Tag: Red card

  • Give anti-workers govs red card, Labour tells voters

    Organised Labour under the auspices of the Nigeria Civil Service Union (NCSU) has asked workers not to re-elect governors that don’t care about them.

    Rather, it urged the workers to serve them red card at the 2019 general elections for lacking the conscience to do what is right.

    In a communiqué at the end of its 70th National Executive Council meeting, the union asked governors owing salaries and pensions to stop treating workers as worthless citizens.

    The communiqué signed by the National President, Comrade Lawrence Amaechi and acting General Secretary, Yahaya Ndako, the union also passed a vote of no confidence on Imo State Governor Rochas Okorocha over what it described as his anti- labour policies.

    The union also expressed concerns over delay in concluding the ongoing negotiation on the new National minimum wage.

    The communiqué reads in parts: “NEC-in-Session resolves that the union will oppose vehemently any action aimed at delaying this process.

    “To this end, therefore the NEC urges the Federal Government to match its words with actions so that the high expectations of workers on the implementation of the new minimum wage would be realised on or before September, 2018.

    “Failure, the entire members of the Union will not take it with levity.

     

     

    “The 70th NEC applauds the bold and proactive steps taken by the President of Nigeria Labour Congress to report the Federal Government to ILO, on their obnoxious and draconian Labour bill aimed at distorting our Industrial Relations landscape.

    “NCSU notes that any attempt to pass a bill that negates or violates ILO Convention 98, would be vehemently resisted by organised Labour.”

    The union rejected the high and intimidating rate of unemployment, which it said pose grave serious security risks.

     

  • Red card, defections and other stories

    IT was just a matter of time before it happened. All has not been well within the  ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the coaliton of parties, which wrested power from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2015.

    The APC, their beloved party, some members alleged, has become more like PDP when it was in power, if not worse. Most of these aggrieved members were from the rump of PDP, which walked out of the then ruling party’s convention in Abuja.

    That action was the beginning of PDP’s fall from power. Among the protesting party chieftains then were governors, senators and House of Representatives members. In no time, they formed the New PDP (nPDP) on which platform they joined forces with the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) to form APC.

    In the past three years, APC has pursued with zeal its programmes, which are aimed at making lives better for the people. APC’s fight against corruption and the recovery of looted funds have, however, brought it in collision with many people, including some top members of the party. Rather than support President Muhammadu Buhari’s anti-corruption war, they are against it because as they claimed ‘’it is selective’’.

    The crisis in APC today can be located in the anti-corruption war and the relationship between the leadership of the National Assembly, on one hand, and the Presidency and the party’s leadership on the other hand. Not to talk of that with some governors.

    Many lawmakers do not fancy the anti-graft war, which they feel is directed at some of them, and this has further caused a division among these erstwhile political friends.

    APC was the party many Nigerians looked forward to, following its formation, to make a difference in their lives. As at the time it was formed, the people were fed up with PDP. It is, therefore, unfortunate that today, the same APC, which was expected to bring hope and consolation to them is in crisis. Will this fresh crisis engendered by the defection of 51 of its National Assembly members comprising 14 senators and 37 representatives affect its political fortune? This is the question the party leadership must answer.

    The defectors will never wish the party well, just as those who left PDP for APC plotted the then ruling party’s downfall in the 2015 elections. To lose 51 lawmakers at one fell swoop is not something to brush aside with a wave of the hand. Some of them may have climbed the backs of others to get to power, as the party’s National Chairman, Adams Oshiomhole, observed on Tuesday shortly after their defection, but tell me who is that politician that does not need a strong backer to rise.

    These are trying times for APC. Just imagine what it is going through when it is yet to complete its first term in office. It is obvious that the defectors’ aim is to scuttle the party’s chances in the 2019 elections. After severing relations with the party, there is no way they will ever wish it well. Their loyalty now is to the PDP to which many of them have returned. It is not even certain that we have seen the last of these defections, which Benue State Governor Samuel Ortom hinted about last week.

    Ortom also crossed from PDP to APC on the eve of the 2015 elections and was given the party’s governorship ticket. He won the election, with the support of Benue strongman Senator George Akume. It seems Ortom and his godfather have fallen apart and the governor is afraid that he may not get a second term ticket. Last week, the governor whose state is under the siege of herdsmen said he had been given a ‘’red card’’ . A red card when he is not a footballer? Well, it was a manner of speech. Ortom, who has the sympathy of his people because of the killings in his state, said he is now out of the pitch as a result of the card. ‘’I am waiting for another club to sign me’’, he told his people.

    What the governor was saying in effect is that he too may jump ship if nothing is done to reassure him of his place within the party. Oshiomhole has told him he has nothing to fear, but it seems he does not believe his chairman. The governor is still going around talking about the red card. It is also not certain that more people will not leave the party at the National Assembly. The defection of the 51 on Tuesday may have been to prepare the ground for the next set of defectors. One name being touted to quit the party is Senate President Bukola Saraki, who got that position contrary to the party’s wish. Will Saraki defect?

    All signs are that he will because many of his loyalists are among those that defected on Tuesday in the National Assembly. In his home Kwara State many of his supporters have also been leaving the party. Saraki and his men are fighting the party for not according the Senate president the respect they think he deserves. To Saraki, what has been happening to him in the past three years, is political persecution. He said the time wasted on such persecution could have been spent on making lives better for the people.

    This is a delicate issue which the APC must handle with tact because of the forthcoming elections. It is not good to lose members when elections are near like this, so the party must move fast to do damage control. You cannot be too sure about elections. No two elections are the same. That the people voted APC and Buhari in 2015 does not mean that they will do the same in 2019. The defectors have their own plans; the APC should come up with its and not assume that they are political paper weight.

    Like what happen before the 2015 elections, the aggrieved APC members have formed the Reformed APC (rAPC). With rAPC, they have signed a pact with PDP and 38 other parties to slug it out with APC in the 2019 elections. What is APC’s response to this challenge? It should not make the same mistake as the PDP did in 2015 when the then ruling party dismissed  APC’s threat of wresting power from it as nothing.

     

    Agony of a dad

    THERE was pin-drop silence as he spoke at the Bagauda Kaltho Press Centre at Alausa, Ikeja, Lagos, on Tuesday. He did not give his name nor did he allow his photograph to be taken. He was in pain, serious pain. His wife and daughter were burnt in the June 28 Otedola Bridge tanker explosion. He spent over N4 million on them in a private hospital before moving them to the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH), Ikeja.

    He is not satisfied with the treatment they are getting, so he wants to move them abroad. The only snag is that the passport of the girl, who is his only daughter, has expired. She cannot be moved in her condition to any of the Passport Offices in Lagos for capturing (taking of her picture). So, he is begging Governor Akinwunmi Ambode to help in getting the authorities in Abuja to bring the necessary machine down to LASUTH for the girl’s capturing. Nothing can beat a father’s love for his daughter. I know that the listening Governor Ambode will hearken to the man’s cry. May his wife and daughter live.

