argued that, if the rules are faithfully implemented, the problem of delay in the criminal trial process will be resolved.

    Olukotun said the NHRC should be commended and that the initiative should be given a trial.

    “Let us watch them go about it first. If there are need for legal assistance, the National Assembly should not hesitate to make the necessary laws.

    “We need to be serious about electoral crimes if we want free and fair elections in this country,” he said.

    Ikeji argued that the Electoral Act does not sufficiently address the problem of electoral crimes and malpractices given the voluptuous nature of irregularities that usually trail all elections in Nigeria.

    “It does not sufficiently address the issue of ballot box snatching or change of figures or even violence during elections.

    “Apart from Sections 23, 24, and 96, other sections that provide for electoral offences are found under Part V111 encompassing Sections 117 to 132.

    “These sections provide for punishments of 12 months and 24 months ceiling making it too soft given the serious nature of election rigging in Nigeria. Stiffer punishments are recommended,” Ikeji said.

    He suggested the enactment of a separate electoral offences legislation, which will create an Electoral Offences Commission or Agency solely for the purpose of combating electoral offences.

    Ikeji said what is required of the government is the political will and sincerity of purpose

    “Our judges have to be more up and doing with sufficient amount of proactive tendencies. Corruption must be tackled both from its roots and its manifestations. Government has to lead the way here.

    Civil society also has to be alert all the time. There may be need to create a specialised Electoral Offences Tribunal to specifically tackle the challenge of electoral offences, he said.

    Abbah said what was required was for the law makers “to make laws that invoke public confidence and respect for the electoral process.”

    The National Assembly seemed to have realised that much of the burden rests on it. Chairman, Senate Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters, Senator Umaru Dahiru and his House of Representative counterpart, while speaking at the launch of the project in Abuja last week, assured the NHRC of both houses’ commitment to the project.

    Dahiru said aside making sure that the funding of the NHRC was reflected under the first line charge, the Senate was willing to amend the Electoral Act provide for stiffer penalties for electoral offenders and aid their swift prosecution.

    He said the Senate would also work with the Federal Government to strengthen the Judiciary by appointing more judges if necessary.

    His counterpart in the House of Representatives, Benin Lar, was represented by Blessing Omaku.

     

  • Nigeria’s quest for environment governance

    Continued from last week

    The main safeguards for the citizen against oppressive or faulty acts and omissions of government agencies are usually through judicial review of administrative action, vide which superior courts are able to exercise a residual controlling power on matters such as vires as these are relevant to the legality of official decisions. The good work of judicial review notwithstanding, it was also realized that access to court if absolutely unqualified will place too heavy a burden on public authorities if they have to defend every act against every disgruntled and dissatisfied member of the public. This will impede the administration of government. Consequently, the law gave statutory protection in the form of concept of pre-action notice.

    In all of the statutes that have pre-action notice, the approach towards enforcing the seeming mandatory and fundamental nature of its rules has been the same, namely, that the failure to give it as prescribed by the relevant statute is not a mere irregularity which could be waived by the defendant. It would be construed as a failure to comply with a condition precedent and its effect would be to deprive the trial court of competence to look into the case.92 In the face of current thinking, approaches and practices towards evolving an enduring strategic environmental management system, other jurisdictions have adopted a different approach to giving effect to pre-action notice.

    The nature of environmental risks is such that an injunction quia timet of ex parte nature is what may be required to avert the prospects of imminent danger that loomed large. In this case, a provision requiring notice of 1 month to 3 months, as the case may be, may result in harm of irremediable nature. Consequently, the approach in other jurisdictions have been to hold that the notice provision is merely procedural such that the court will be prepared to stay proceedings and allow notice to be served rather than dismissing or striking-out the suit93; or to approve that citizen suits can be brought without prior notice under federal question jurisdiction;94 or for the legislature to always add a savings clause to pre-action notice provisions to the effect that such provisions shall not restrict any right which any person (or class of persons) may have under any statute or common law to seek enforcement of any effluent standard or limitation or to seek any other relief.95

