The Nation Newspaper

Tag: regime

  • Still in Immunity Mode months into a change regime

    Ogunye demonstrated in a jargon-free interpretation that the election of Senators Saraki and Ekweremadu as president and deputy president of Senate was based on forged rules and thus need to be declared null and void, if deliberations under existing leadership of the Senate are to have integrity.

    Democracy is more than a political system; it is also a moral system. It is a political system which is characterized not by particular procedures, such as regular elections of government, but primarily by being based on certain fundamental moral principles. In a genuinely democratic society, the government’s policy must accord with those principles. And, furthermore, all social institutions must also be established and conducted within the same moral framework, which invariably includes equality, freedom, and respect for the rights of the individual.-A. V. Kelly

    By immunity in this piece, I do not mean the formal protection against arrest and prosecution of president, vice president, governor and deputy governor which those who occupy these positions enjoy in our country and which makes leaders of the executive branch of government the most powerful and protected political office holders in the world. I mean the general lack of respect for laws, rules, and conventions among those accorded legal immunity by the constitution and those that are not covered by such protection. In other words, I am using immunity in the sense of an individual’s or group’s belief that he or she can do anything without being answerable to the principle of equality before the law.

    It is intriguing that despite the fact that majority of Nigerians voted for General Buhari and the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the belief that the new president and his party would be in a better position to right the wrongs of the past under the regime of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the culture of business as usual is still thriving two months into the Buhari presidency. For example, the recent lucid analysis by Jiti Ogunye of the conduct of lawmakers in the National Assembly, particularly in the Senate illustrates how the culture of immunity and disregard for laws, rules, and conventions reigned on June 9 in the hallowed chambers reserved for regulating the lives of the nation and its citizens through establishment of the ‘Dos and Don’ts’ that in normal situations sustain modern polity and civilisations. Ogunye demonstrated in a jargon-free interpretation that the election of Senators Saraki and Ekweremadu as president and deputy president of Senate was based on forged rules and thus need to be declared null and void, if deliberations under existing leadership of the Senate are to have integrity.

    Even after the police have revealed in their own investigation that the rules cited by the Senate for its conduct on June 9 are products of forgery, senators in support of the outcome of the election still find it comfortable to warn the police and other security agencies against allowing themselves to be used to harass the Senate, senators, or their spouses. Put in other words, the senators are warning the police not to do their work: investigation and detection of crime and presentation of suspected criminals to the court of law for trial. Instead of showing qualms, senators involved in the election of officers in June now show bravado as they threaten law enforcement officials for attempting to perform their lawful duties. This attitude from 48 PDP senators and 35 APC senators signal disaster for change, if the other branches of government – the executive and judiciary – fail to act in defence and protection of the rule of law.

    Stealing of the country’s patrimony, particularly crude oil in the millions still took place until July 3, according to President Buhari’s recent statement. This is an indication that the lawlessness that characterised the last government was still in vogue even after a new president had been sworn-in. The courage of politically connected oil thieves during the last administration to engage in illegal bunkering even months after their principals had vacated power shows how ingrained the culture of impunity has become. What this signals is that there are collaborators in all sectors of the polity, including the nation’s security system who are still ready to work with economic saboteurs even under the nose of an anti-corruption federal government.

    Furthermore, using the media to deceive citizens through blatant lies that were a past-time of the administration in the last four or so years has not abated even two months into the new administration. For example, nobody in the country including those in power can say with certainty the exact location of the $15 million that was smuggled toward the end of Jonathan’s government to South Africa to ‘buy arms’ with which to fight the Boko Haram insurgency. As recent as last week, the South African High Commission was unable to confirm if the money had been returned to Nigeria. The South African envoy’s encouragement on July 23: “So, I advise you to check with the agency from where the money was released for the arms acquisition deal,” implies that the location of the money still remains unknown after several months of claim by the Jonathan administration that the funds had been returned to Nigeria.

    As we write this piece, many citizens are rejoicing that the crisis in the House has been settled with Dogara’s acceptance of the list of APC nominees for offices other than that of the Speaker. People are forgetting fast the issue that the election of House Speaker and Deputy Speaker was conducted outside the framework of the laws that guide such elections in the House. Many of such enthusiasts are saying that we need peace in the House to be able to embark on the crusade of change. How realistic is the optimism that the crusade for positive change can be facilitated by House officers who finally agreed to a compromise after being given a deadline to ‘do the needful’?