     

  • Red card, defections and other stories

    IT was just a matter of time before it happened. All has not been well within the  ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the coaliton of parties, which wrested power from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2015.

    The APC, their beloved party, some members alleged, has become more like PDP when it was in power, if not worse. Most of these aggrieved members were from the rump of PDP, which walked out of the then ruling party’s convention in Abuja.

    That action was the beginning of PDP’s fall from power. Among the protesting party chieftains then were governors, senators and House of Representatives members. In no time, they formed the New PDP (nPDP) on which platform they joined forces with the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) to form APC.

    In the past three years, APC has pursued with zeal its programmes, which are aimed at making lives better for the people. APC’s fight against corruption and the recovery of looted funds have, however, brought it in collision with many people, including some top members of the party. Rather than support President Muhammadu Buhari’s anti-corruption war, they are against it because as they claimed ‘’it is selective’’.

    The crisis in APC today can be located in the anti-corruption war and the relationship between the leadership of the National Assembly, on one hand, and the Presidency and the party’s leadership on the other hand. Not to talk of that with some governors.

    Many lawmakers do not fancy the anti-graft war, which they feel is directed at some of them, and this has further caused a division among these erstwhile political friends.

    APC was the party many Nigerians looked forward to, following its formation, to make a difference in their lives. As at the time it was formed, the people were fed up with PDP. It is, therefore, unfortunate that today, the same APC, which was expected to bring hope and consolation to them is in crisis. Will this fresh crisis engendered by the defection of 51 of its National Assembly members comprising 14 senators and 37 representatives affect its political fortune? This is the question the party leadership must answer.

    The defectors will never wish the party well, just as those who left PDP for APC plotted the then ruling party’s downfall in the 2015 elections. To lose 51 lawmakers at one fell swoop is not something to brush aside with a wave of the hand. Some of them may have climbed the backs of others to get to power, as the party’s National Chairman, Adams Oshiomhole, observed on Tuesday shortly after their defection, but tell me who is that politician that does not need a strong backer to rise.

    These are trying times for APC. Just imagine what it is going through when it is yet to complete its first term in office. It is obvious that the defectors’ aim is to scuttle the party’s chances in the 2019 elections. After severing relations with the party, there is no way they will ever wish it well. Their loyalty now is to the PDP to which many of them have returned. It is not even certain that we have seen the last of these defections, which Benue State Governor Samuel Ortom hinted about last week.

    Ortom also crossed from PDP to APC on the eve of the 2015 elections and was given the party’s governorship ticket. He won the election, with the support of Benue strongman Senator George Akume. It seems Ortom and his godfather have fallen apart and the governor is afraid that he may not get a second term ticket. Last week, the governor whose state is under the siege of herdsmen said he had been given a ‘’red card’’ . A red card when he is not a footballer? Well, it was a manner of speech. Ortom, who has the sympathy of his people because of the killings in his state, said he is now out of the pitch as a result of the card. ‘’I am waiting for another club to sign me’’, he told his people.

    What the governor was saying in effect is that he too may jump ship if nothing is done to reassure him of his place within the party. Oshiomhole has told him he has nothing to fear, but it seems he does not believe his chairman. The governor is still going around talking about the red card. It is also not certain that more people will not leave the party at the National Assembly. The defection of the 51 on Tuesday may have been to prepare the ground for the next set of defectors. One name being touted to quit the party is Senate President Bukola Saraki, who got that position contrary to the party’s wish. Will Saraki defect?

    All signs are that he will because many of his loyalists are among those that defected on Tuesday in the National Assembly. In his home Kwara State many of his supporters have also been leaving the party. Saraki and his men are fighting the party for not according the Senate president the respect they think he deserves. To Saraki, what has been happening to him in the past three years, is political persecution. He said the time wasted on such persecution could have been spent on making lives better for the people.

    This is a delicate issue which the APC must handle with tact because of the forthcoming elections. It is not good to lose members when elections are near like this, so the party must move fast to do damage control. You cannot be too sure about elections. No two elections are the same. That the people voted APC and Buhari in 2015 does not mean that they will do the same in 2019. The defectors have their own plans; the APC should come up with its and not assume that they are political paper weight.

    Like what happen before the 2015 elections, the aggrieved APC members have formed the Reformed APC (rAPC). With rAPC, they have signed a pact with PDP and 38 other parties to slug it out with APC in the 2019 elections. What is APC’s response to this challenge? It should not make the same mistake as the PDP did in 2015 when the then ruling party dismissed  APC’s threat of wresting power from it as nothing.

     

     Agony of a dad

    THERE was pin-drop silence as he spoke at the Bagauda Kaltho Press Centre at Alausa, Ikeja, Lagos, on Tuesday. He did not give his name nor did he allow his photograph to be taken. He was in pain, serious pain. His wife and daughter were burnt in the June 28 Otedola Bridge tanker explosion. He spent over N4 million on them in a private hospital before moving them to the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH), Ikeja.

    He is not satisfied with the treatment they are getting, so he wants to move them abroad. The only snag is that the passport of the girl, who is his only daughter, has expired. She cannot be moved in her condition to any of the Passport Offices in Lagos for capturing (taking of her picture). So, he is begging Governor Akinwunmi Ambode to help in getting the authorities in Abuja to bring the necessary machine down to LASUTH for the girl’s capturing. Nothing can beat a father’s love for his daughter. I know that the listening Governor Ambode will hearken to the man’s cry. May his wife and daughter live.

  • Ortom’s red card

    Keen observers of events in Benue State would not be surprised at Governor Samuel Ortom’s declaration that he has been given red card by the All Progressives Congress APC. If such weighty statement pulled any surprise at all, it is in the innocuous occasion he chose to announce it.

    Inaugurating a Special Adviser to the Bureau of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Jerome Torshimbe, Ortom told his audience, “As for party, I have been given red card and I’m outside the pitch. So if I have been given red card and I’m standing outside, I’m a free man. So I don’t know what will happen next; but I’m waiting. If approached, then I will tell the Benue people that I’m joining another football club”.

    The governor’s choice of allegory of red card in a football match has been interpreted as a sign of having fallen out of favour with his party leadership on account of some infraction. What remains uncertain perhaps is at what point the red card was issued, the issuing authority and the infractions that attracted such a harsh penalty.

    The issuing authority would not have been at issue since the umpires of a political party are known but for denials of such by the national chairman of the APC, Adams Oshiomhole. Last Thursday, he met with Ortom reassuring that the party will not let him go and that the APC has no red card in its cupboard and therefore cannot give what it does not have.

    He alluded to disagreements involving a former governor of the state, Senator George Akume and expressed hope that he (Akume) also recognized the need for peace within the APC. Ortom unveiled the source of the red card when he said “I was given red card by a senator…but the leadership of the party told me the decision of the party leadership at the national level is superior to any individual and I think that is good enough”. The embattled governor appeared to have reversed himself when said though he was given red card, he is still flying the flag of the APC.