    In order to infuse a change in the way the Nigerian judiciary approaches the issue of pre-action notice as relevant to environmental issues, I articulated my position in an article published in 2001 entitled ‘Retheorising Pre-Action Notice as a Tool for Strategic Environmental Management in Nigeria’.96 I further discussed my concerns with members of my post-graduate class which included my respected friend and brother, Mr. Mike Igbokwe, SAN, and also forwarded copies of the published article to all the learned justices of the Supreme Court at the time. I was pleasantly thrilled when Mr. Igbokwe excitedly called me in 2002 to note that the Supreme Court in the case of Mobil Producing (Nig) Unlimited v. LASEPA, FEPA & Ors97 has held inter-alia, that the service of a pre-action notice is at best a procedural requirement and not an issue of substantive law. Interesting as this development would appear to be, it has little promise in that non-compliance with pre-action notice still renders an action incompetent, except where it is not raised by a defendant in which case it would be taken as a mere irregularity. It is my respectful submission that it is time for the Supreme Court to lift the stakes in purposive construction, and at the minimum allow for stay of proceedings while the notice is being served. This will enable courts to be in position to grant orders of injunction in deserving situations.

     

    (ii) Limitation periods

    The main purpose of limitation periods is to avoid a defendant having the indefinite threat of a claim. Consequently, on the premise that the ability of a defendant to prepare a defence is undermined where a claim is revived after a period of time, a statute of limitation sets the maximum time after an event that legal proceedings based on that event may be initiated. Thus, it is not unusual to see provisions like that of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Act which provides that claims against the Corporation and its subsidiary companies must be instituted within a period of one year from when the cause of action arose.98

    Given that a considerable period of time can pass from the time a pollutant is put in the environment and when it is discovered to have impacted its victims, it is often a difficult problem for potential litigants when they are faced with a statute of limitation in respect of which time starts to run from the date the act or omission occurred, and not the date of knowledge. In order to meet the challenge of limitation periods for environmental matters, what some jurisdictions have done is to provide that time runs from the date the cause of action accrued or, if later, the date of the claimant’s knowledge. Some others provide that the starting date is the earliest date the claimant knew that the damage was sufficiently serious to justify proceedings, that it was attributable to the alleged negligence, and the defendant’s identity.99 I respectfully submit that it is along these lines that Nigeria must urgently begin to re-engineer its laws if it is to ensure the protection of her citizenry in the context of environmental concerns and sustainability.100

     

    (iii) Standing

    Another hurdle that environmental litigants seeking to use the civil liability regime must face is that of establishing standing. The concept of standing is viewed as a fundamental gate-keeping requirement for access to the court system. The traditional, strict test of standing (locus standi or standing to sue) as espoused by the cases is that a person should have a direct personal and proprietary relationship with the subject matter of litigation. In other words, he must have suffered special damage peculiar to himself from the interference with the public right.101

    Aside of serving as ‘gate-keeper’ against the busybody and the crank,102 the concept of standing, it is believed, also confines the judiciary to its limited role in the system of separated powers in the way it helps ensure that cases filed in court involve the type of well-defined, adversarial contests which the courts are institutionally competent to resolve. While some jurisdictions have approached the application of the doctrine with its traditional rigidity, others have shown a preparedness to allow for a more flexible approach. Overall, three principal positions have been identified, namely: (1) the extensive approach which permits public interest actions to be brought in the form of actio popularis; (2) the restrictive approach which requires a potential litigant to demonstrate a breach of one of its own rights. This approach does not accept of law suits to protect collective interest or diffuse interests; and (3) the intermediate approach. Here the concept of ‘interest’ is broader than the requirement of a subjective right, but still ensures that a connection exists between the plaintiff and the cause of action.103

    With respect to Nigerian courts, there is still no clearly established right of standing beyond that traditionally recognized under the common law. Following the decision of the Supreme Court in Fawehinmi v. Akilu,104 it was the view of many that the common law concept of locus standi has been broadened from the inconsistent and conflicting interpretation of section 6(6) (b) of the 1979 Constitution in the earlier decided case of Abraham Adesanya v. President of Federal Republic of Nigeria.105 By the time the case of Owodunni v. Registered Trustees of the Celestial Church of Christ106 was decided, it became clear that the Supreme Court was more disposed to the restrictive approach underscored by Bello JSC in Adesanya’s case.107

    The wider implication of what has happened at the Supreme Court in relation to the concept of standing is that it has facilitated inconsistent, contradictory and confusing tendencies in the exercise of discretion by the lower courts. While some have continued to affirm the traditional individualistic application of locus standi, others have embraced the contrasting communitarian approach.108 Premised on this, there have been strident calls for the Supreme Court, being the apex court, to give clarity on what should be the approach of the judiciary.