    It is not that actions and statements referred to in the paragraphs above had taken place in Nigeria that is a novelty in a country that had for decades become the poster child for political and bureaucratic corruption in the world. What is worrisome is that such unwholesome acts as conducting election in the federal legislature with forged rules; senators’ threatening of the police for planning to enforce the laws of the land; and solidarity messages from supporters of lawmakers purported to have used rules not known to the law smack of a growing tolerance for impunity under the nose of a regime of zero-tolerance for corruption.

    It is not the capacity of President Buhari to fight corruption with sincerity and vigour that is likely to be a problem, given his own strength of character. What is scary is the capacity of a Senate led by leaders elected on the basis of forged rules to constitute a stumbling block to Buhari’s efforts to clean the Augean stables the president has inherited from the preceding administration. A Senate with 83 senators that passed a vote of confidence in someone elected about one month ago and with the temerity to warn the police not to ‘harass’ their members seems to have sufficient numbers to frustrate policies and bills designed by the president and his party to fight corruption. It is not out of place to think that the current senate leadership is in a position, if adequate care is not taken, to disrupt good governance by instigating crisis that can disrupt the change agenda.

    The matter of election of senate leaders must not be left to compromise among party members, more so that police investigation has revealed that the election of such officers took place on the strength of forged Senate Rules. The executive and judiciary must not shirk in their own responsibilities on a matter that has been politically unsettling since June 9. This is the most appropriate time for the Buhari presidency to insist on equality before the law. If indeed there was forgery of Senate rules, those behind such forgery, regardless of their position in the polity and society, should be brought to book immediately.

    Citizens who want their mandate on change to be put to good use need to stand firm and give support to the executive and the judiciary when they act to protect the country’s constitution, especially its commitment to the rule of law, without which democracy cannot deliver good governance. Citizens must not leave protection of the moral system that subtends all viable democratic systems in only the hands of office seeking lawmakers.

  • Still in immunity mode months into a change regime

    Still in immunity mode months into a change regime

    A Senate with 83 senators that passed a vote of confidence in someone elected about one month ago and with the temerity to warn the police not to ‘harass’ their members seems to have sufficient numbers to frustrate policies and bills designed by the president and his party to fight corruption

    Democracy is more than a political system; it is also a moral system. It is a political system which is characterized not by particular procedures, such as regular elections of government, but primarily by being based on certain fundamental moral principles. In a genuinely democratic society, the government’s policy must accord with those principles. And, furthermore, all social institutions must also be established and conducted within the same moral framework, which invariably includes equality, freedom, and respect for the rights of the individual.—A. V. Kelly