    It would appear that Ortom is still keeping his cards open after the intervention of the APC national chairman. Before then, he had hobnobbed with the PDP leadership fuelling speculations of imminent defection. In the days ahead, his fate would depend on the fence mending efforts of the APC between him and Akume and the outcome of his negotiations with the PDP. Though none of the parties has come public with issues to contest, there is everything to suggest they have to do with the outcome of the last congresses of the party in the state.

    Akume is said to be in control of the structures of the party. Given the above, it is difficult to fathom how Ortom can make it in the primaries if he no longer enjoys the confidence of his benefactor. That is the source of the red card. That was the reference when Ortom said a senator gave him a red card. That is also why Oshiomhole spoke of fence-mending between the two leaders. How far the party can go in stripping Akume of the party structures to make Ortom realize his second term ambition is a different kettle of fish altogether.

    The reality on the ground especially following events of the last couple of weeks is that Ortom is undecided on whether to dump the party or remain in its fold. It will all depend on the cards placed before him by his party reassuring of the ticket for the 2019 elections. If he receives concrete assurances of that, he may remain in his party. But where the contrary happens, he is likely to sojourn elsewhere. Before now, he had dissolved his cabinet and sent packing all loyalists of Akume. All these will impose constraints in efforts to reconcile both of them as the issue of trust will count very seriously.

    But even if Ortom is fully reconciled with Akume and his second term bid guaranteed, he is bound to face another huddle from a different quarter entirely. He will have to contend reconciling himself with the dominant feelings and sensibilities of the Benue people that have badly been ruptured by the insurgency of herdsmen.

    His predicament has vicarious linkage to internal feelings of revolt within Benue State against the APC-controlled federal government’s indifference to their plight in the face of continued killings and despoliation of their ancestral lands by the herdsmen. In the last two years or so, Benue has seen the worst form of killings from the rampaging herdsmen.

    Many communities have been sacked even as allegations of forced occupation of ancestral lands of the farming communities have been rife. Many, especially the most vulnerable have lost their lives in these recurring killings with the insurgents operating with an air of near invincibility. This year alone, hundreds of people including innocent women, children and the aged have been sent to their early graves in the most inhuman, despicable and dastardly manner by herdsmen who value cows more than human lives. Benue has been the theatre of the absurd in these atrocious killings, maiming, and despoliation of farming communities, places of worship.

    In the face of this savagery, the reaction of the federal government has at best, remained tepid. Its inability to stop the killings and bring culprits to book has fuelled suspicion that it is complicit in the killings. Instead of rising to its statutory responsibility of maintenance of law and order, the government has sought to hide under nebulous excuses to rationalize the continued carnage.

    Thus, we have seen officials of the government blaming the continued carnage on the enactment of anti-open grazing laws, blocking of grazing routes, climatic and environmental factors. But states that suffer the insurgency of the herdsmen rated by Global Terrorism Index as the fourth deadliest terrorist group in the world finger claims over land ownership as the oxygen that propels and sustain the conflicts. There have been copious claims by indigenous farmers that herdsmen are helped by security men to take possession and rename communities vacated by local farmers on account of the killings.

    Ortom is one of the governors that implemented wholesale, the state’s version of the anti-open grazing law and has told whoever cares to listen that the state has no alternative to that law. He has more than any of his colleagues, raised the bar both within and outside the shores of this country on the unmitigated danger which the activities of the herdsmen pose to life and property in his state. He had said severally that he knows the killers and called for their arrest and prosecution but all to no avail. In this campaign against open grazing, he has in no small measure exposed the duplicity of the federal government in finding realistic solutions to the festering killings. A few months back, he accorded state burial to over 100 people killed by the herdsmen to the discomfort of the federal government.

    A regime that has been fighting insecurity in several fronts with little success is bound to view with discomfort, the rising attention killings by herdsmen had come to assume through the protestations of the likes of Ortom. Not only has the federal government not hidden its strong aversion to the anti-open grazing law, its officials have publicly been pressurizing the states to modify them. They have even gone further to allege that conflicts between herders and farmers are sponsored by unnamed politicians to gain advantage.

    Given the above, there is everything to indicate there may be some unseen hands in the current predicament of Ortom. If indeed Akume was able to oust him, cornering the structures of the party with a sitting governor standing akimbo, there should be more to it than ordinarily meets the eyes.

    It conveys the governor as a toothless bulldog; an inconsequential in the political chess game of his state. There should be more to it than he made us to believe. There are extant sentiments within the Benue polity that are in conflict with the body language of the leadership of this country. The direction of such feelings is bound to rob off either positively or negatively on the political fortunes of the governor.

     

  • Red card

    •House of Reps in order on law to compel Discos to provide prepaid meters

    WITH the move by the House of Representatives to proscribe the issuance of estimated bills to consumers by electricity distribution companies (Discos), the ding-dong battle between the electricity distribution companies and their ill-served consumers may have entered another tumultuous phase. In a twist to the lingering dispute over arbitrary billing practices and the continuing failure of Discos to supply their customers with pre-paid meters, the House of Representatives last week served notice of an amendment to the Power Sector Reform Act.

    Among the newly introduced sections, Section 68 captures the essence of the proposed amendment: “If a customer is not metered within 30 days after application has been duly made, the relevant electricity distribution company is prohibited from refusing to connect the customer, or disconnect the customer in the event that the customer has been connected or estimate his bills.”

    The bill recommends six months imprisonment or a fine of N500,000 for officials of any of the Discos found guilty of illegal disconnection, refusal to connect a customer after application, non-metering within the 30 days of application for a pre-paid meter, and issuance of estimated bills, after the law has taken effect.

    Drastic as the amendments appear to be, we must admit that they merely reflect the prevailing public anger and resentment against the notoriously extortionate practices of the electricity service providers. About five years after the new private sector owners of the distribution entities took them over from the government, very little appears to have changed. The sector retains the same old story of obsolete equipment, of antiquated business practices and criminal indifference to the cries of the consumer – all of these against the service-oriented entity that was advertised at the time of their alienation.

    The development, admittedly, stokes a fresh debate as to whether what is required in the circumstance is merely to tighten the existing regulation or come up with a new one. Not least are concerns about what appears as an attempt to criminalise the failure to perform a commercial duty in an environment where nothing can be taken for granted.

    For the regulator – the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) –no new law is needed.  It says that there is already a regulation that deals with the matter of estimated billing and that another law on the matter may lead to a complete disorder in the industry.

    As for House majority leader and sponsor of the bill, Femi Gbajabiamila, the law is essentially about removing the current discretion allowed NERC under which the Discos have taken shelter to abdicate their responsibility.

    Given current realities, we agree with the sponsor that the amendment is now somewhat overdue.