    With particular reference to environmental litigation, the reason why it has been urged that it should be viewed differently from other forms of litigation is primarily because the environment does not have a voice of its own. It often needs committed representatives, independent from government functionaries who in certain situations could be compelled to act in defence of a state entity engaged with impunity in activities detrimental to the environment. Among the advantages that have been canvassed in situations where rules of standing have been relaxed to allow for public interest litigation are: first, that the existing enforcement deficit prominent with environmental law could be tackled more successfully if more litigation rights exists; second, that it will contribute towards the democratic endeavours of the Aarhus Convention both with regard to general public awareness building as well as to participation rights. Third, that it would even the playing field and not leave the financially strong industries to be in position to challenge stringent regulations, while those harmed by pollution are not liable to challenge weak government regulations. Finally, that it induces positive environmentally friendly actions. The possibility that a polluter can be sued will itself have a positive effect by inducing public authorities and business enterprises to examine more carefully the compatibility of their decisions and activities with environmental law stipulations.

    If we put in proper perspective the weak governance system that Nigeria has, it is clearly of importance for her to reform her rules of standing particularly in the way it affects environmental matters. This could be by way of judicial influence or legislation. For the judiciary, what is important is that judicial expansion of standing must be done with clear principles that will ensure the court system retains a consistent, efficient image and not one that bases a citizen’s right to bring litigation on subjective discretion. The following list109 presents one of such guides. Starting with the least harm required for law suits seeking compliance with informational or public participation rights on one end of the continuum and ending with the highest burden for lawsuits seeking compensation for harm from pollution:

    i) If the plaintiff is seeking to exercise a public right to gain access to information or to participate in a public process, the burden is minimal since the right attaches to all interested members of the public;

    ii) To seek an adequate environmental impact statement, the plaintiff would not need to prove that the underlying project will cause harm, but merely that the plaintiff would be affected by the project and that there is sufficient evidence of potential harm to warrant an analysis in an environmental impact statement;110

    iii) To enforce a zoning standard, the plaintiff may need to be impacted by the project, but need not prove that the project will cause particular harm if the zoning standard is violated because the legislative body already made that judgment;

    iv) To require adherence to a permit or regulatory standard, the plaintiff need not prove that violation of the standard will cause personal injury, since the permit or standard embodies a judgment that the enterprise must abide by the limit;111

    v) To obtain compensation from harm from pollution, the plaintiff would need to be the person harmed by the pollution.

     

    The kind of approach stated above is what will serve the view expressed by Tobi JCA (as he then was) in the case of Busari v. Oseni,112 where His Lordship urged as follows:

     

    In my view, the frontiers of the concept of locus standing should not be static and conservatively so at all times. The frontiers should expand to accommodate the dynamics and sophistication of the legal system and the litigation process respectively. In other words, the concept must move with time to take care of unique and challenging circumstances in the litigation process. If the concept of locus standi is static and conservative while the litigating society and the character and contents of litigation are moving in the spirit of a dynamic changing society, the concept will suffer untold hardship and reverses. That will be bad both for the litigating public and the concept itself.

    In relation to legislative intervention, this is what has been used critically to broaden access to courts and give a boost to public interest litigation. The approach is either to enact broad standing provisions in a framework law pursuant to which the courts can liberally interpret the rules of locus standi, or to enact prevention-oriented statutes that (1) establish minimum standards, (2) require polluting facilities to obtain permit that incorporate and adapt those standards to the particular enterprise, and (3) authorize governmental and citizens suits to enforce both the requirement to obtain a permit and compliance with the particular permit.113 Using these approaches, countries like the United States, Australia,114 Portugal, France, the Netherlands, Belgium,115 Greece, Brazil, Philippines,116 and Bangladesh117 have in relation to environmental matters been able to reduce or put an end to the burdensome requirement of standing. In Africa, countries like Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya118 have also reduced the excessive burdens of the proof of standing on plaintiffs and the courts.

    At the very general level, environmental protection is seen in opposition to economic development, and often the latter tends to prevail.