    By immunity in this piece, I do not mean the formal protection against arrest and prosecution of president, vice president, governor and deputy governor which those who occupy these positions enjoy in our country and which makes leaders of the executive branch of government the most powerful and protected political office holders in the world. I mean the general lack of respect for laws, rules, and conventions among those accorded legal immunity by the constitution and those that are not covered by such protection. In other words, I am using immunity in the sense of an individual’s or group’s belief that he or she can do anything without being answerable to the principle of equality before the law.
    It is intriguing that despite the fact that majority of Nigerians voted for General Buhari and the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the belief that the new president and his party would be in a better position to right the wrongs of the past under the regime of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the culture of business as usual is still thriving two months into the Buhari presidency. For example, the recent lucid analysis by JitiOgunye of the conduct of lawmakers in the National Assembly, particularly in the Senate illustrates how the culture of immunity and disregard for laws, rules, and conventions reigned on June 9 in the hallowed chambers reserved for regulating the lives of the nation and its citizens through establishmentof the ‘Dos and Don’ts’ that in normal situations sustain modern polity and civilisations. Ogunye demonstrated in a jargon-free interpretation that the election of Senators Saraki and Ekweremadu as president and deputy president of Senate was based on forged rules and thus need to be declared null and void, if deliberations under existing leadership of the Senate are to have integrity.
    Even after the police has revealed in its own investigation that the rules cited by the Senate for its conduct on June 9 are products of forgery, senators in support of the outcome of the election still find it comfortable to warn the police and other security agencies against allowing themselves to be used to harass the Senate, senators, or their spouses. Put in other words, the senators are warning the police not to do its work: investigation and detection of crime and presentation of suspected criminals to the court of law for trial. Instead of showing qualms, senators involved in the election of officers in June now show bravado as they threaten law enforcement officials for attempting to perform their lawful duties. This attitude from 48 PDP senators and 35 APC senators signal disaster for change, if the other branches of government— the executive and judiciary— fail to act in defence and protection of the rule of law.
    Stealing of the country’s patrimony, particularly crude oil in the millions still took place until July 3, according to President Buhari’s recent statement. This is an indication that the lawlessness that characterised the last government was still in vogue even after a new president had been sworn in. The courage of politically connected oil thieves during the last administration to engage in illegal bunkering even months after their principals had vacated power shows how ingrained the culture of impunity has become. What this signals is that there are collaborators in all sectors of the polity, including the nation’s security system who are still ready to work with economic saboteurs even under the nose of an anti-corruption federal government.
    Furthermore, using the media to deceive citizens through blatant lies that was a past-time of the administration in the last four or so years has not abated even two months into the new administration. For example, nobody in the country including those in power can say with certainty the exact location of the $15 million that was smuggled toward the end of Jonathan’s government to South Africa to ‘buy arms’ with which to fight the Boko Haram insurgency. As recent as last week, the South African High Commission was unable to confirm if the money had been returned to Nigeria. The South African envoy’s encouragement on July 23: “So, I advise you to check with the agency from where the money was released for the arms acquisition deal,” implies that the location of the money still remains unknown after several months of claim by the Jonathan administration that the funds had been returned to Nigeria.
    As we write this piece, many citizens are rejoicing that the crisis in the House has been settled with Dogara’s acceptance of the list of APC nominees for offices other than that of the Speaker. People are forgetting fast the issue that the election of House Speaker and Deputy Speaker was conducted outside the framework of the laws that guide such elections in the House. Many of such enthusiasts are saying that we need peace in the House to be able to embark on the crusade of change. How realistic is the optimism that the crusade for positive change can be facilitated by House officers who finally agreed to a compromise after being given a deadline to ‘do the needful’?
    It is not that actions and statements referred to in the paragraphs above had taken place in Nigeria that is a novelty in a country that had for decades become the poster child for political and bureaucratic corruption in the world. What is worrisome is that such unwholesome acts as conducting election in the federal legislature with forged rules; senators’ threatening of the police for planning to enforce the laws of the land; and solidarity messages from supporters of lawmakers purported to have used rules not known to the law smack of a growing tolerance for impunity under the nose of a regime of zero-tolerance for corruption.
    It is not the capacity of President Buhari to fight corruption with sincerity and vigour that is likely to be a problem, given his own strength of character. What is scary is the capacity of a Senate led by leaders elected on the basis of forged rules to constitute a stumbling block to Buhari’s efforts to clean the Augean stables the president has inherited from the preceding administration. A Senate with 83 senators that passed a vote of confidence in someone elected about one month ago and with the temerity to warn the police not to ‘harass’ their members seems to have sufficient numbers to frustrate policies and bills designed by the president and his party to fight corruption. It is not out of place to think that the current senate leadership is in a position, if adequate care is not taken, to disrupt good governance by instigating crisis that can disrupt the change agenda.
    The matter of election of senate leaders must not be left to compromise among party members, more so that police investigation has revealed that the election of such officers took place on the strength of forged Senate Rules. The executive and judiciary must not shirk in their own responsibilities on a matter that has been politically unsettling since June 9. This is the most appropriate time for the Buhari presidency to insist on equality before the law. If indeed there was forgery of Senate rules, those behind such forgery, regardless of their position in the polity and society, should be brought to book immediately.
    Citizens who want their mandate on change to be put to good use need to stand firm and give support to the executive and the judiciary when they act to protect the country’s constitution, especially its commitment to the rule of law, without which democracy cannot deliver good governance. Citizens must not leave protection of the moral system that subtends all viable democratic systems in only the hands of office seeking lawmakers.