    First, only NERC can afford to pretend that the situation in which the Discos are allowed to play the tyrant while the regulator assumes the role of handmaiden is anything but a state of anarchy. Second, to the extent that the proposed amendment imposes no extraordinary demands on the Discos beyond what can be deemed as equitable in law and tariff practices, the premises of the proposed amendment would remain hard to fault. In other words, what the proposed amendment seeks is merely to restore balance and equity into the relations between the service providers on one hand and the consumer on the other.

    Third, that the issue at stake which ordinarily falls within the purview of NERC has lingered for so long; to the point that it is being escalated by the lawmakers is itself a measure of how toothless the regulator has itself become, hence the ineffectuality of the regulations. At best, the law would merely relieve it of the duty  that it has been unable to perform effectively.

    Whichever way it goes, it is expected that Nigerians would in due course have their say at the public hearing whenever the National Assembly decides to bring it up. In the end, the issue isn’t so much about errant players being committed to the jailhouse; rather, it is about practical actions to ensure that the Discos truly live up to their obligations; that the electricity consumer is made to derive full value for every kobo passed as electricity bill.

  • Red card for dubious squad

    President Muhammadu Buhari was last week reported to have rebuffed a bill proposing to remake the Nigerian Peace Corps from a voluntary civil outfit into a government paramilitary agency. Both chambers of the National Assembly (NASS) had forwarded the bill for his assent in 2017.

    The President’s veto was contained in a 25th January 2018 letter read Tuesday on the floor of the House of Representatives by Speaker Yakubu Dogara. In that communication, he cited security concerns over enabling the corps to perform regular functions of existing security and law enforcement agencies, and as well the financial implications of the agency’s operations for government as reasons for withholding his assent.

    Considering the NASS’s enthusiasm for the proposed makeover of the peace corps, however, the last may not have been heard of the presidential veto. But I hasten to say Buhari did great service and deserves applause for rejecting the Nigerian Peace Corps (Establishment) Bill, 2017. I have always held that Nigeria does not need a martial peace corps, and on the heels of the Legislature’s passage of the enabling bill last year I published a piece, from which the following is excerpted:

    Martial mania

    How many regimental formations does a country need to kit up for peace and security? This question rankles, as Nigeria seems hooked on the jackboot syndrome.

    The Senate (in July 2017) gave final nod to a bill enacting the Nigerian Peace Corps into a government martial agency. The corps had operated as a voluntary civil outfit since 1998, having been registered as a non-governmental organisation in 2005, according to its promoters. But now it is seeking statutory muscle to function as a paramilitary squad.

    The July 2017 affirmation by the Senate wasn’t its first flirtation with the peace corps enabling bill. The chamber had in November 2016 passed a bill to that effect sponsored by former Senate Leader Ali Ndume (APC, Borno). But it eased up in May 2017 on account of members’ exception to the version that emerged from harmonisation with the House of Representatives, which had passed the bill since June 2016.

    Going by the enabling bill, the agency professes intention to facilitate peace volunteerism, community service, neighbourhood watch and nation building among other things. It also seeks to train the youth to promote peace, and as well conflict mediation and resolution among warring groups. A 2016 report by the Senate Committee on Interior indicated that the head of the corps would be known by the martial title of Commandant-General, assisted by six Deputy Commandants appointed from the six geopolitical zones of the country.

    Ahead of its anticipated mutation, the corps had adopted for its personnel beige khaki gear and beret to show up its martial disposition.

    In giving legislative approval to the peace corps bill (in July 2017), the Senate touted the agency’s potential to empower the youth and provide them with gainful employment. Such potential, of course, ordinarily recommends the corps for statutory backing, just as any other agency similarly potentiated. The catch, however, is that all legislative exertions over the peace corps’ enabling law have been quiet on how the bills of its operations would be picked. Besides, the NASSists have failed to explain why the agency’s employment potential could be maximised only through paramilitary orientation.

    And if there was any outfit with quantum controversy in its trail, this particular corps was it. Ignore now the curious legislative tack whereby the Senate plenary, in passing the bill, shunned an advice by one of its committees that the new legislation’s aim to provide youths with employment could well be achieved by strengthening existing agencies. To say the operations of the peace corps over the years have been highly controversial would be understating obvious facts rather severely.

    Recall that the Police on repeated occasions faced off with the corps over its operations. In February 2017, for instance, the Police shut down a training camp run by the corps in Offa council area of Kwara State that it dubbed illegal. The camp was being used to conduct paramilitary training for some 5,000 recruits, of which the Police claimed it had no prior notification. Even though the corps insisted it duly notified the Police of the training, you could ask what the paramilitary rigour was all for when the law yet deems the agency a civilian outfit.

    The Police also made quite clear it had issues with the corps’ procedure for recruiting members to its ranks. Speaking at a training event for senior police personnel in March 2017, Police Inspector-General Ibrahim Idris red flagged this procedure, saying: “Nigeria is not a lawless country. You can’t just wake up overnight and establish a security organisation, there are processes…We have so many challenges in this country and we don’t want people of questionable character to enter our security services…You don’t just go on the streets and be picking people by the virtue of the fact that they gave you money!”

    Also in March 2017, the Police detained the peace corps’ National Commandant Dickson Akoh, along with 48 members of his group, on charges of fleecing youths seeking enlistment with the squad. And following that arrest, the Federal Attorney-General and the Department of State Security (DSS) pitched in with the Police to argue in court that though the corps was legally registered, it was engaging in illicit operations.

    Akoh, for his part, filed a counter-suit seeking compensation from the Police and some other government organs for alleged illegal detention.

    It is doubtful that those litigations had run their full course when the National Assembly finalised the peace corps bill in 2017. But if you wanted some justification for the legislative cheerleading, you would hear the NASSists argue (in line with Akoh) that existing security agencies were merely envious of the peace corps’ emerging profile.

    While it remains to be seen if President Muhammadu Buhari would give assent to the peace corps bill, legislative support for the agency’s paramilitary mutation has been so strong that House of Representatives Speaker Yakubu Dogara once hinted that NASS could override presidential veto of the enabling bill. Meanwhile there’s been no clear indication that the Legislature did due diligence on stated concerns about the integrity of the peace corps personnel and its funding modality.

    Worse is that there is no convincing explanation why the corps must be paramilitary, with the martial implications of that for the polity. Other than the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) that is tenured for one year and is constantly replenished, there is no paramilitary agency in Nigeria today that is not bearing arms or seeking to do so, even when they started out as non-arms-bearing formations.

    With its brazen martial zeal ahead of the proposed law enabling its mutation, the peace corps is a sheer enforcer squad waiting to be unleashed.

    That was my take then, and it remains so even now. Other than the reasons the President cited for withholding his assent, and with the transactional reputation of the corps, a major peril of the proposed mutation is how dubious politicians could deploy its personnel as private armies in the desperation to win elections. Even as a voluntary outfit, the peace corps did not pass the test of insularity from that tendency. Its members have shown up during past elections in places like polling units, where their relevance to the course of events was highly questionable.

    President Buhari did well rejecting the proposed bill, and the National Assembly should just perish the thought of overriding that veto.