  • Nigeria’s quest for environment governance

    Nigeria’s quest for environment governance

    • Continued from last week

    As pointed out by Atkin J. in Mousell Brothers Ltd v. London and North-Western Railway Co.:76

    … while prima facie a principal is not to be made criminally responsible for the acts of his servants, yet the legislature may prohibit an act or enforce a duty in such words as to make the prohibition or the duty absolute; in which case the principal is liable if the act is in fact done by his servants. To ascertain whether a particular Act of Parliament has that effect or not regard must be had to the object of the statute, the words used, the nature of the duty laid down, the person upon whom it is imposed, the person by whom it would in ordinary circumstances be performed, and the person upon whom the penalty is imposed.

    It is submitted that it is this kind of purposive approach to corporate liability that should be given in the construction of a provision like section 31 of NESREA Act and similar statutory provisions. Looking at the way regulation 51(1) of the Chemical, Pharmaceutical Soap and Detergent Manufacturing Industries Regulations is structured, one would surmise that its construction will follow in the stead of section 31 of NESREA Act. A further reflection on the provision of regulation 51 (2) will, however, reveal that the said regulation presents a problem.

    The confusion created by regulation 51 relates to the use of the word ‘person’. In the definition segment of the regulation, the word ‘Person’ is defined as ‘…a natural or juristic personality (including ‘facility’). The same definition segment defined ‘Facility’ to mean ‘Chemicals, Pharmaceuticals, Soap and Detergent Industry’.77 Yet, while regulation 51 (1) used the word ‘Any person’ to qualify situations where the offence is committed by an individual, it proceeded in regulation 51(2) to use the phrase ‘any facility’ to qualify where the offence is committed by a corporate body.

    To start with, going by the definition of ‘Facility’ in the Regulations there is no way the Chemicals, Pharmaceuticals, Soap and Detergent Industry78 as a body can be guilty of an offence under the Regulations. This clearly constitutes a serious bar to the operation and effective utilization of regulation 51(2) to bring corporate offenders to book under the Regulations. Further, the unusual tack taken by regulation 51(1) in using ‘Any person’ to qualify individual offenders while 51 (2) used ‘any facility’ to qualify corporate offenders has made a total mess of the broad meaning traditionally associated with the word ‘person’. Since regulation 51 (2) is supposedly aimed at corporate offenders, 51 (1) can no longer be extended to cover such offenders. The result is that the Regulations have not appropriately provided for corporate offenders.

    Given the above reality, what one can constructively urge on the courts pending a review of regulation 51 (which sadly is the pattern of the penalty provision of almost all of the Regulations recently introduced by NESREA) is a flexible construction policy that will allow the word ‘facility’ for instance to mean a body corporate within the Chemical, Pharmaceuticals, Soap and Detergent Industry. This will be in line with the golden rule of interpretation and the fundamental position stated by Lord Hobhouse79 that while it is unsatisfactory for a court to be compelled to construe a statute by implying words into it, it is much more unsatisfactory to deprive the statute altogether of meaning. The perplexing problem for the court will be how this will be balanced with another equally important rule of interpretation which requires that statutes must generally be constructed in their plain and unambiguous meaning free from all interpolations. It is not permissible to supply omissions therein even if such omissions are patently unintentional. There is, therefore, an urgent need for a revision of this provision by NESREA.

     

    c) Civil Liability Regime

    In contrast to administrative remedies and command and control regulatory regimes which seek to regulate in the public interest, private legal persons (individuals, corporate bodies and civil society groups) are beginning to show more interest in the use to which civil law mechanisms can be put in the regulation of pollution and general environmental governance. This interest has become heightened in the aftermath of the recognition of the importance of public participation by Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration.80 The primary purpose of the civil justice system is to resolve disputes between two or more parties while the core of the reliefs that it offers e.g. compensation, injunction among others are aimed at providing remedy to a person or their property that has been, or may potentially be, harmed by the conduct of another.

    As has, however, been noted,81 aside of resolving the question of liability for specific incidents, the imposition of civil liability starting with the threat of civil action for personal injury or property damage can act as an incentive to motivate people to act in a particular way. It can also serve as a stimulus to integrate risk management principles into all levels of business decision-making: producers and manufacturers will act so as to reduce and manage their risks. Invariably, the imposition of civil liability not only aids fulfillment of the Precautionary Principle, it also assists the concept of shared responsibility which is the goal of Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration.