     

  • Current tariff regime, vandalism disincentives to investment

    Current tariff regime, vandalism disincentives to investment

    Ibadan Electricity Distribution Company (IBEDC) is one of the distribution firms licensed last year following the unbundling of the power sector by the Federal Government.  Its areas of coverage spans Ogun, Oyo, Osun, Ekiti, Kogi, as well as parts of Kwara and Niger states. Its Managing Director, Fortunatus Leynes,  says ending vandalism and an upward review of cureent electricity tariff would go a long at improving power supply. He spoke in Lagos with senior journalists, Group Busines Editor, Simeon Ebulu  was there.

    From your experience in the past, will you say the the decision of the government to deregulate the power sector was right?

    Yes, because there has been an improvement in electricity supply in the country in the last one year. The government decided to deregulate the sector because of its desire to have reliable power supply in the country.

    With what has happened in the last one year, the country is gradually getting close to achieving that as electricity supply is becoming better. This is something that the country had found difficult to achieve for many years. This has been achieved because of the privatisation of the companies involved in power generation and distribution.

    Your view that electricity supply has improved may be personal to you. Some will have a contrary opinion. Do you agree?

    The facts on ground speak for themselves. I may not be able to speak for other franchise areas, but in our own franchise area, electricity supply has improved greatly. As I speak with you, the minimum number of hours of supply in most parts of our franchise area is 15. I am not saying that is enough; of course we are working to improve on that but that is the fact. Electricity supply has improved. If there are areas that are getting less than 10 hours of supply, it must be due to a local problem which will be addressed.

    What are the challenges you have to confront before coming this far?

    The major challenge we have had is insufficient power supply from the national grid. This means that we do not have enough power to distribute to our customers. Unfortunately, many of the customers do not seem to understand the way it goes; they do not realise that we cannot distribute more than we receive from the grid.

    We are the ones they blame whenever there is inadequate supply of electricity. But it is pertinent to note that as a distribution company, we are at the tail-end of the electricity supply chain. It is what is delivered to us that we distribute to our customers. However, we understand the way they feel and we are doing our best to address their concern.

    Another challenge we face is tariff. I want to tell you that the tariff we take from the customers is too low. The tariff is not enough for us to finance the purchase of transformers, lines, poles, wires and other electrical equipment needed for our operations.

    We also have the challenge of vandalism. Very often, members of the public vandalise our equipment and facilities. This has not been helpful to us at all. It has resulted in huge financial losses to our company. The implication of this is that the resources that should have been deployed to increasing capacity would be used to effect repairs. So, downtime will continue to be high for as long as our equipment and installations are vandalised.

    We have appealed to all our customers to see our facilities as their property and protect them because it is only when the facilities are allowed to function very well that we can assure them of regular power supply.

    We have also called on communities to ensure the security of the facilities for the good of all. The importance of regular supply of electricity cannot be overemphasised, but one way of guaranteeing this is for the people to desist from vandalising our facilities because it is these facilities that will ensure that electricity gets to houses and offices.

    What options do you have about increasing the power supplied to you from the national grid?

    You know we are not the only one in the business; so there is a limit to what we can receive from the national grid. Until power generation improve, there’s very little we can do because whatever is generated has to be shared among the distribution companies.

    However, we are planning to augment our supply through embedded power generation. This is our way of increasing power supply to our network and it will enable us to increase power supply to our customers. We have already communicated our intention to the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), and we are awaiting their response. We shall start work on it as soon as we get the go ahead from NERC.

    How will the embedded power generation work?

    We shall have a number of this in different parts of our franchise areas and add to our network. We shall not add the power so generated to the national grid, it will go straight into our own network. We are taking this step because we owe it a duty to our customers to supply them regular electricity. What they expect from us, is service, not excuses. As far as they are concerned, whenever there is power outage, it is our fault; they do not want to know whether we receive enough power supply from the grid or not, that is not their business. It is our belief that by taking this route to increase power supply, we shall be adding value to them and improving the overall electricity supply in the country.

    Are you going to add power generation to your original mandate of power distribution?     

    No, we are not the ones that will be generating the power. We plan to engage different companies in the embedded power generation scheme, but they know that whatever they are able to generate we shall buy from them. That is part of the beauty of the deregulation of the sector.