     

    • Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

     

  • Ajanah disappointed with first red card

    Ajanah disappointed with first red card

    ABS FC defender Ajanah Chinedu has expressed disappointment after he picked up the first red card of his career against Sunshine Stars during the Week-8 of the Nigeria Professional Football League (NPFL).

    The 19-year-old has been in spectacular form for the Bukola Saraki Boys this season and his form at the back has helped the team maintain a solid home record as they have only conceded just once in front of their die-hard supporters.

    Speaking with SportingLife, he said: “The red card was so painful. After receiving the first yellow I was very cautious and with less than a minute to go and the scores at 2-2 then I was about to play the goal-kick when the referee ran towards me and booked me for time wasting.

    “I was surprised and wasn’t happy because 30 seconds later the referee blew the final whistle.”

    Ajanah will miss this weekend’s game against struggling Wikki Tourists but has backed his teammates to deliver the three points at stake.

    “I believe in my teammates, they should just go and do want they know how to do best and that’s – to win the match,” he said.

    ABS are currently placed third on the NPFL log with 14 points with a game in hand while Wikki Tourists sit 18th with just seven points but have two games outstanding.

  • RED CARD, GREEN CARD – Notes Towards the Management of Hysteria

    RED CARD, GREEN CARD – Notes Towards the Management of Hysteria

    Nobel Laurete, Professor Wole Soynka response to the reported threat that he would tear his green card if Donald Trump wins the US presidential election.