    Guided by the historical development of civil liability law in Nigeria,82 the starting point for private litigants seeking remedies for harm caused by environmental pollution is the common law,83 using such common law theories as nuisance, trespass, negligence and strict liability.84 This is supplemented from time to time by statute law. The background to common law itself is that the law was created by judges in the courts, on a case by case, solution by solution basis and in an empirical and practical manner. Thus, the common law can be said to be reactive in nature.85 More importantly, however, the application of the doctrine of judicial precedent or stare decisis through which judges are bound by previous judgments of a court of higher level gave rise to accretion of case law which became the common law. As noted by a learned author,86 the implication of the above development for the common law is that it emerged as a complex and tangled web of law, which had many inconsistencies of approach and which provided many answers to some problems and none at all to others.

    With respect to issues relating to environmental damage,87 the way the common law developed is such that its rules relating to liability are not directly concerned with environmental management and preservation of the ecosystem. Rather, they deal with injuries to persons and to property. Consequently, it is only where damage to the environment is incidental to personal and property damage that common law liability rules become relevant to environmental protection. Notwithstanding this limitation in the remedies provided for the environment by the law of tort, because there is no special civil liability regime for environmental damage cases, a plaintiff is still required to comply with the controls in use for regulation of the civil liability regime. Among others, he must bring his case within the statute of limitation; show that he has the standing to commence the action; and establish causation between the harm and the defendant’s conduct. This is despite the fact that the natural resources degraded or the environmental media affected by pollution may be unowned (that is common to all),88 or the injury to health or the environment may occur long after the release or discharge of pollution thereby making detection, causation and linkage difficult to prove.

    It is worth making a few comments about these controls of the civil liability regime, and what options are available in meeting the challenges posed by them.

    Before proceeding to do this, however, it is apposite to note that a number of scholars, including the writer, have stridently urged the courts to in the absence of appropriate applicable statutory provisions innovatively widen the ambit of the common law beyond their traditional and conventional sphere of operation in order to meet the exigencies of environmental policy objectives and governance. The courts have been very reluctant to do this for understandable reasons. The truth is, to depart from ordinarily applicable liability principles, the court requires careful and cogent justification. Otherwise, it may simply lead to distortion and confusion of the existing common law principles. As cautioned by Lord Goff:89

    It is of particular relevance that the present case is concerned with environmental pollution. The protection and preservation of the environment is now perceived as being of crucial importance to the future of mankind: and public bodies, both national and international are taking significant steps towards the establishment of legislation which will promote the protection of the environment, and make the polluter pay for the damage to the environment for which he is responsible – as can be seen from the WHO, EEC and national regulations to which I have previously referred. But it does not follow from these developments that a common law principle, such as the rule in Rylands v. Fletcher should be developed or rendered more strict to provide for liability in respect of such pollution. On the contrary, given that so much well-informed and carefully structured legislation is now being put in place for this purpose, there is less need for the courts to develop a common law principle to achieve the same end, and indeed it may well be undesirable that they should do so.

    The expectation clearly is for statute to fill the gaps where common law is perceived to be insufficient and/or inadequate. In the case of Nigeria, how well has she been able to do this in order to amortise the significant complementary benefit of the civil liability regime? To some of these civil liability litigation controls we shall briefly turn.

     

    (i) Pre-action Notice Procedure

    Pre-action notice is the notice that an aggrieved party or intending plaintiff is expected to formally serve on the other party (the prospective defendant) before the commencement of his action.90 The rationale is to encourage the exchange of early and full information about the prospective legal claim in a way that will enable parties to avoid litigation by agreeing a settlement of the claim before the commencement of proceedings.91 Having regard to its use in Nigeria, pre-action has become a prevalent feature of the enabling law of almost every local government, public corporations, government agencies and institutions.

    It is to be noted that the various government authorities and institutions play a key role in terms of environmental protection particularly in the areas of responsibility for planning control system, investigating and abating nuisances, authorizing emissions, identifying contaminations, monitoring hazardous and toxic substances, promoting new legislation, issuing regulations and general enforcement of compliance.

  • Nigeria’s quest for environment governance

    This is on the premise that environmental crime (unlike ‘real’ crimes such as murder or theft) is not inherently immoral, but, rather made unlawful only by statute. Further, they argue that most of the pollution that are sought to be criminalised are consequences of industrial activities that provide the society with significant benefits and that were hitherto perfectly lawful and considered to be acceptable.