    So, to answer your question, we shall remain a power distributing company;  we have no intention of adding power generation to what we are doing. We are motivated to do this because of our determination to give first class services to our customers.

    Is achieving uninterrupted electricity supply in this country such a tall dream?

    Honestly, the way to get that is what the government has embarked upon and that is deregulating the sector so that private people with requisite experience and technical know-how can come into the sector. At the risk of sounding immodest, I want to say that in the last one year, our company has been able to improve power supply in our franchise areas.

    One thing Nigerians should realise is that investment and appropriate technology follow liberalisation and deregulation of critical sectors. With the deregulation of the sector, investments will come from far and near and so will latest technology. These are two critical factors for having uninterrupted power supply.

    For instance, apart from the initial investment that our company made in this business, we are currently discussing with a consortium of banks to raise $160million which we want to inject into the business. This money will be used to improve facilities in our network.

    Why are we able to do this? It is because we are a private business. If it were a government business, the bureaucracy involved will make it difficult. By the time the money is released, the technology for which it is meant would have become out-dated.

    Private businesses are result-oriented, they want to get the result that will make their businesses sustainable. This can only be assured when they deliver quality services to their customers and the only way to deliver quality services is by continuous investment in the business. That has been the secret of the improvement in electricity supply in the last one year.

    I know that Nigerians are justifiably impatient about having regular electricity supply, but they should just give us some time. Now, I speak for our company because I don’t know what others are doing. We are trying to attract the right people and inculcate in them the right attitude. We are also investing in the right technology to drive the network. With all that we are doing, in the next two to three years, our company will make the difference. I can assure you.

    How close are you to achieving your set objectives?

    I will be honest with you, it has not been easy because when our business plan was developed, it was based on some parameters- such as customer count and amount of power available. But when we got into the business, the reality on ground was different from what we were told. This has largely affected our operations. We have had to review our targets in line with the reality on ground.

    So, to be factual, we have not achieved all that we thought we would achieve in one year. But altogether, it has been a good year and we are looking forward to a better outing next year.

    What are your views on the regulation of the power sector in Nigeria?

    I will say the power sector in the country is a highly regulated one and at this stage of the sector, I think it is necessary. The regulator of the sector, the NERC, is very strict about compliance. Non-compliance with laid down rules attracts serious sanctions. This has been helpful to both the operators and our customers as it keeps us on our toes, knowing that an agency is watching. What we all want is regular supply of electricity for the improvement of our lives and businesses.We, as an organisation, play by the rules. So, we do not have any problem with the regulators.

     How were you able to manage the transformation from a publicly owned agency to a private one?

    One of the good things that the government did with the privatisation is the decision to pay the terminal benefit of all staff of the legacy company. That means we could start on a fresh note. It gave us the freedom to pick the best hands in the legacy company and blend with the best hands from outside and the combination has been wonderful. As our customers will attest, power supply has improved greatly. Some areas enjoy 22 hours of electricity supply, some 18, some 15. These are by no means the best, but considering where the power sector was, it is a huge improvement.

    Talking about how we were able to achieve this, efficient management of resources, regular training of our workforce, deployment of world class technology and prompt responses to complaints, were key, and still are.

    I give you an example. The substation at Akanran/Olorunsogo in Ibadan was destroyed by some irate youths in January, 2012. Nothing was done about that for about three years. The people were left in darkness for almost three years. Of course this had a negative effect on businesses in that area and it also meant a loss of revenue for the company.

    As a private business that is not dependent on subvention from government, we knew we had to do something about it, especially because our mission is distributing power, transforming lives.

    We spent about N150 million to renovate the substation. The people are happy with us for putting an end to their pains; we are happy with ourselves for transforming the lives of our customers.

    You said the tariff you charge is too low. What in your view would be the ideal tariff?

    I cannot give you a figure because it is NERC that announces the tariffs and it depends on some parameters to arrive at these. We just think that considering what goes into the business, the tariff should be a bit higher. But then the final say lies with NERC, there is no point second-guessing the Commission.

    So what should be your customers’ expectation as you start your second year?

    Our customers should expect improved services as we put in more money to buy transformers and rehabilitate our electrical facilities. We have the plan to replace all obsolete equipment we inherited from PHCN, but they should know that this will definitely take some time.