    I shall begin on a morbid note. One of the horror stories that emerged from the Daesh (Isis) controlled parts of Iraq was the gruesome tale of the mother who had a daughter affected by wanderlust, even in that endangered zone. One day, when she looked for her to attend to some home chores, she found that she had gone missing yet again. As she searched, she shouted in frustration: ”As Allah is my witness, I’ll kill that girl when I catch up with her”. A neighbour overheard and reported her to the Hisbah. The mother was summoned by the mullahs who ordered her to put the child to death, since she had sworn by Allah. She refused, so they took the child by the legs and smashed her head against a wall. End of story. True or false? It certainly was published as true testimony. That is all I have to say to the ”literalists” who obsess over a time scheme of their own assessment. Thus, failure to have torn my Green Card ”the moment” that I learnt that Mr. Donald Trump had won the presidential elections of the USA. It did not matter what I was doing at the time – teaching, eating, swimming, praying, under the shower or whatever. Or a family member saying, ”Wait for me!” – speculatively please, no such disturbance ever took place. If it did however, I am supposed to contact the Nigerian media – to whom I have never spoken, and who never contacted me – except one – to beg permission to pursue a realistic definition of ”the moment”. Media fascism is however a subject for another day,
    For now, that moment having passed, I must be culpable of breaking a solemn promise. By the way, since we are on the terrain of literalism, has anyone attempted to ”tear” or rip apart a Green Card? Even a Credit Card? For the average hands, that would take some doing! I have actually considered garden shears for a dramatic resolution, this being closer to my real profession.
    I have been asked several times – interestingly only by the foreign media, with the exception of THE INTERVIEW – whether indeed I did make such a statement at any time, and whether I still intended to carry it out, abd the answer remains a categorical ’Yes’. Not recently, mind you, nor, in the inaccurate blazing PUNCH headline of Thursday Nov. 16 , but in the accurate wording that is contained in the actual story on page 9. So, where and when did I first notably make that declaration. Answer: Addressing a group of students at Oxford University and fielding questions. It was NOT a public lecture. I have never summoned a press conference on the issue. The organizers did not invite the (unregistered) Association of Nigerian Internet habituees. It was the accustomed student seminar format that moved from the light-hearted to the serious, the ridiculous and (hopefully) the profound and back again. I even used the encounter to compare my threat with the public antics of a former president – unnamed, I assure you – who tore up his party membership card of a moribund ruling party. Whatever my failings, I do not lack originality, and I was not about to be find myself indebted to that contumacious general!
    Nonetheless, did I mean what I said – that is, ’exiting’ the USA? Absolutely, and that is the very theme of this address. It will not attempt to deal with the notion of an exit time-table as conceived by others, as if even the incumbent US president and his replacement are not even permitted over two months to pack their bags and prepare to move in and out of the White House, but must exchange positions the very moment that a winner was proclaimed. Anyone would think that the Brexit Vote made it imperative for the Brits to plunge into the English Channel instantly, instead of negotiating two years for an orderly withdrawal. Plebians like me of course need far less time, nevertheless they do not uproot overnight. Any other proposition speaks of a permanent agenda, of frustration and hidden histories – such as opportunities to rehabilitate themselves in the public eye. There is also recession in the land, and I can understand the psychology of impotence and thus, transferred aggression. Let it be understood – before I move even one word further – that I interrupted my present commitment in the United States solely for an urgent meeting with the Ooni of Ife on an ongoing project. I am obliged to return to the US in a matter of two or three days to complete my interrupted mission. Fortunately, that mision is guaranteed to end long before the United States becomes Trumpland Real Estate.
    And now we move from absurd, frankly idiotic distractions to Substance. Why, in any case, am I pulling out of the United States? Why – as demanded of me by some of my genuinely concerned and sober interlocutors around the world – why such an extreme reaction? Why the terminal response to the elections of another land? Also, and perhaps most crucially, why am I left virtually mouth agape at the furore my stance has engendered? I simply fail to understand why this has gone beyond a flurry of public commentary and hilarious cartoons, and turned into a masturbatory for some, a vomitory for others, and an epilleptic sanatorium for a self-reproducing number? Why, in genuine bafflement, do I experience astonishment? Why do people find this commonplace, accessible-to-all act so extraordinary?
    The answers to all the forgeoing can be summed up in a familiar expression: a life of environmental sanitation, or call it – sanity. My temperament requires a certain minimum level of environmental health to function properly. I use the word ’temperament’ as a historical fact, a personality development that first manifested itself all the way back to student days, and has remained consistent all my life. Nowhere is perfect, certainly not all the time. Nonetheless, every human being has this need, however approximate, some perhaps with objective awareness, others intuitively, some more acutely and intensely than others, especially when defined by their professions, occupations, social and other involvements. The craving is common to all humanity – if I am wrong, then I must have dropped from Mars.
    Here now is a potted history of the choices made by this contributor over the years in pursuit of this need, all the way from student days. Read carefully and learn!
    As a student in Leeds University, one of whose subjects was Spanish, I steadily refused to accompany other students on long vacation job opportunities in Spain, designed to make us master the spoken part of the language. Apart from the Isle of Man, I went to France and Holland instead, whose languages were not part of my studies. And yet I had already fallen in love with flamenco music – played for us from records by our Spanish lecturer, and was dying to watch flamenco dancing in the flesh. Language study however involves, as we all know, the study of a people´s history and culture. I had encountered the history of the Spanish Civil War, the violent overthrow of a legitimate Republican government, and the ’white terror’ of the Falangist leader, General Franco. I identified with the volunteer soldiers of the International Brigade. Spain was under boycott in parts of Europe, so there was a choice to be made. I refused to step into Spain until years after I had graduated and returned home, and General Franco was certified dead and buried. A personal choice.
    Australia: It is now some twelve to fifteen years since I issued a Red Card to Australia, unannounced. That Red Card subsists till today. The occasion was a conference of PEN International, and I had made the usual visa application. When the forms arrived, I found the requirements for applicants over 70 years (I think) so obnoxious, intrusive, and degrading that I refused to fill them. Negotiations with the Australian government by Australian PEN led to an exception being made for me. When it was communicated, I wrote back: Absolutely Not. I refused to be the token geriatric. That application document was highly disrespectful of age and I wondered what kind of mentality had crafted it, wondered if the Australians themselves knew what image was being projected in their name. I said to our go-betweens: Not for a moment am I equating myself with Desmond Tutu or Nelson Mandela, but they are older. Does it mean that, if they decide to visit Australia, you would subject them to this form of degradation?
    Till today, I have routinely declined any invitation to Australia, a country I had visited years earlier to sumptuous hospitality. I learnt some time ago that the obnoxious requirements have been removed but have not bothered to check. The reason was this follow-up: a journalist heard about my absence from the PEN conference and made enquiries. He interviewed me and I told him the cause. After visiting the Australian embassy for their side of the story, he reported back that the diplomat in charge responded to his questions with the comment that the embassy was too busy with more important matters. did not make a fuss. My position was based on principle but, basically, it was a personal affair between me and Australia. It remains so till today.
    China: I did not, could not visit China for years after Tienanman Square. I was dying to visit that remarkable nation of culture and history, itching to go with every invitation. The Chinese ambassador in Nigeria tried to win me over after the ousting of the Gang of Four. I declined, but accepted the books he had told me did not exist while the Thought of Chairman Mao ruled the waves. Even when, years later, one of the top American travel agents organized a visit of Nobel laureates with mouth watering honoraria, I could not bring myself to join others. Constantly swimming before my eyes was the image of armoured trucks and tanks running over students encamped in Tienanmen Square, leaving behind rivulets of blood. Before I eventually accepted an invitation from the University of Beijing, I checked with some of the dissident poets – was it a decent time to visit? Had sufficient time passed for the average survivor of that carnage to obtain closure? Until they gave me the green light, I refused all invitations. Again I did not fuss. I did not call an international press conference in the interim.
    Back home to our continent – this time, post-Apartheid South Africa. How many of these hysterical purveyors of Internet obscenities – including some printed media – are aware that for nearly two years, I handed South Africa the Red Card? And why? Because of her then astonishing display of xenophobia, most notably against Nigerians. I was a personal recepient of that treatment which took place – of all occasions imaginable – on the occasion of my visit to deliver a three-part memorial lecture in honour of the late Nelson Mandela. Undoubtedly, on that very occasion, there had been a misunderstanding over visa issuance. Nonetheless, taken in the context of the rampant humiliation of Nigerians at the hands of South African authorities, and the South African civic pockets also, I went to the final lecture with my luggage. The moment I concluded the last of my lectures, I insisted on being driven to the airport, silently shaking off the South African dust off my feet for ever. It was only to my hosts that I uttered the declaration that they were seeing me in their nation for the last time. Until I withdrew the Red Card, I did not summon the Press.
    Now, how did that boycott end? It is a remarkable story which deserves its place in the narratives of sheer serendipity. It involved Dennis Brutus, the South African poet, an enlightened Head of Nigerian Immigration and, indirectly, Archishop Desmond Tutu and Albie Sachs, former chairman of the South African Constitutional Court. Also, retrospectively, the role played by Nelson Mandela’s widow, Graca Machel, during my ordeal at the airport. While the boycott lasted however, I declined between seven to nine invitations to South Africa, including a UNESCO event that was however billed to take place there. The ending of that boycott, like the beginning, was ultimately my private and personal decision.