    The above has led to calls to distinguish between routine cases of environmental harm that results from general activities and environmental crimes that have been wilfully committed to personal or business advantage. The former, it is argued, should attract civil penalties and administrative sanctions while criminal sanctions should lie for the latter. Indeed, the fact that most environmental offences impose strict liability is an acknowledgment that mens rea and actus reus does not always coincide. All that needs to be proved is the act or omission that forms part of the offence. To, however, mitigate the potential unfairness of absolute strict liability, statutory defences are at times introduced, or ‘knowledge of violation’ is introduced as a threshold in imposing criminal penalties.

    The concerns that have been raised in relation to environmental justice in criminal law are that prosecution is costly and that many crimes go unpunished. Second is that those crimes that are prosecuted are not punished severely enough either because the levels of fines are low or that sentences are significantly reduced. The reason for the first concern is that the central aim of enforcement of environmental regulation is to prevent harm to the environment or human health, rather than to detect and then punish those who caused the harm.Consequently, in the enforcement pyramid, emphasis is more on all mechanisms other than prosecution in order to promote compliance. It is for this reason that prosecution end up being used on the very small minority of trenchant recalcitrants.66 This is not to say that there is any consistency in the way regulatory officers exercise discretion in relation to prosecution. Indeed, for Nigeria, it can be said without fear of contradiction that there is no accurate picture of prosecution and sentencing for environmental crime.

    With regard to the second concern, that fines are seemingly arbitrary and insignificant is true in fact. By way of example, section 6 of the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency (Establishment) Act, 2006 detailed the functions of the Agency. One of its core functions is its responsibility for surveillance and ensuring compliance with all existing environmental legislation and the detection of oil spills in the petroleum sector. There are also special functions stipulated for the Agency under Section 7 of the Act. Despite these enormous responsibilities, there is no general provision for offences under the Act. The only provision that has anything to do with commission of offences are sections 6 (2) and (3). They provide as follows:

    6 (2) An oil spiller is by this Act to report an oil spill to the Agency in writing not later than 24 hours after the occurrence of an oil spill, in default of which the failure to report shall attract a penalty in the sum of Five Hundred Thousand Naira (N500,000) for each day of failure to report the occurrence.

    (3)The failure to clean up the impacted site, to all practical extent including remediation, shall attract a further fine of one million Naira.

    In relation to section 6 (2), reason dictates that if there is a failure to report, it will be most difficult to come to terms with when exactly the incident occurred. As is always the case, the scenario will be one of disputes, arguments and counter-arguments. Local host communities will give one date as the date of occurrence while the oil company gives another date. Failure to report is without doubt a premeditated and deliberate act on the part of the oil company with a view to profit therefrom by escaping liability. Thus, one would have thought that this should be taken into account when passing a sentence. What will signal the seriousness of the crime in this particular instance is the sentencing option of imprisonment at the minimum and to which can then be added a monetary fine. The implication of this is that significant as the continuing daily fine of N500,000 post conviction would appear to be, it cannot be effective. In relation to section 6(3), the negative consequences of an oil spill and the immense problems of assessment and quantification of damages are so enormous that a fine of one million naira is simply too insignificant for an offender who deliberately refused to live up to its responsibility of remediating an impacted site.

    What is reflected in provisions like section 6(2) and (3) is that the true cost of crime to society and the environment have not been reflected in the law. Offenders are supposed to be punished appropriately. Not only should the law ensure that the polluter pays the price for the environmental harm caused, the offender should also not profit from the offence, even after being sentenced. Provisions like section 6 (2) and (3) leave the court with not much of a choice of sentencing options and it would be most absurd to turn around to blame the court for not imposing a sentence proportionate to the offence. The knock-on-effect of the above is that the concept of deterrence is not allowed a meaningful role in environmental crimes, while potential offenders find it cheaper on cost-benefit analysis to pollute and pay a fine than to comply with a regulatory regime that will minimise or avoid pollution incidents altogether.