    As part of our first anniversary activities,  we are upgrading transformers to various  communities across the franchise area. Thi s is targeted at improving power supply to  them.

  • ‘Abia tax regime ‘ll stop fraud’

    Abia State Governor Theodore Orji has said the new tax regime is targeted at stopping fraud.

    Speaking at the maiden Abia State Revenue Summit held in Umuahia, the state capital, Orji said it was regrettable that more than 80 per cent of the taxes, levies and revenues collected in the state ended up in private pockets, adding  that the new regime would stop this.

    The governor said what the revenue agents did was to get government’s approval to collect levies, taxes and revenues and adopt draconian methods to collect them; thereby bringing government into disrepute.

    Orji said their operations lacked human face, adding that the outcry it generated could no longer be ignored by the government, “which is the reason behind the convening of the summit to look into the matter.

    He said although government had to raise funds for its operations, it must be done, taking into consideration the feelings of the people. He urged the participants to generate a tax blueprint that would be acceptable and workable.

  • LNG deal ushers in tighter Shell spending regime

    LNG deal ushers in tighter Shell spending regime

    Royal Dutch Shell PLC’s new boss, Ben Van Beurden will be able to point to a clear downward trend in spending this year, thanks in part to the way the oil company is accounting for an acquisition completed this week.

    In a deal announced on Thursday, just 24 hours after thMarketing took over as Chief Executive, Shell completed the acquisition of liquefied natural gas assets from Spain’s Repsol SA.

    Shell will burden its 2013 accounts with most of the cost, helping Van Buerden commit to significantly lower spending from this year – something Shell’s shareholders are very keen to see happen given that any budget strains can only dim the outlook for dividends.

    Shell and its peers in the industry are facing increasing investor pressure to keep a lid on spending as costs rise and prospects for oil prices wane.

    Shell said it would pay a net $3.8-billion to buy Repsol’s LNG portfolio outside North America and take on $1.6billion of associated debt.

    The debt, which does not count as investment spending, becomes part of the balance sheet in 2014, and $400million of the actual payment will count as spending this year. The bulk of the transaction cost – $3.4billion – is being loaded onto the 2013 spending budget.

    Shell had originally planned to complete the deal in 2013, and in its October 30 third-quarter results conference with analysts, finance director Simon Henry forecast net investment spending for the whole year – including the Repsol transaction – of $45billion.

    That was up from guidance of $40-billion given in the second quarter as a result of the timings of some other acquisitions and divestments.

    Shell has pledged a four-year net investment spend of $130billion for 2012 to 2015, based on a $100 oil price scenario.

  • The regime denuded

    The regime denuded

    Perhaps the only accident about Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai’s The Accidental Public Servant is the author developing a Samson complex; that seemed to care less if the tinselled edifice crashed on him –and the rest of the establishment. So brutally candid was the exposé!

    Such is the angst of a court revolutionary!

    No surprise there – that the gadfly denuded Olusegun Obasanjo and his “democratic regime” (crazy oxymoron, to be sure; but all-too-grim reality of the Nigerian polity). At the end of it all, Holy Sege, the pope of the Lugard establishment of his era, did not appear so pious after all!

    In contrast, Holy Sege’s No. 2, ab initio no hero of the gadfly, did not (at least in El-Rufai’s fierce opinion) levitate above his presumed moral universe; where scandals and rumours of scandals are allegedly fair fare. Still, both President Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku Abubakar have made their stands, for good or for ill; and await the verdict of history.

    But for this polity, for the umpteenth time, a single personage has succeeded in turning a putative democratic republic into a monstrous regime. A single man has moulded a country in his own image; and all the rest could do is gawk at the monstrosity!

    Now, is it just déjà vu, or an outright jinx – 1960, 1966, 1983 and 1999: important junctures that threw up inadequate personages, and changed for the worse the course of Nigerian history?

    1960: under Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, it took less than three years for Nigeria, putative model of African democracy, to abort into fascism, anomie and eventual anarchy.

    1966: Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi inherited a coup he knew nothing about, and was consumed by its violent contradictions, leaving behind the northern anti-Igbo pogroms and Civil War (1967-1970).