    Shall we take Cuba, that revolutionary island where I was personally decorated by Fidel Castro with the Felix Valera medal of honour? Despite all efforts by the then Cuban ambassador to Nigeria, and very valued friends and colleagues in Cuba, I issued her my usual silent card some years ago. I found the execution of those ill-fated adventurers who tried to escape on a raft excessive, not forgetting the shooting down of a hi-jacked plane. Were their acts condemnable? Indisputably! Did the punishment fit the crime however? My answer is obvious – No. Jose Saramago, the late Portuguese Nobelist had apparently taken the same position, as I found out when we both met at a subsequent event in Cuba when our Cuban boycotts eventually ended. Were we wrong or right? That is immaterial. The point is that neither called a press conference or publicised our individual decisions. They were personal decisions, made independently.
    And so on, and on, and on….brief to prolonged, reluctant to instant boycotts of places of normally congenial roosting, for a variety of reasons, and dictated by individual temperaments. And so we come finally to Donald Trump, and the sometimes travesty of collective choice.
    I was in New York during the run-up to elections. I watched this face, its body language, listened to his uncouth, racist language, his imbecillic harangues, the insults to other peoples, other races, especially the Hispanics, Africans and Afro-Americans, even citing once – I was told – Nigeria as an instance of the burdensome occupation of global space. I watched and listened, disbelievingly, since this was America, supposedly now freed to a large extent – as we like to believe and have a right to expect – from its lamentable history of racism. But I saw, not only this would-be president but – enthusing followers on populist a populist roll at the expense of minorities! I followed the fluctuating poll statistics. I began to warn my colleagues, friends, my family: listen, this thing is happening right before our very eyes. This is how it begins, how humanity ends up with Cambodia, with Rwanda, with Da’esh. We are watching a Hitlerite phenomenon. We are witnessing history in reverse, unravelling before a complacent world. I said to them, if this man wins, I am relocating. It had gone beyond a joke. They all said, it will never happen. Even a day to elections, some Nigerians, with whom I had a meeting in New York, waved off the possibility. The entire world goofed – T.B. Joshua and other pundits, charlattans and experts alike. A colleague at Harvard mentioned the celebrations that would follow the election, but shortly after, confessed his concerns, cursing the FBI man who had chosen to intervene at an unprecedented stage in the elections.
    Again, I said to him, I shall relocate if Trump wins. He said, I’m coming with you, echoing numerous other colleagues to whom I had sounded the same alert. I promised them all political asylum! So, it was nothing new, the Oxford comment. Whatever language I used is my familiar language, not the language of Da’esh or its local impotent surrogates.
    Finally, here is something very personal, but I have to answer the question of my genuine interlocutors in matching sincerity.
    Our US base and family home in California – Abacha instigated – faces a rockhill known as Mount Baldy. It has survived the menace of fires, so close to disaster that we were placed on evacuation alert a number of times and were once actually bundled out by the police for over forty-eight hours. A fireball overflew the house on one occasion, landed some distance from ours and consumed that unlucky home. Not too far away, an escaping family took a wrong turn and lost their lives in the flames. Nothing of such menacing interludes ever brought to the fore the remotest consideration of relocating! However – and let this be stressed to all those who are strangers to the world of images – for this individual called Wole Soyinka, the superimposition of the Trumpian face on those bare mountain slabs began to take on reality, a reality that probably became even three-dimensional, like the massive faces of those former US presidents that remain gouged into the peaks of Mount Rushmore in South Dakota, visited by millions. My environment, albeit a substitute one for our authentic home in the forests of Ijegba – had become compromised. That is all I shall write on the reality of superimposition – the notion of waking up every day of habitation and seeing on that mountain slab the face of Donald Trump on my borrowed preserve, where, from upstairs, I sometimes stood in bouts of contemplation, especially whenever the house was empty.
    For me, something is gone. Again, I speak for myself, not for my family who are, in any case, also American citizens, an acquisition that I have declined I cannot recall how often. Let me repeat, even that portion of empathy that comes from intimate occupancy and usage over the years, and where the products of my ”extra mileage” were born, has become violated. It is still home, second home, but one individual named Donald Trump – and his cohorts – have ruined its hard-earned companionship and serenity, built up over the years. As I keep repeating, these issues are personal.
    And so, back from our quick excursions to Asia and the Antipodes, what is so special about America that an agenda of abandonment creates such hysteria? I am incapable of double standards in these matters. Why do individuals feel threatened? I have never invited anyone to join me in my purely personal odyssey, begun before most of these sniveling upstarts were born. Is it the Green Card that sets America apart? Then perhaps it iis time to repay the compliment with a Red card, as in soccer. I am not aware that the world’s oxygen storage tanks are located in the US of A, so that we cannot breathe away from it. I shall always compliment the American success story on many fronts, including the fact that millions of migrants derive their very living – including crucial send-home remittances – from her generosity. Many of us will always be grateful to her government at the time for sheltering both our persons and our mission during the Abacha years. However, we are also individuals, with specific needs, different sensibilities, and definitions of productive environments and thus, up to this moment, my Wolexit stands.
    It is a personal thing. Perhaps it will help even further if I remind you of what I wrote in my memoirs: YOU MUST SET FORTH AT DAWN. There I confessed that my greatest – and irrational – fear in exile was that if I died outside Nigeria, my well-meaning family, colleagues and friends, would bring my body home. I took firm steps. The thought of resting within that earth while it was trampled over by a despotic monster whom I thoroughly despised, was the absurd but all-consuming fear that I had all through that deadly struggle. Obviously that fear has been eliminated, but then, having watched this American Wonder rise to power through a contemptible denigration of my sector of humanity, through mockery and jeers of my origin, I no longer find that environment congenial either for work or leisure, and I have signalled my unambiguous intent to exit. No one else is invited.
    Well now, a remarkable development. I stated earlier that the issue is not just one individual called Donald Trump, but the human environment that he and his ilk have spawned, one that contributes to a toxic environment across the globe, with the rise of ultra-nationalism and exclusionist politics. That environment is however engendering counter aspects to that created by Trump’s lowest common demonimator in followership. Spontaneous protests have sprung up across the country. Too late, I’m afraid, and ineffectual, since Demoracy has the last word, and its rituals have been concluded. The law of the land will prevail. However, I have been considerably cheered by the spontaneous manifestation of this rejection of the shame and horror that a ”majority” has imposed on the totality. Americans will have to live with it, but there is hope. Even before the street protests, something rather strange had taken place.
    On the very morning of the conclusion of elections when I switched away from one news channel to the next, the screen went suddenly blank. Then came a scrolled message that called for a quiet, peaceful revolution. It went on and on, without voice or images, and it was non-partisan, since it rejected not only Trump but Clinton as befitting candidates but declared American democracy a sham. It went on to complicate matters by identifying an individual – Bernie Saunders – by name as an acceptable leader of a new movement. It excoriated past governance policies, dismissed even Obamacare as a failure – I disagree by the way – and urged viewers again and again to LET’S TALK ABOUT IT. LET’S MEET ON THE INTERNET. LET A PEACEFUL REVOLUTION BEGIN etc. etc. It could have been Channel 33 or 34, I am no longer sure. A serious, viable movement? Maybe not sustainable under the present system, but it goes into that multi-faceted network that leads to the eventual sanitization of any socio-political environment. And then, latest of the latest, the state of California has mounted a referendum for secession, within her constitutional rights. Quite an unpredictable prospect but, much as I am predisposed to upheavals by vox populi, I prefer to be out of the environment, being a non-citizen.
    Let me end with a Red Card to those noisome creatures, the nattering nit-wits of Internet: maybe Trumpland is not as despicable as the Naijaland you impose on our reality from your secure cesspits of anonymity. Go back to school. Your problem is ignorance, ignorance of whatever subject you so readily comment upon. Learn to study your subject before opening up on issues beyond your grasp. Sometimes you make one feel like swapping one green for another, out of embarassment for occupying the same national space as you. But don’t get nervous, or start jumping for joy too soon – the Nigerian passport is just as tough to rip, physically, as is the Green Card, so I’ll stay put in my private Green Belt – the one I have named the Autonomous Republic of Ijegba. I negotiate my relations with both peoples and nations from its internal protocols – yes, that is indeed arrogance for you, but an arrogance of several decades’ principled growth. I carry that patch of green with me, everywhere, in a secure, invisible, and inaccessible pouch! It is that warehouse of ingrained sensibilities that engendered my decision.
    WOLEXIT stands – I coined that deliberately, to signify repossesion of my space of legitimate decisions. The media can nitpick over details – that is your profession. At long last, totally oblivious of the ongoing cacophony that had sprung up in my absence, I finally did receive for the first time a brief questionaire from a Nigerian journal, The INTERVIEW, and one other. I responded. My exit time schema applies, not yours. If it even becomes convenient to bring it forward, I intend to do so, but please don’t come at me with plaints of time imprecision. ! never discussed it with you, nor invited you to a private decision whose execution was already in the making. Do not try to browbeat me. It’s a waste of time – all you have to do is immerse yourselves in my antecedents.
    Wole SOYINKA