    At the minimum, there are four principles that an effective criminal sanction regime must capture, namely, proportionality in the application of law and in securing compliance; consistency of approach; transparency about how the regulatory agency operates; and the targeting of enforcement action at activities that give rise to the most serious environmental damage or in relation to which the hazards are least well controlled. There is obviously the need to review the use of the criminal sanctions in Nigeria’s environmental statutes. To do this effectively, there is an urgent need for a body like NESREA to coordinate cooperatively with other stakeholders the development of a general policy on enforcement and prosecution. Such a document will not only cover the principles that will guide regulatory agencies in making enforcement and prosecution decisions, it will also guide enforcement response where an offence has been committed. This will assist to secure a more consistent approach to enforcement across the board. Environment agencies should also in the context of a policy of ‘name and shame’ set out on annual basis key data on prosecutions and convictions particularly as regards business environmental performance.

    Another area that has the potential to create serious concern for prosecutors and the court is the situation under which a company may be held to account for the acts of its employees. This raises the key question of corporate criminal liability. Studies suggest that individuals are responsible for the majority of environmental crimes. The most significant acts of environmental harm arising as a result of violation of pollution control legislation are however caused by companies because of the scale of industrial operations. The structure of big companies means that it is a difficult task to identify the root cause of many pollution incidents. In the face of contentions that obscure the blame worthiness of offending companies, how are prosecutors and the courts to be guided?

    The position would appear to be that where reference in the law is to a person responsible, it should be assumed that ‘person’ is to be given the broad meaning to include a body of person incorporated or unincorporated, unless a contrary intention appears. By way of example, section 31 of NESREA Act provides:

    A person who obstructs an officer of the Agency in the performance of his duties under section 3 of this Act commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a fine not less than N200,000 for an individual or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding one year or to both such fine and imprisonment, and an additional fine of N20,000 for each day the offence subsists and in the case of a body corporate, it shall be liable for a fine of N2,000,000 on conviction and an additional fine of N200,000 for everyday the offence subsists.

    Another approach is that adopted in the National Environmental (Chemical, Pharmaceutical, Soap and Detergent Manufacturing Industries) Regulations, 2009. After creating different kinds of offences in regulations 46, 47, 48, 49 and 50 it proceeded in regulation 51 to establish a penalty provisions thus:

    51 (1)Any person who violates any of the provisions of regulations 46 to 50 of these Regulations commits an offence and shall on conviction, be liable to a fine not exceeding N200,000.00 or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years or to both such fine and imprisonment and an additional fine of N50,000 for every day the offence subsists.

    (2) Where an offence under sub-regulation (1) of this regulation is committed by any facility, it shall on conviction, be liable to a fine not exceeding N1,000,000 and an additional fine of N50,000 for every day the offence subsists.

    The macroscopic approach hitherto adopted is to think that corporate liability would only be established in cases in which the employees responsible were of sufficient seniority to be viewed as the ‘controlling mind’ of the company. The reality, however, is that many pollution incidents are the responsibility of operational staff whose status cannot be categorized as the ‘controlling mind’. It is thus clear that adopting a broad (rather than narrow) view of what will rest corporate liability will permit a more accurate overall contribution of the constructive role to be played by criminal law. Following therefrom, the courts have held that the actions of employees will create corporate criminal liability if it is clear that the relevant statutory purposes would be defeated if a company could not be prosecuted for the acts of its employees.

    In large measure, and depending on the language of the statute, in circumstances where there is the need for proof of criminal intent or negligence it will be appropriate to seek for the individual who committed the offence. Where, on the other hand, it is a case of strict liability offences, there will be a deviation from the general rule that criminal liability is personal in order to impose vicarious liability.

    In the case of National Rivers Authority v. Alfred McAlpine Homes East Ltd, the defendant AMHE caused water pollution during construction works. At the trial, AMHE was acquitted on the grounds that the prosecution had failed to demonstrate that the employees that had caused the pollution were of sufficiently senior standing within the company to bind the company by their actions. On appeal, the court found AMHE to be liable. Moorland J. placed heavy reliance on the purposive approach to vicarious liability, namely, that the offence under section 85 of the Water Resources Act 1991 was designed to prevent water pollution. If therefore the legislation is to be made effective, there was a necessary implication that companies should be liable for the acts or omissions of all of their employees as opposed to simply the senior employees who were the ‘controlling mind’. Moorland J emphasized this by referring to the idea that companies were, in fact, best placed to control activities of even very junior employees through such things as training and supervision.