    1983: lieutenants of Shehu Usman Shagari, trophy of the Obasanjo junta’s manipulation, rigged out the Second Republic only after four years and three months.

    1999: Obasanjo, another trophy of Army Arrangement (apologies to Fela Anikulapo-Kuti) has turned this democracy into a burlesque, with dire consequences of its high-stake tragi-comedies.

    El-Rufai might come across to many, after reading his book and its comments on his fellow- establishment men and women, as rather too clinical, too antiseptic, too spick-and-span; as he galloped from victory to victory; solving one problem after another with near-divine aplomb and moral panache.

    Doesn’t blood flow in his veins, many are wont to ask? Was he living in Jupiter before he swooped in, like some super-human UFO, to salvage the Nigerian establishment, teeming with moral savages?

    These, to be sure, are tough questions to chew for Malam El-Rufai and his friends; even as his foes – and of those he has quite a myriad, who dismiss him as a maverick – as the debate on how Pentascope killed Nitel, and who was and was not responsible for it rages on.

    Still, in his book, El-Rufai, despite the cockiness of one cantering away on a moral high horse, trailed by a dust of self-praise, came across as a witness of truth: named names of his benefactors, his traducers and those in-between; and provided, in the appendices, letters, memos, facts and figures to back his claims.

    That leads to his take on his fellow “reformists”.

    Nuhu Ribadu: a fierce and volcanic anti-corruption crusader who nevertheless was no less fierce and volcanic in court politics and intrigue.

    Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala: the Breton Woods expat expert (apologies to Wole Soyinka’s biting sarcasm in The Interpreters) who, next to spreading the gospel of IMF and World Bank, logs fierce political ambition, far beyond the narrow prism of finance, debt forgiveness and allied affairs.

    Chukwuma Soludo: adept orator, dashing power dresser and dazzling intellectual showman who nevertheless was not averse to executive kowtowing to claim a coveted Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) governor trophy, when Mrs. Okonjo-Iweala, head of Obasanjo’s Economic Management Team, would not share her glory with anybody!

    The words above were not exactly Mallam El-Rufai’s. But they pretty much summarised his portraiture of his co-technocrats and flower of the Obasanjo administration. So, why would El-Rufai want to paint his friends in such not-too-flattering though apparently honest and candid view?

    He wanted to knock off everyone and, like his sweet-sour benefactor, Obasanjo, become the last man standing? Or because, even with the best of brains, Nigeria still had not found the right mixture of brilliance and character to become a model country?

    Only El-Rufai can pronounce on El-Rufai’s motives. But from the malice-less portraiture of these “reformists”, among whom El-Rufai was a prime member, the second supposition would appear more probable.

    It, of course, shows the futility of pushing personal daring to correct a systemic problem, as this column has always held. It was always going to end up in fiasco.

    Obasanjo came with a messianic air, built on nothing but personal daring, hung on personal rectitude and piety. But all too soon, it became clear that perhaps both traits were, for their Baba, a bridge too far!

    That seems to have bred the dissonance that made El-Rufai dismiss, with flat contempt, Obasanjo’s collapsed third term project and other presidential malfeasance like the presidential library moral swindle.

    But then, the harm is done. As it was in the Bible, Saul had killed his thousands and David, his ten thousands. Obasanjo, piety and all, got away with his presidential library extortion. So, why shouldn’t Goodluck Jonathan, following Obasanjo’s pious profanity, get away with his own presidential extortion in the name of God?

    The harm is done – and permanently perhaps: and not even El-Rufai’s moral outrage in his book could change that. But by trying to push himself as the exemplar of what Nigeria needs to succeed – intelligent, competent, fearless and daring – without addressing the systemic flaws that aided Obasanjo’s fiasco, El-Rufai appears fated to the same mistake.

    Nigeria needs competent and brilliant and resourceful and fearless and upright leaders to save her. But even more, Nigeria needs a structure that would build on Nigeria’s multi-national reality; and somehow weave, from this salad, a strong national fibre that proclaims a Rainbow Nigeria but does not decry the different colours that make up that brilliant rainbow.

    That is the point El-Rufai’s brilliant book missed as it went in quixotic search of the “de-tribalised Nigerian” – whatever that means.

    It is restructuring, stupid!