  • Fayose issues violent herdsmen red card

    Fayose issues violent herdsmen red card

    The new law signed by Governor Ayo Fayose to regulate grazing in Ekiti State is already raising some dust. The  enactment of the law resulted from an attack on the village of Oke Ako by suspected herdsmen. The issue is already attracting national and international attention.  ODUNAYO OGUNMOLA reports.

    Fulani herdsmen are kicking against the law enacted by the government of Ekiti State against grazing beyond the stipulated time of 7:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m.

    Before the Prohibition of Cattle and Other Ruminants Grazing Act 2016 was signed by Governor  Ayo Fayose on August 29, many communities had sordid stories to tell about the daring brutality and ruthlessness of the rampaging herdsmen.

    At a stakeholders’ meeting summoned by the former Commissioner of Police in charge of the command, Taiwo Lakanu, (currently in charge of Imo State command), in February last year, attacks by the herdsmen dominated talks.

    The attack sparked state-wide and nation-wide outrage. Many inhabitants of Oke Ako and other neighbouring communities such as Ipao, Irele, Itapaji and Iyemero who also experienced constant threat of herdsmen, fled to areas they considered safe.

    But the visit of Fayose to Oke Ako two days after the attack has changed all that. The governor vowed to clip the wings of the rampaging herdsmen.

    Fayose forwarded an executive bill to the House of Assembly for consideration and passage into law which resulted in the Prohibition of Cattle and Other Ruminants Grazing Act 2016 which has given the state government the weapon to curb the menace of the herdsmen.

    “Prohibition of Cattle and Other Ruminants Grazing in Ekiti, 2016,” which forbids grazing or movement of cows at night provides that grazing activities must be from 7:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m. on a daily basis and it also prohibits the use of firearms and any weapons. Culprits shall be charged with terrorism.

    It states: “No person shall cause or permit any cattle or other ruminants belonging to him or under his control to graze on any land in which the Governor has not designated as ranches, no cattle or other ruminants shall by any means move or graze at night and that cattle movement and grazing are restricted to the hours between 7:00 a.m. and 6:00 p.m..”

    The implementation of the law has been generating ripples with majority of Nigerians hailing it while some interest groups sympathetic to the cause of the herdsmen criticised the law.

    The new law has now pitched Fayose against the umbrella body of cattle owners in Nigeria, Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders’ Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) as both sides are firing verbal salvos at each other.

    What sparked the latest feud was the governor’s dramatic encounter with two herdsmen caught rearing their herd after 6:00 p.m. allowed by law to carry out their business.

    The drama occurred along Ado-Afao Road on the outskirts of the Ekiti State capital when Fayose was on his way to Ikole Ekiti on October 12 to inaugurate some projects to commemorate the second anniversary of his administration.

    The sight of the cows and the herdsmen at such an “unholy hour” infuriated Fayose who ordered his convoy to stop. Governor Fayose emerged from his car to give the herdsmen and their cows a “hot chase.”

    But the governor followed up the action with the inauguration of a security outfit to enforce the new law in all nook and cranny of the state. The security body is known as Ekiti Grazing Enforcement Marshals (EGEM).

    At EGEM’S inauguration, Fayose declared that any cow confiscated under the State Grazing Regulation Law will be slaughtered and shared to the people as part of the “Stomach Infrastructure” policy of his administration.

    Fayose further explained that the setting up of the EGEM was aimed at nipping in the bud the killing of innocent people and destruction of their means of livelihood by armed herdsmen.

    He said: ”We have a right to life, to survive and to possess things, especially peasant farmers, whose means of livelihood are taken away by cattle feeding on their crops.

    If peasant farmers are deprived of their gains, that is condemnable.

    “We will bring to permanent end the situation whereby some people take away other people’s means of livelihood.

    “Some people go as far as grazing in the night when farmers are no longer in their farms,” he said.

    While frowning at cattle rustling by some people, Fayose added that the law was in the interest of cattle breeders as well, as their operations would be streamlined.

    The governor added that the phone numbers of the marshals would be made public and warned the marshals against going beyond their mandate.

    “This is not an opportunity to harass or intimidate innocent people. You are to enforce the law and not to break it. Anybody found going beyond his bounds would be dealt with accordingly,” he said.

    In her opening remarks, the Secretary to the State Government, Dr. Modupe Alade, said the law had helped in curbing incessant attacks on local farmers by herdsmen and feasting on crops by cattle.

    The Chairman, Hunters’ Association, Ikole Local Government Area, Joseph Osasona commended Fayose for the initiative.

    Osasona recalled that it was the prompt intervention of the governor in Oke Ako-Ekiti early in the year  that sent a strong signal to lawbreakers to stay away from the state.

    Apparently outraged by Fayose’s outburst, MACBAN condemned the setting up of EGEM, describing the action as “unscrupulous and targeted at our members who are bona fide citizens of our country.”

    MACBAN, in a statement by its spokesman, Baba Othman Ngelzarma, alleged that EGEM  shot five cows and carted away the meat but the herdsman was able to flee with the rest of the cattle.

    The group further said: “As far as we know, Ekiti State is not an island of its own but a state within the Federal Republic of Nigeria and while the Governor is permitted to carry out actions geared towards protecting the interest of Ekiti State, such actions should follow due process of the law.

    “We deplore this act of brigandage and call on Governor Fayose to offer unreserved apology to MACBAN, and equally set machinery in motion with a view to compensating our members who lost five cows in this primitive adventure.

    “We are hereby constrained to implore the Federal Government, through its security agencies, to wade into this unprovoked and primitive aggression against our members, before this macabre incident develops into unquenchable inferno involving our members and Ekiti State government.”

    But the Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), viewed MACBAN’s outburst as a terror, threat and an assault on Yoruba people until an apology is tendered from the herdsmen’s body.

    In a statement by its Publicity Secretary, Kunle Famoriyo, the ARG took strong exception to that comment, saying, “such open threat against the people and government that accommodated your business interest is terrorism.”

    It further accused MACBAN of deceit in its opposition to the law, noting that the group “had always exonerated its members from herdsmen’s vicious crimes, blaming it on ‘foreigners from other countries.

    “Sanity, therefore, prescribes that MACBAN should be happy with the enactment of such a law that will ensure genuine cattle breeders are not stigmatised by criminals from other countries.”

    Addressing a news conference at the Governor’s Office, Ado-Ekiti on Tuesday, October 24, Fayose accused the Federal Government of backing the herdsmen to unleash terror on communities in the country, alleging plans to repeat massacres carried out in Benue and Plateau states in Ekiti.

     

     

  • MFM FC’s Bashiru stunned by red card

    MFM FC’s Bashiru stunned by red card

    The much talked about Lagos derby between Ikorodu United and MFM FC ended in a barren draw, although Monsuru Bashiru’s sending off was the main talking point.

    During the halftime break Goal met with Monsuru, who looked really shocked and disturbed about the situation that saw him get the marching orders due to what the centre referee termed as time wasting.

    “I’m really shocked, I can’t believe what just happened, we are committed to make MFM FC the best club. We are well behaved and would not just act in a manner that will put the brand we represent down,” Bashiru told Goal.

    “The goalkeeper, Abayomi Folarin called me to come and take the free kick and while I walked towards the ball to take it, an opponent just stood over the ball and refused to keep the 10 metres gap so we called the referee and the response I got was a red card.”

    Both teams met for the first time in the NPFL with so much expectated being a derby that Lagosians were keen to watch.

    With the solo point, MFM are joint NPFL leaders along with Kano Pillars and Enugu Rangers, while Ikorodu United, who have dropped points twice at home in three matches, are 13th on the log.